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| 9 | <meta name="Author" content="Marilee Mongello">
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| 11 | <meta name="GENERATOR" content="Microsoft FrontPage 5.0">
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| 13 | <title>Tudor Monarchs - Henry VII, one</title>
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| 15 | </head>
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| 20 |
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| 21 | <center><b><blink><font size=5>NOTE</font></blink></b><font size="5"> </font>
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| 22 | <p>I am redesigning the Henry VII pages as of <b>March 2004</b>.
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| 23 |
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| 24 | <br>Until the new design is posted, you can read the old (and lengthy) biography here.<br><br>You can also view portraits of Henry VII at the
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| 25 | <a href="http://www.marileecody.com/images.html">Tudor
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| 26 |
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| 27 | England: Images</a> site.</p>
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| 28 | <p>Sorry for any inconvenience. <i>-Marilee</i></p>
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| 29 | </center>
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| 30 |
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| 31 | <b><font size="6">King Henry VII </font></b>
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| 32 |
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| 33 | <br>
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| 34 |
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| 35 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
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| 36 |
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| 37 | <blockquote>If Henry VII's reign was to usher in '<font color="#000000">smooth-faced
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| 38 |
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| 39 | peace,</font> w<font color="#000000">ith smiling plenty, and fair prosperous
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| 40 |
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| 41 | days', few could have predicted it in 1485. </font>The Battle of
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| 42 |
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| 43 | Bosworth Field on 22 August 1485 was the last armed confrontation between
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| 44 |
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| 45 | Lancastrians and Yorkists, those two factions that had fought for decades
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| 46 |
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| 47 | in The Wars of the Roses. The Lancastrians triumphed under the leadership
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| 48 |
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| 49 | of a 28-year-old exile named Henry Tudor. After winning the throne
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| 50 |
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| 51 | of England, he wed Elizabeth of York, the eldest daughter of the dead Yorkist
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| 52 |
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| 53 | king Edward IV. Thus, the two warring houses were joined in marriage.
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| 54 |
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| 55 | <p> The union was both symbolic and necessary.
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| 56 |
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| 57 | Despite his victory at Bosworth, the exiled nobleman who took the name
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| 58 |
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| 59 | Henry VII needed the support of those sympathetic to the defeated Yorkist
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| 60 |
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| 61 | cause. He also needed the legitimacy of his wife's claim to the throne.
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| 62 |
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| 63 | He had spent years in exile and campaigned tirelessly to win support for
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| 64 |
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| 65 | his claim to the English throne. It had not been an easy task.
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| 66 |
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| 67 | In fact, it was only when Richard duke of York usurped the throne from
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| 68 |
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| 69 | his young nephew Edward (son and heir of Edward IV) that Henry Tudor became
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| 70 |
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| 71 | a viable candidate for king.
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| 72 |
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| 73 | <p> Henry Tudor's claim to the throne was never based
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| 74 |
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| 75 | on ancestry alone. He knew, none better, that such a claim would
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| 76 |
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| 77 | be flimsy at best. His royal blood came from women - his mother,
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| 78 |
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| 79 | Margaret Beaufort, was the granddaughter of John Beaufort (died 1410),
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| 80 |
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| 81 | the eldest of the bastard sons of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster.
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| 82 |
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| 83 | Gaunt's eldest legitimate son was the first Lancastrian king of England.
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| 84 |
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| 85 | The Beauforts were so named because Margaret's grandfather had been born
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| 86 |
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| 87 | in Beaufort Castle in Champagne; his mother was Gaunt's mistress and later
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| 88 |
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| 89 | became his third wife. After the marriage, their children were declared
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| 90 |
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| 91 | legitimate by an act of Parliament in 1397 (during Richard II's reign).
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| 92 |
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| 93 | When their fellow kinsman Henry IV Bolingbroke came to the throne, he confirmed
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| 94 |
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| 95 | this act of legitimacy but added a stipulation that the Beauforts should
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| 96 |
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| 97 | never succeed to the English throne (1407). Certainly no act of government
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| 98 |
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| 99 | could alter the fact that the Beauforts had been born illegitimate; and
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| 100 |
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| 101 | Henry IV's declaration regarding the succession is equally ambivalent -
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| 102 |
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| 103 | after all, what practical effect could it guarantee? The end result
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| 104 |
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| 105 | was that the Beauforts occupied an odd position in the English nobility
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| 106 |
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| 107 | and, taken together as a group, posed a unique threat to the security of
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| 108 |
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| 109 | the throne.
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| 110 |
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| 111 | <p> Margaret Beaufort's father John succeeded to the
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| 112 |
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| 113 | earldom of Somerset in 1418 and, after a life of military embarrassment
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| 114 |
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| 115 | (including seventeen years in a French prison), he married Margaret Beauchamp,
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| 116 |
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| 117 | daughter of Sir John Beauchamp of Blestoe. A year after their marriage,
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| 118 |
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| 119 | John was created duke of Somerset. Margaret, his only child, was
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| 120 |
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| 121 | born on 31 May 1443; she never knew her father. John had led yet
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| 122 |
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| 123 | another disastrous military expedition to France and ended up dying in
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| 124 |
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| 125 | Dorset a few days before her first birthday. It was rumored that
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| 126 |
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| 127 | he committed suicide. Her mother, meanwhile, married again - this
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| 128 |
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| 129 | time to Lionel, Lord Welles, and survived another four decades. Margaret,
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| 130 |
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| 131 | however, was the sole heir to the dukedom of Somerset and its vast holdings.
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| 132 |
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| 133 | <p> Since she was a great heiress, she was betrothed
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| 134 |
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| 135 | while still a child to John de la Pole, the son and heir of Henry VI's
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| 136 |
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| 137 | chief minister, the marquess of Suffolk. A conspiracy followed which
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| 138 |
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| 139 | alleged that Suffolk was planning to place Margaret and his son on the
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| 140 |
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| 141 | throne if Henry VI died childless; there is no proof but it indicates how
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| 142 |
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| 143 | important Margaret's royal blood was, even tainted with her grandfather's
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| 144 |
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| 145 | illegitimacy. Suffolk was murdered in May 1450 and in early 1453,
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| 146 |
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| 147 | the marriage between Margaret and John de la Pole was annulled. A
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| 148 |
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| 149 | child of ten, she was a pawn once more. Henry VI wanted to wed her
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| 150 |
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| 151 | to his half-brother Edmund Tudor so, at the age of twelve, she was married
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| 152 |
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| 153 | again. Her new husband was the earl of Richmond. His ancestry
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| 154 |
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| 155 | was even more colorful than her own.
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| 156 |
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| 157 | <p> Edmund Tudor was the eldest son of a princess of
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| 158 |
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| 159 | France and Queen of England and her Welsh attendant. Catherine of
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| 160 |
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| 161 | Valois was the youngest daughter of Charles VI of France and Queen Isabelle.
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| 162 |
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| 163 | At the age of eighteen, Catherine had wed that great warrior-king Henry
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| 164 |
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| 165 | V. He was fifteen years her senior and, even in life, recognized
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| 166 |
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| 167 | as one of England's greatest kings. His triumph at Agincourt in 1415
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| 168 |
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| 169 | inspired one of Shakespeare's greatest plays, <i>Henry V</i>, and led Charles
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| 170 |
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| 171 | VI to sue for peace. Charles promised that, upon his death, Henry
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| 172 |
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| 173 | would inherit the French throne; to show his good faith and secure Henry's
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| 174 |
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| 175 | claim, he was wed to Catherine. She was, by all accounts, quite beautiful
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| 176 |
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| 177 | and vivacious. They were married in May 1420 and, in December, made
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| 178 |
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| 179 | a triumphal entry into Paris. From there, they sailed to Dover and
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| 180 |
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| 181 | Catherine was crowned at Westminster Abbey in February 1421. She
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| 182 |
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| 183 | joined Henry on his public progress through England for a few months but,
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| 184 |
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| 185 | in June 1421, a year after their marriage, Henry departed again for France.
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| 186 |
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| 187 | He left knowing his wife was pregnant and, on 6 December 1421, she gave
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| 188 |
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| 189 | birth to their son, the future Henry VI, at Windsor. Henry V would
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| 190 |
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| 191 | never see his son. Catherine traveled to France without the child
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| 192 |
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| 193 | to visit Henry but he then left to besiege Meaux and Catherine went to
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| 194 |
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| 195 | her parents north of Paris. During the siege, Henry contracted dysentery
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| 196 |
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| 197 | and died at the chateaux of Vincennes on 31 August 1422. The glorious
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| 198 |
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| 199 | king of England and heir to the French throne had fallen victim to the
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| 200 |
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| 201 | scourge of armies everywhere.
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| 202 |
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| 203 | <p> His great achievements were not forgotten but, immediately
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| 204 |
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| 205 | after his death, confusion swept through England. Henry V had died,
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| 206 |
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| 207 | leaving behind a twenty-year-old widow and an infant son. On 21 October
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| 208 |
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| 209 | 1422, her father suddenly died, after suffering years of intermittent insanity.
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| 210 |
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| 211 | The infant Henry VI was now king of both England and France. Catherine,
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| 212 |
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| 213 | quite naturally, remained at her son's side, accompanying him to the various
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| 214 |
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| 215 | public and ceremonial appearances he made as a child. However, her
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| 216 |
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| 217 | presence was a novel problem in 15th century England - a Dowager Queen
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| 218 |
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| 219 | who was remaining in England until her son's majority and would, in all
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| 220 |
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| 221 | likelihood, wish to marry again. She was, after all, still young
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| 222 |
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| 223 | and beautiful and contemporaries noted her energy and flirtatiousness.
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| 224 |
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| 225 | For the protector of the realm (Humphrey, duke of Gloucester) and the royal
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| 226 |
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| 227 | council, Catherine's remarriage was a very real concern. Whomever
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| 228 |
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| 229 | she wed would become step-father to the king; understandably, they viewed
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| 230 |
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| 231 | such a man as a threat to their own positions of authority. Since
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| 232 |
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| 233 | they were unable to agree on whom would be allowed to court the queen,
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| 234 |
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| 235 | they passed a law in 1427 stating that no dowager queen could marry without
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| 236 |
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| 237 | the king's permission; furthermore, permission could only be granted once
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| 238 |
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| 239 | the king reached the age of discretion. Since Henry VI was only six
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| 240 |
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| 241 | years old in 1427, the council felt that they had effectively delayed any
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| 242 |
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| 243 | remarriage for some years - at least until the king could no longer be
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| 244 |
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| 245 | influenced by a step-father. (In fairness to the council, there was
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| 246 |
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| 247 | no precedent for the problem Catherine of Valois presented; neither of
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| 248 |
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| 249 | the two queens of England who had outlived their spouses and married a
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| 250 |
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| 251 | second time - King John and Richard II's wives - had remained in England.
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| 252 |
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| 253 | Also, no dowager queen since the twelfth century had married one of her
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| 254 |
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| 255 | husband's subjects.)
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| 256 |
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| 257 | <p> The council was also careful to keep Catherine under
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| 258 |
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| 259 | watch. From 1427 until about 1430 she and her entourage lived in
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| 260 |
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| 261 | Henry VI's household. In April 1430 she traveled with her son to
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| 262 |
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| 263 | Paris for his coronation as king of France. Her activities were thus
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| 264 |
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| 265 | restricted and watched. However, the council was not completely successful
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| 266 |
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| 267 | at isolating the eligible dowager queen and, around 1431, Catherine met
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| 268 |
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| 269 | a Welshman named Owen ap Maredudd ap Tudur. Their love affair and
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| 270 |
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| 271 | marriage resulted in four children, the eldest of whom was Henry VII's
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| 272 |
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| 273 | father. So, once again, Henry Tudor inherited royal blood from a
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| 274 |
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| 275 | female.
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| 276 |
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| 277 | <p> The origin of Catherine and Owen's romance is obscure.
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| 278 |
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| 279 | Later chroniclers attributed it to drunkenness (at a ball, Owen was so
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| 280 |
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| 281 | drunk that he stumbled and fell into the queen's lap) or voyeurism (the
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| 282 |
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| 283 | queen saw Owen bathing in a stream and was attracted to him; she secretly
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| 284 |
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| 285 | traded places with her maid and arranged to meet him in disguise; Owen
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| 286 |
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| 287 | was too passionate and attempted to kiss her; she pulled away and received
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| 288 |
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| 289 | a scratch on her cheek; the next evening, as he was serving her dinner,
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| 290 |
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| 291 | he saw the wound and was ashamed of his behavior; she forgave him, they
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| 292 |
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| 293 | fell in love and married.) Whatever the case, they were attracted
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| 294 |
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| 295 | to one another, fell in love, and married. The legitimacy of the
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| 296 |
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| 297 | union was never questioned (not even by Richard III when Henry Tudor positioned
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| 298 |
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| 299 | himself as claimant). Certainly the council was unhappy with her
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| 300 |
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| 301 | choice for the Welsh were regarded by many as barbarians but, in her choice,
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| 302 |
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| 303 | she showed good sense. The 1427 statute had stipulated that any man
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| 304 |
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| 305 | who married the queen without the king's permission would be subject to
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| 306 |
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| 307 | fines, imprisonment, and forfeiture of lands. By marrying a man who
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| 308 |
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| 309 | was simply a member of her household (perhaps the manager of some lands),
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| 310 |
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| 311 | Catherine effectively protected Owen from retribution. (No one knows
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| 312 |
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| 313 | the true nature of Owen's work in the queen's household but he probably
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| 314 |
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| 315 | functioned as a steward.)
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| 316 |
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| 317 | <p> In 1432 Owen was made an English citizen and in March
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| 318 |
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| 319 | 1434 Catherine gifted him with some lands of his own in Flintshire.
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| 320 |
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| 321 | They lived together in the countryside, away from court intrigues, for
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| 322 |
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| 323 | some years. During this time, he began to follow the English use
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| 324 |
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| 325 | of surnames and became known, however inaccurately, as Owen Tudor.
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| 326 |
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| 327 | The couple had four children - three sons and a daughter, though the daughter
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| 328 |
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| 329 | died young. Their sons were named Edmund, Jasper, and Owen.
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| 330 |
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| 331 | The latter became a Benedictine monk while his two older brothers struggled
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| 332 |
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| 333 | to survive in an increasingly hostile England. On 3 January 1437
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| 334 |
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| 335 | Catherine had died of an unspecified illness which had plagued her for
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| 336 |
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| 337 | some time. With her death, Owen lacked protection from the king's
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| 338 |
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| 339 | council. They were now determined to finally prosecute him for breaking
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| 340 |
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| 341 | the 1427 law. Owen appeared before the council and acquitted himself
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| 342 |
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| 343 | of all charges but, after his release, was arrested. He managed to
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| 344 |
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| 345 | escape Newgate Prison but was recaptured and sent to Windsor Castle in
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| 346 |
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| 347 | July 1438.
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| 348 |
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| 349 | <p> Eventually Owen would be released and pardoned (1440)
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| 350 |
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| 351 | and taken into his step-son Henry VI's household. In the years following
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| 352 |
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| 353 | Catherine's death and Owen's imprisonment, Edmund and Jasper Tudor were
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| 354 |
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| 355 | cared for by the abbess Katherine de la Pole, the earl of Suffolk's sister.
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| 356 |
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| 357 | Around 1442, their half-brother Henry VI began to take an interest in their
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| 358 |
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| 359 | upbringing and they were brought to London. In 1452, it was decided
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| 360 |
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| 361 | that the two brothers, now teenagers, should be ennobled. Henry VI
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| 362 |
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| 363 | decided this out of both affection and politics. He knew he had to
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| 364 |
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| 365 | recognize his half-brothers in some public manner, making them an official
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| 366 |
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| 367 | part of the royal family; he also cared for them deeply. So on 23
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| 368 |
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| 369 | November 1452, Edmund was created earl of Richmond and Jasper was created
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| 370 |
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| 371 | earl of Pembroke. They were now the premier earls of England and
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| 372 |
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| 373 | had precedence over all other laymen except dukes. They were also
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| 374 |
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| 375 | gifted with estates and rich gifts. On their behalf, the Commons
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| 376 |
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| 377 | petitioned Henry VI to recognize them as his 'uterine' brothers (born of
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| 378 |
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| 379 | the same mother); this he did, and more. Since no earl, especially
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| 380 |
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| 381 | the brother of the king, could be penniless, Henry continued to grant his
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| 382 |
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| 383 | brothers numerous lands and annuities. And, as mentioned before,
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| 384 |
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| 385 | he also arranged a rich marriage for Edmund to Margaret Beaufort.
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| 386 |
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| 387 | <p> The importance of their Welsh blood should not be
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| 388 |
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| 389 | underestimated. Both Edmund and Jasper strove to maintain the king's
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| 390 |
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| 391 | authority in both south and west Wales and their Welsh ancestry (discussed
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| 392 |
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| 393 | in the Welsh Connection section) made them popular in much of Wales.
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| 394 |
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| 395 | Welsh support would later prove critical to Henry VII during the battle
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| 396 |
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| 397 | at Bosworth.</blockquote>
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| 398 |
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| 399 |
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| 400 |
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| 401 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
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| 402 |
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| 403 | <blockquote>Henry's youth was spent in the shadow of Henry VI's disgrace.
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| 404 |
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| 405 | When Edward IV came to the throne, he was determined to avenge his late
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| 406 |
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| 407 | father, the duke of York. Henry VI was increasingly deranged, perhaps
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| 408 |
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| 409 | having inherited his French grandfather's mental illness. As a result
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| 410 |
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| 411 | of his dementia, his queen Margaret of Anjou, increasingly dominated the
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| 412 |
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| 413 | Lancastrian party. She was determined to protect her son's inheritance
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| 414 |
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| 415 | and, to that end, dedicated her life to a dangerous and complex problem.
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| 416 |
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| 417 | The Lancastrian and Yorkist forces met definitively at the Battle of Tewkesbury
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| 418 |
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| 419 | in summer 1471. Edward, Margaret and Henry's son, was killed in battle
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| 420 |
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| 421 | and Henry VI was captured and taken to the Tower of London where he was
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| 422 |
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| 423 | killed.
|
|---|
| 424 |
|
|---|
| 425 | <p> The Lancastrian cause seemed dead. Edward IV
|
|---|
| 426 |
|
|---|
| 427 | was, unlike Henry, a capable and strong king. Soon after becoming
|
|---|
| 428 |
|
|---|
| 429 | king he married an unknown widow named Elizabeth Woodville. Understandably,
|
|---|
| 430 |
|
|---|
| 431 | she was anxious to promote the interests of her own family which created
|
|---|
| 432 |
|
|---|
| 433 | conflict with the old nobility. Edward and Elizabeth had many children,
|
|---|
| 434 |
|
|---|
| 435 | including two sons. (Their eldest daughter, also named Elizabeth,
|
|---|
| 436 |
|
|---|
| 437 | would become Henry Tudor's wife. She was known as Elizabeth of York.)
|
|---|
| 438 |
|
|---|
| 439 | By all accounts, the marriage was happy despite the conflict between the
|
|---|
| 440 |
|
|---|
| 441 | Woodvilles and Edward's noble Yorkist supporters. The succession
|
|---|
| 442 |
|
|---|
| 443 | was secure and with support from his brother, Richard duke of Gloucester,
|
|---|
| 444 |
|
|---|
| 445 | Edward's rule was successful. However, Edward died in 1483 and Richard
|
|---|
| 446 |
|
|---|
| 447 | usurped the throne from his two young nephews. This changed the course
|
|---|
| 448 |
|
|---|
| 449 | of English history.
|
|---|
| 450 |
|
|---|
| 451 | <p> Had Richard not betrayed his nephews, there is every
|
|---|
| 452 |
|
|---|
| 453 | possibility the Yorkist dynasty would have survived. But Richard's
|
|---|
| 454 |
|
|---|
| 455 | own future would have been quite difficult; he was despised by Elizabeth
|
|---|
| 456 |
|
|---|
| 457 | Woodville, and - as Edward IV's only brother - he would become the focus
|
|---|
| 458 |
|
|---|
| 459 | of Woodville discontent. That would not have lasted for long and
|
|---|
| 460 |
|
|---|
| 461 | Edward V would have followed his mother's wishes. The boy had, after
|
|---|
| 462 |
|
|---|
| 463 | all, been raised and tutored by his Woodville relations and hardly knew
|
|---|
| 464 |
|
|---|
| 465 | Richard.
|
|---|
| 466 |
|
|---|
| 467 | <p>(NOTE: <b>The story of Richard III's claiming of the throne is told
|
|---|
| 468 |
|
|---|
| 469 | in great detail <a href="http://englishhistory.net/plant/kings/richard3.html">at
|
|---|
| 470 |
|
|---|
| 471 | his site</a>.</b> Please read those pages to gain a better understanding
|
|---|
| 472 |
|
|---|
| 473 | of the events of 1483-1485. I have not included the information here
|
|---|
| 474 |
|
|---|
| 475 | since this page is about Henry VII.)
|
|---|
| 476 |
|
|---|
| 477 | <p> Ricahrd was an able administrator but faced quite
|
|---|
| 478 |
|
|---|
| 479 | a few obstacles during his brief reign. If Edward IV had died with
|
|---|
| 480 |
|
|---|
| 481 | no rightful heir, Richard's ascension would have been viewed much differently.
|
|---|
| 482 |
|
|---|
| 483 | Then, he would have been the rightful king. And since he wed Anne
|
|---|
| 484 |
|
|---|
| 485 | Neville of Warwick, daughter of the 'Kingmaker', he would have had crucial
|
|---|
| 486 |
|
|---|
| 487 | support. But Richard's only son and wife died with months of one
|
|---|
| 488 |
|
|---|
| 489 | another in 1484. He was grief-stricken and also struggling with the
|
|---|
| 490 |
|
|---|
| 491 | nobility, particularly the ambitious duke of Buckingham (a brash and arrogant
|
|---|
| 492 |
|
|---|
| 493 | man with his own share of Plantagenet blood.)
|
|---|
| 494 |
|
|---|
| 495 | <p> Meanwhile, over in France, Henry Tudor was positioning
|
|---|
| 496 |
|
|---|
| 497 | himself as heir to his murdered uncle Henry VI. With the support
|
|---|
| 498 |
|
|---|
| 499 | of exiled Lancastrians and the French monarchy, Henry planned to mount
|
|---|
| 500 |
|
|---|
| 501 | an invasion of England.
|
|---|
| 502 |
|
|---|
| 503 | <p> What had prepared Henry for this moment? At
|
|---|
| 504 |
|
|---|
| 505 | twenty-eight he was hardly an experienced soldier but he was used to a
|
|---|
| 506 |
|
|---|
| 507 | life of sudden change. In the 1450s his father Edmund and uncle Jasper
|
|---|
| 508 |
|
|---|
| 509 | were Henry VI's closest relatives, part of a small group of influential
|
|---|
| 510 |
|
|---|
| 511 | advisors to the king. Other than these half-brothers, Henry VI was
|
|---|
| 512 |
|
|---|
| 513 | bereft of close blood relatives; his uncles, the dukes of Bedford, Clarence
|
|---|
| 514 |
|
|---|
| 515 | and Gloucester, had all died without legitimate heirs and this left both
|
|---|
| 516 |
|
|---|
| 517 | an emotional and dynastic void at the court. Also, Henry's government
|
|---|
| 518 |
|
|---|
| 519 | was reviled as inefficient and corrupt. His two most prominent ministers
|
|---|
| 520 |
|
|---|
| 521 | were the dukes of Suffolk and Somerset and the English people reviled them.
|
|---|
| 522 |
|
|---|
| 523 | Henry had also raised taxes and spent heavily to assert his right to the
|
|---|
| 524 |
|
|---|
| 525 | French throne. Perhaps if he had been successful at it, the English
|
|---|
| 526 |
|
|---|
| 527 | people would not have grumbled about the taxes. But he wasn't successful
|
|---|
| 528 |
|
|---|
| 529 | and, as the defeats multiplied, the people grew naturally resentful of
|
|---|
| 530 |
|
|---|
| 531 | the taxation and Henry's attempts to enforce it. Also, many Englishmen
|
|---|
| 532 |
|
|---|
| 533 | (commoner and noble alike) were uncertain about the very survival of Henry's
|
|---|
| 534 |
|
|---|
| 535 | dynasty. After eight years of marriage, he and Margaret of Anjou
|
|---|
| 536 |
|
|---|
| 537 | had no children. Increasingly, eyes turned to Henry's cousin Richard,
|
|---|
| 538 |
|
|---|
| 539 | duke of York, for stability and reform. Henry, perhaps feeling as
|
|---|
| 540 |
|
|---|
| 541 | if Richard were being positioned to either dominate his government or usurp
|
|---|
| 542 |
|
|---|
| 543 | the throne, turned to his small group of advisors for guidance.
|
|---|
| 544 |
|
|---|
| 545 | <p> Since Edmund and Jasper were young, their role at
|
|---|
| 546 |
|
|---|
| 547 | court was peripheral. Their upbringing had also been quite different
|
|---|
| 548 |
|
|---|
| 549 | from most young noblemen. However, they were not fools and were careful
|
|---|
| 550 |
|
|---|
| 551 | to never alienate the powerful duke of York during Henry's reign.
|
|---|
| 552 |
|
|---|
| 553 | In the summer of 1453, Henry VI suffered an intermittent bout of madness
|
|---|
| 554 |
|
|---|
| 555 | so severe that he recognized no one, never spoke and had to carried from
|
|---|
| 556 |
|
|---|
| 557 | place to place. Immediate steps had to be taken to ensure the survival
|
|---|
| 558 |
|
|---|
| 559 | of the royal government. The winter of 1453 and 1454 was occupied
|
|---|
| 560 |
|
|---|
| 561 | with the struggle between Queen Margaret and Richard to be declared regent.
|
|---|
| 562 |
|
|---|
| 563 | For whatever reason, the Tudor brothers sided with the duke of York.
|
|---|
| 564 |
|
|---|
| 565 | Finally, on 3 April 1454, Parliament decided to appoint Richard regent
|
|---|
| 566 |
|
|---|
| 567 | during the king's illness.
|
|---|
| 568 |
|
|---|
| 569 | <p> There are records showing the brothers attended council
|
|---|
| 570 |
|
|---|
| 571 | meetings and parliamentary sessions; they were also involved in the extensive
|
|---|
| 572 |
|
|---|
| 573 | reform of the king's household, of which they were members. At that
|
|---|
| 574 |
|
|---|
| 575 | time, their relationship with the duke of York was not regarded as incompatible
|
|---|
| 576 |
|
|---|
| 577 | with their attachment to Henry VI and his Lancastrian dynasty. At
|
|---|
| 578 |
|
|---|
| 579 | any rate, around Christmas 1454, Henry VI suddenly recovered and the duke
|
|---|
| 580 |
|
|---|
| 581 | of York was no longer in power. Instead, Henry VI restored his old
|
|---|
| 582 |
|
|---|
| 583 | favorites to their former positions, notably the hated Somerset (who was
|
|---|
| 584 |
|
|---|
| 585 | the uncle of Edmund Tudor's wife.) The duke of York and his allies
|
|---|
| 586 |
|
|---|
| 587 | left London in apparent disgust. The Tudor brothers, and most of
|
|---|
| 588 |
|
|---|
| 589 | the court, realized that a breach had been opened in the nobility.
|
|---|
| 590 |
|
|---|
| 591 | Most were happy to see the king recover but they were not happy to see
|
|---|
| 592 |
|
|---|
| 593 | the capable York depart; further, the duke was hated by the queen after
|
|---|
| 594 |
|
|---|
| 595 | their struggle for the regency. If the two groups clashed, which
|
|---|
| 596 |
|
|---|
| 597 | side would the Tudors choose?
|
|---|
| 598 |
|
|---|
| 599 | <p> The 'Battle' of St Albans on 1 May 1455 revealed
|
|---|
| 600 |
|
|---|
| 601 | the extent of the problem. The king had left London to visit Leicester,
|
|---|
| 602 |
|
|---|
| 603 | accompanied by his half-brother Jasper and the duke of Somerset.
|
|---|
| 604 |
|
|---|
| 605 | They spent the evening at Watford and the next day rode on to St Albans;
|
|---|
| 606 |
|
|---|
| 607 | the duke of York and the earls of Warwick and Salisbury were waiting for
|
|---|
| 608 |
|
|---|
| 609 | them. There was a skirmish, several of the king's servants (including
|
|---|
| 610 |
|
|---|
| 611 | Somerset) were killed, and the king himself suffered a wound on the neck.
|
|---|
| 612 |
|
|---|
| 613 | There was also violent fighting in the streets of the town. The Yorkist
|
|---|
| 614 |
|
|---|
| 615 | forces were successful in capturing the king and escorted him back to London.
|
|---|
| 616 |
|
|---|
| 617 | On 26 May, Parliament was summoned to meet at Westminster in six weeks.
|
|---|
| 618 |
|
|---|
| 619 | As peers of the realm, the Tudor brothers were required to attend.
|
|---|
| 620 |
|
|---|
| 621 | All the lords gathered there swore allegiance to Henry VI but measures
|
|---|
| 622 |
|
|---|
| 623 | were undertaken to fix the kingdom's disastrous finances. To that
|
|---|
| 624 |
|
|---|
| 625 | end, every grant Henry had made during his reign was revoked - with the
|
|---|
| 626 |
|
|---|
| 627 | notable exceptions of Edmund and Jasper's lands. This exemption shows
|
|---|
| 628 |
|
|---|
| 629 | that York and his allies wanted Tudor support. They were, after all,
|
|---|
| 630 |
|
|---|
| 631 | members of the royal family.
|
|---|
| 632 |
|
|---|
| 633 | <br>
|
|---|
| 634 |
|
|---|
| 635 | <p> The second session of Parliament was in November
|
|---|
| 636 |
|
|---|
| 637 | 1455 and the brothers did not attend. They were in Wales, ostensibly
|
|---|
| 638 |
|
|---|
| 639 | to keep the king's peace there. They had been sent on such a mission
|
|---|
| 640 |
|
|---|
| 641 | before (their only real task given by the king), perhaps because their
|
|---|
| 642 |
|
|---|
| 643 | father had been a Welshman. Eventually, the respect many Welsh felt
|
|---|
| 644 |
|
|---|
| 645 | for the Tudor brothers, particularly Jasper, would aid his nephew Henry
|
|---|
| 646 |
|
|---|
| 647 | Tudor; after all, Henry landed in Pembrokeshire in 1485.
|
|---|
| 648 |
|
|---|
| 649 | <p> Wales was always a problem for Henry VI for a major
|
|---|
| 650 |
|
|---|
| 651 | rebellion had ended just 40 years before and occasional fighting was not
|
|---|
| 652 |
|
|---|
| 653 | uncommon. Edmund Tudor, as the eldest brother, went there as a representative
|
|---|
| 654 |
|
|---|
| 655 | of the English king. While the duke of York was regent, Edmund led
|
|---|
| 656 |
|
|---|
| 657 | a raid to reassert the duke's authority on his lands, centered on the castle
|
|---|
| 658 |
|
|---|
| 659 | Carmarthen. He fought - and won - the castle back from a Welsh rebel
|
|---|
| 660 |
|
|---|
| 661 | who had seized it. While the duke was regent, this success was acceptable;
|
|---|
| 662 |
|
|---|
| 663 | Edmund held the castle for Richard and his authority as regent. But
|
|---|
| 664 |
|
|---|
| 665 | after Richard left London in some disgrace, his English supporters in and
|
|---|
| 666 |
|
|---|
| 667 | near Wales were worried. What if Edmund Tudor attempted to return
|
|---|
| 668 |
|
|---|
| 669 | Carmarthen and its lands to Henry VI rather than the duke? Edmund
|
|---|
| 670 |
|
|---|
| 671 | was no longer a representative of the duke as regent; he was now a representative
|
|---|
| 672 |
|
|---|
| 673 | of the king. Determined to reassert Richard's authority in
|
|---|
| 674 |
|
|---|
| 675 | West Wales, they led a raid on Carmarthen and imprisoned Edmund sometime
|
|---|
| 676 |
|
|---|
| 677 | in September 1456. Edmund was released soon after but had already
|
|---|
| 678 |
|
|---|
| 679 | developed a fatal illness. He died on 1 November 1456 at Carmarthen
|
|---|
| 680 |
|
|---|
| 681 | and was given a fine burial at the nearby Greyfriars Church. No one
|
|---|
| 682 |
|
|---|
| 683 | was ever accused of directly causing his death and it is possible that
|
|---|
| 684 |
|
|---|
| 685 | he always suffered from ill health; government records show he was absent
|
|---|
| 686 |
|
|---|
| 687 | from meetings far more than Jasper. Then again, Edmund was also a
|
|---|
| 688 |
|
|---|
| 689 | husband and on, 28 January 1457, a father; sadly, he died before his son
|
|---|
| 690 |
|
|---|
| 691 | was born. This son would be called Henry and would become the first
|
|---|
| 692 |
|
|---|
| 693 | Tudor king of England.</blockquote>
|
|---|
| 694 |
|
|---|
| 695 |
|
|---|
| 696 |
|
|---|
| 697 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 698 |
|
|---|
| 699 | <blockquote>
|
|---|
| 700 |
|
|---|
| 701 | <ul>
|
|---|
| 702 |
|
|---|
| 703 | <ul>
|
|---|
| 704 |
|
|---|
| 705 | <ul>
|
|---|
| 706 |
|
|---|
| 707 | <ul>Kingdoms are but cares,
|
|---|
| 708 |
|
|---|
| 709 | <br>State is devoid of stay,
|
|---|
| 710 |
|
|---|
| 711 | <br>Riches are ready snares,
|
|---|
| 712 |
|
|---|
| 713 | <br>And hasten to decay.
|
|---|
| 714 |
|
|---|
| 715 | <br>Pleasure is a privy prick
|
|---|
| 716 |
|
|---|
| 717 | <br>Which vice doth still provoke;
|
|---|
| 718 |
|
|---|
| 719 | <br>Pomp, imprompt; and fame, a flame;
|
|---|
| 720 |
|
|---|
| 721 | <br>Power, a smoldering smoke,
|
|---|
| 722 |
|
|---|
| 723 | <br>Who meaneth to remove the rock
|
|---|
| 724 |
|
|---|
| 725 | <br>Out of the slimy mud,
|
|---|
| 726 |
|
|---|
| 727 | <br>Shall mire himself, and hardly 'scape
|
|---|
| 728 |
|
|---|
| 729 | <br>The swelling of the flood.
|
|---|
| 730 |
|
|---|
| 731 | <br><b><font size=-1>- Henry VI, written while he was</font></b>
|
|---|
| 732 |
|
|---|
| 733 | <br><b><font size=-1>a prisoner in the Tower of London</font></b></ul>
|
|---|
| 734 |
|
|---|
| 735 | </ul>
|
|---|
| 736 |
|
|---|
| 737 | </ul>
|
|---|
| 738 |
|
|---|
| 739 | </ul>
|
|---|
| 740 |
|
|---|
| 741 | </blockquote>
|
|---|
| 742 |
|
|---|
| 743 |
|
|---|
| 744 |
|
|---|
| 745 | <p><br><font size=-1>NOTE: This is a terribly convoluted tale. I
|
|---|
| 746 |
|
|---|
| 747 | have tried to whittle it down to the bare essentials while still conveying
|
|---|
| 748 |
|
|---|
| 749 | the most important information. For a more detailed description of
|
|---|
| 750 |
|
|---|
| 751 | all the battles and plots, find a good book - like 'The Making of the Tudor
|
|---|
| 752 |
|
|---|
| 753 | Dynasty' - and devote your weekend to reading it. If you're wondering
|
|---|
| 754 |
|
|---|
| 755 | why all this stuff about Jasper Tudor is important... well, it consumed
|
|---|
| 756 |
|
|---|
| 757 | the early years of Henry Tudor's life. Even if he wasn't directly
|
|---|
| 758 |
|
|---|
| 759 | involved, they were his relatives and their success - or failure - had
|
|---|
| 760 |
|
|---|
| 761 | a direct impact on his life.</font>
|
|---|
| 762 |
|
|---|
| 763 | <br><font size=-1><b>Also, the state of the monarchy pre-Henry VII: </b>
|
|---|
| 764 |
|
|---|
| 765 | Edward IV, the first Yorkist king, was the only English king since Henry
|
|---|
| 766 |
|
|---|
| 767 | II to die solvent. Having repossessed the lands of the exiled Lancastrian
|
|---|
| 768 |
|
|---|
| 769 | nobility and seeking support from the middle-class, he was able to run
|
|---|
| 770 |
|
|---|
| 771 | England effectively and efficiently. Whatever his faults as a man
|
|---|
| 772 |
|
|---|
| 773 | (unfaithful and increasingly debauched), he was a good king.</font>
|
|---|
| 774 |
|
|---|
| 775 | <blockquote>
|
|---|
| 776 |
|
|---|
| 777 | <br><font size=+1> </font> Since Henry VII spent most
|
|---|
| 778 |
|
|---|
| 779 | of his formative years away from this court, he could claim no special
|
|---|
| 780 |
|
|---|
| 781 | understanding of English politics; indeed, if his early life taught him
|
|---|
| 782 |
|
|---|
| 783 | anything it was the tenuousness of a title. His uncle Jasper's life
|
|---|
| 784 |
|
|---|
| 785 | was the ultimate lesson. On 3 February 1461 Edward, earl of March
|
|---|
| 786 |
|
|---|
| 787 | and son of the duke of York, triumphed over the Lancastrian forces at Mortimer's
|
|---|
| 788 |
|
|---|
| 789 | Cross in Herefordshire. It was a terrible blow for Henry VI and Jasper,
|
|---|
| 790 |
|
|---|
| 791 | particularly since Jasper and the earl of Wiltshire had shared command
|
|---|
| 792 |
|
|---|
| 793 | over the defeated army. His father, Owen Tudor, was executed after
|
|---|
| 794 |
|
|---|
| 795 | the battle. Jasper had choice but to flee in disguise, seeking refuge
|
|---|
| 796 |
|
|---|
| 797 | at his lordship of Pembroke. While he tried to solicit Welsh allies,
|
|---|
| 798 |
|
|---|
| 799 | Margaret of Anjou and her son Prince Edward had gathered a large army of
|
|---|
| 800 |
|
|---|
| 801 | northerners. They reached St Albans in Hertfordshire on 17 February
|
|---|
| 802 |
|
|---|
| 803 | and soundly defeated the Yorkist forces led by the ill-prepared earl of
|
|---|
| 804 |
|
|---|
| 805 | Warwick. This victory enabled Margaret to free her husband, prisoner
|
|---|
| 806 |
|
|---|
| 807 | of the Yorkists since the previous summer (the skirmish at St Albans).
|
|---|
| 808 |
|
|---|
| 809 | Her plan was to march straight to London while Jasper Tudor led forces
|
|---|
| 810 |
|
|---|
| 811 | from South Wales. But Jasper was unable to raise enough troops in
|
|---|
| 812 |
|
|---|
| 813 | time and Margaret's northern soldiers made the fatal mistake of pillaging
|
|---|
| 814 |
|
|---|
| 815 | the English countryside. The Londoners were understandably terrified
|
|---|
| 816 |
|
|---|
| 817 | of the advancing northerners and refused to allow Margaret's men into London.
|
|---|
| 818 |
|
|---|
| 819 | They did, however, open their gates to the future Edward IV and the earl
|
|---|
| 820 |
|
|---|
| 821 | of Warwick. Henry VI and his family fled to Scotland and Jasper Tudor
|
|---|
| 822 |
|
|---|
| 823 | was left in Wales.
|
|---|
| 824 |
|
|---|
| 825 | <p> Jasper's lands were seized and he was hunted mercilessly
|
|---|
| 826 |
|
|---|
| 827 | by Edward IV's ally William Herbert. There is no record of his whereabouts
|
|---|
| 828 |
|
|---|
| 829 | but he did successfully elude capture, eventually escaping to Scotland.
|
|---|
| 830 |
|
|---|
| 831 | His nephew, four-year-old Henry, was left behind at Pembroke Castle, seat
|
|---|
| 832 |
|
|---|
| 833 | of Jasper's power in Pembrokeshire. Since William Herbert was awarded
|
|---|
| 834 |
|
|---|
| 835 | Jasper's lands by Edward IV, Henry was in his custody. Because the
|
|---|
| 836 |
|
|---|
| 837 | young earl of Richmond was a member of the Lancastrian royal family, Herbert
|
|---|
| 838 |
|
|---|
| 839 | paid 1000 pds for his wardship; furthermore, he was given control over
|
|---|
| 840 |
|
|---|
| 841 | the boy's future marriage. Herbert was never cruel to the boy; in
|
|---|
| 842 |
|
|---|
| 843 | fact, he and his wife, Anne Devereux, had a large family of their own and
|
|---|
| 844 |
|
|---|
| 845 | Henry was part of it. Anne was particularly kind to the boy and,
|
|---|
| 846 |
|
|---|
| 847 | when he triumphed in 1485, Henry Tudor sent for her to come to London.
|
|---|
| 848 |
|
|---|
| 849 | At their home, he was known as the earl of Richmond though his inheritance
|
|---|
| 850 |
|
|---|
| 851 | had been given to Edward IV's brother George, duke of Clarence. His
|
|---|
| 852 |
|
|---|
| 853 | education was good - two Oxford scholars named Scot and Haseley who were
|
|---|
| 854 |
|
|---|
| 855 | also remembered when he became king.
|
|---|
| 856 |
|
|---|
| 857 | <p> But Henry rarely saw his mother. A few months
|
|---|
| 858 |
|
|---|
| 859 | after his birth in 1457, she married a man named Henry Stafford.
|
|---|
| 860 |
|
|---|
| 861 | They lived in Lincolnshire and, later, Surrey, long distances from Pembrokeshire.
|
|---|
| 862 |
|
|---|
| 863 | Also, the fall of Pembroke Castle and Herbert's purchase of her son's wardship
|
|---|
| 864 |
|
|---|
| 865 | were obstacles. But Margaret's husband made peace with the new king
|
|---|
| 866 |
|
|---|
| 867 | around 1461 and, while her son was not allowed to return to her guardianship,
|
|---|
| 868 |
|
|---|
| 869 | she was allowed to visit and write to him.
|
|---|
| 870 |
|
|---|
| 871 | <p> Of course, the exiled Lancastrian nobility (Henry's
|
|---|
| 872 |
|
|---|
| 873 | family) were involved in countless plots to return to power. Captured
|
|---|
| 874 |
|
|---|
| 875 | spies exaggerated reports of their strength; one told Edward IV that the
|
|---|
| 876 |
|
|---|
| 877 | kings of France, Denmark, Portugal, and Aragon were planning a Lancastrian-led
|
|---|
| 878 |
|
|---|
| 879 | invasion. Certainly any monarch would be uneasy after such reports.
|
|---|
| 880 |
|
|---|
| 881 | Edward IV captured the earl of Oxford and his son, believed to be Lancastrian
|
|---|
| 882 |
|
|---|
| 883 | sympathizers, and executed them for treason. Though the plot was
|
|---|
| 884 |
|
|---|
| 885 | not as grand as the spy alleged, it had involved French support and Jasper
|
|---|
| 886 |
|
|---|
| 887 | Tudor made his way to the continent. Eventually, a convoluted agreement
|
|---|
| 888 |
|
|---|
| 889 | was made with Louis XI the French king. This second plan failed around
|
|---|
| 890 |
|
|---|
| 891 | Christmas 1462. In 1464, Louis XI decided to switch loyalties to
|
|---|
| 892 |
|
|---|
| 893 | Edward IV and urged the other Lancastrian ally, Francis II duke of Brittany,
|
|---|
| 894 |
|
|---|
| 895 | to do the same.
|
|---|
| 896 |
|
|---|
| 897 | <p> It is difficult not to admire the tenacity the Lancastrian
|
|---|
| 898 |
|
|---|
| 899 | exiles maintained during these years of planning and defeat. Jasper
|
|---|
| 900 |
|
|---|
| 901 | increasingly began to see Wales as the perfect place for invasion since
|
|---|
| 902 |
|
|---|
| 903 | it was always hostile to the English monarchy. The Welsh were understandably
|
|---|
| 904 |
|
|---|
| 905 | sympathetic to any cause which involved this high-ranking Welshman.
|
|---|
| 906 |
|
|---|
| 907 | To many, Jasper was a national hero - a Welshman who had succeeded at the
|
|---|
| 908 |
|
|---|
| 909 | English court and could be counted upon to support their rights.
|
|---|
| 910 |
|
|---|
| 911 | In the spring of 1468, they had cause to rejoice because Jasper was coming
|
|---|
| 912 |
|
|---|
| 913 | to Wales. Edward IV had just made a treaty with independent French
|
|---|
| 914 |
|
|---|
| 915 | nobles which angered Louis XI of France. Accordingly, he decided
|
|---|
| 916 |
|
|---|
| 917 | to once again lend his support to the Lancastrian struggle. But,
|
|---|
| 918 |
|
|---|
| 919 | once again, the support was not as much as necessary. Jasper arrived
|
|---|
| 920 |
|
|---|
| 921 | in Wales and, though he gathered 2000 men, he was eventually routed at
|
|---|
| 922 |
|
|---|
| 923 | Harlech Castle. Jasper once again escaped, some say by impersonating
|
|---|
| 924 |
|
|---|
| 925 | a peasant. Once again, he was in France, still exiled and still defeated.
|
|---|
| 926 |
|
|---|
| 927 | One can only imagine his frustration.
|
|---|
| 928 |
|
|---|
| 929 | <p> But Jasper's invasion, however slight, did create
|
|---|
| 930 |
|
|---|
| 931 | a breach in the Yorkist party. Edward IV's supporter, the earl of
|
|---|
| 932 |
|
|---|
| 933 | Warwick who had marched with him to London in 1461, was becoming dissatisfied
|
|---|
| 934 |
|
|---|
| 935 | with the king. Called the 'kingmaker' because of his ability, Warwick
|
|---|
| 936 |
|
|---|
| 937 | wanted more power than Edward was willing to give. In early 1469,
|
|---|
| 938 |
|
|---|
| 939 | the two former allies were not speaking and Warwick raised an army.
|
|---|
| 940 |
|
|---|
| 941 | He was victorious over William Herbert's army at Edgecote. (Herbert
|
|---|
| 942 |
|
|---|
| 943 | was Henry VII's guardian and Edward IV's ally.) Warwick realized
|
|---|
| 944 |
|
|---|
| 945 | he could not claim the throne for himself; instead, he had to switch sides
|
|---|
| 946 |
|
|---|
| 947 | and support Henry VI. So, with Edward IV's brother George duke of
|
|---|
| 948 |
|
|---|
| 949 | Clarence, unhappy with his brother as well, Warwick went to France.
|
|---|
| 950 |
|
|---|
| 951 | There, Louis XI attempted to reconcile Warwick with his former enemies.
|
|---|
| 952 |
|
|---|
| 953 | <p> Margaret of Anjou didn't want Warwick for an ally.
|
|---|
| 954 |
|
|---|
| 955 | She didn't trust him; he had, after all, had a major role in arresting
|
|---|
| 956 |
|
|---|
| 957 | and deposing her husband in 1461. But Margaret's desire to reassert
|
|---|
| 958 |
|
|---|
| 959 | Lancastrian authority was great and she reluctantly agreed to his help.
|
|---|
| 960 |
|
|---|
| 961 | Another invasion was planned. Warwick and Jasper would go through
|
|---|
| 962 |
|
|---|
| 963 | Wales and Margaret and Prince Edward follow when it was safe. Henry
|
|---|
| 964 |
|
|---|
| 965 | Tudor was now thirteen years old, certainly old enough to understand the
|
|---|
| 966 |
|
|---|
| 967 | danger he was in after the Battle at Edgecote. Since his guardian
|
|---|
| 968 |
|
|---|
| 969 | had been killed by Warwick, he was under the sole protection of Anne Devereux.
|
|---|
| 970 |
|
|---|
| 971 | She took him and her Herbert children to her family's home in Herefordshire.
|
|---|
| 972 |
|
|---|
| 973 | Henry's mother tried to regain custody of her son after Herbert's death;
|
|---|
| 974 |
|
|---|
| 975 | however, her attempts soon didn't matter. For when Jasper and Warwick's
|
|---|
| 976 |
|
|---|
| 977 | army arrived in England, Edward IV was not in London and was unable to
|
|---|
| 978 |
|
|---|
| 979 | reach London before the Lancastrian forces. Therefore, Edward fled
|
|---|
| 980 |
|
|---|
| 981 | to Holland on 2 October 1470. Meanwhile, a relative of Anne Devereux's
|
|---|
| 982 |
|
|---|
| 983 | had taken Henry Tudor to Hereford and given him to Jasper when he arrived
|
|---|
| 984 |
|
|---|
| 985 | at the city. The reunion of uncle and nephew was undoubtedly emotional
|
|---|
| 986 |
|
|---|
| 987 | for Jasper, an exile from his country for years. Meanwhile, Warwick
|
|---|
| 988 |
|
|---|
| 989 | entered London and freed Henry VI from the Tower.
|
|---|
| 990 |
|
|---|
| 991 | <p> It was also a reunion for Henry and his mother.
|
|---|
| 992 |
|
|---|
| 993 | Within a few days, he and Jasper had joined Margaret and her husband.
|
|---|
| 994 |
|
|---|
| 995 | They entered London together and spent about six weeks there. On
|
|---|
| 996 |
|
|---|
| 997 | 12 November, Henry left his mother again to leave with Jasper. Henry
|
|---|
| 998 |
|
|---|
| 999 | VI's restoration immeasurably increased Jasper Tudor's wealth and prestige
|
|---|
| 1000 |
|
|---|
| 1001 | (he was rewarded with lands, monies, grants); but Henry Tudor was not made
|
|---|
| 1002 |
|
|---|
| 1003 | the earl of Richmond. His father's title had been given to Edward
|
|---|
| 1004 |
|
|---|
| 1005 | IV's brother George duke of Clarence and Clarence would not give it back.
|
|---|
| 1006 |
|
|---|
| 1007 | Since he was an ally of Warwick's, there was nothing Jasper or Margaret
|
|---|
| 1008 |
|
|---|
| 1009 | could do for the boy. Jasper, having spent ten years in exile and
|
|---|
| 1010 |
|
|---|
| 1011 | with little money or prestige, kept his nephew with him and enjoyed his
|
|---|
| 1012 |
|
|---|
| 1013 | success. Alas, it did not last. Once again, Edward IV and the
|
|---|
| 1014 |
|
|---|
| 1015 | Lancastrians met on the battlefield - this time at a town called Tewkesbury.
|
|---|
| 1016 |
|
|---|
| 1017 | <p> On 12 March 1471, Edward returned from Europe and
|
|---|
| 1018 |
|
|---|
| 1019 | landed in Yorkshire. He marched south to London, reaching there on
|
|---|
| 1020 |
|
|---|
| 1021 | 11 April; on 14 April, he fought Warwick at the Battle of Barnet.
|
|---|
| 1022 |
|
|---|
| 1023 | Edward won and promptly killed Warwick. He also regained custody
|
|---|
| 1024 |
|
|---|
| 1025 | of Henry VI. The situation was once again dire; Jasper Tudor promptly
|
|---|
| 1026 |
|
|---|
| 1027 | began to raise an army to fight Edward. Meanwhile, Margaret of Anjou
|
|---|
| 1028 |
|
|---|
| 1029 | and Prince Edward arrived in England as planned so many months ago.
|
|---|
| 1030 |
|
|---|
| 1031 | She knew nothing of Warwick's defeat and her husband's capture. Upon
|
|---|
| 1032 |
|
|---|
| 1033 | hearing the news, she was devastated but unbowed. She gathered an
|
|---|
| 1034 |
|
|---|
| 1035 | army in the West Country and marched north toward Wales; she was planning
|
|---|
| 1036 |
|
|---|
| 1037 | to meet and join forces with Jasper. Edward IV was no fool and realized
|
|---|
| 1038 |
|
|---|
| 1039 | that he must make a quick, decisive strike. He was determined to
|
|---|
| 1040 |
|
|---|
| 1041 | meet Margaret's army before she met up with Jasper. Edward and Margaret
|
|---|
| 1042 |
|
|---|
| 1043 | met south of Tewkesbury on 4 May 1471. Margaret was soundly defeated
|
|---|
| 1044 |
|
|---|
| 1045 | and her son killed during or after the battle. Captured like her
|
|---|
| 1046 |
|
|---|
| 1047 | husband and with their only child killed, Margaret was taken to London.
|
|---|
| 1048 |
|
|---|
| 1049 | Jasper Tudor, unable to reach her in time, was an exile once again - and,
|
|---|
| 1050 |
|
|---|
| 1051 | this time, so was his nephew.</blockquote>
|
|---|
| 1052 |
|
|---|
| 1053 |
|
|---|
| 1054 |
|
|---|
| 1055 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 1056 |
|
|---|
| 1057 | <br>The defeat at Tewkesbury was devastating to the Lancastrian cause.
|
|---|
| 1058 |
|
|---|
| 1059 | Only hours after Edward IV returned in triumph to London, Henry VI was
|
|---|
| 1060 |
|
|---|
| 1061 | dead in the Tower. The circumstances of his death were mysterious
|
|---|
| 1062 |
|
|---|
| 1063 | but the execution of his supporter the duke of Somerset was an open warning.
|
|---|
| 1064 |
|
|---|
| 1065 | Jasper Tudor had good reason to fear for both his and Henry's safety.
|
|---|
| 1066 |
|
|---|
| 1067 | Margaret Beaufort and her husband almost immediately declared allegiance
|
|---|
| 1068 |
|
|---|
| 1069 | to Edward to protect themselves. But her son, as one of the few surviving
|
|---|
| 1070 |
|
|---|
| 1071 | males with Lancastrian blood, was destined for France. Jasper hoped
|
|---|
| 1072 |
|
|---|
| 1073 | that their old ally Louis XI would aid them once again.
|
|---|
| 1074 |
|
|---|
| 1075 | <p> Before he arrived in France, however, he fought a
|
|---|
| 1076 |
|
|---|
| 1077 | battle in Wales at Chepstow. Edward IV was still determined to capture
|
|---|
| 1078 |
|
|---|
| 1079 | him and sent Sir Roger Vaughan to do so. Jasper Tudor managed to
|
|---|
| 1080 |
|
|---|
| 1081 | defeat Vaughan and executed him. This ruthless act was uncharacteristic
|
|---|
| 1082 |
|
|---|
| 1083 | for Jasper but can be easily explained - Vaughan had killed his father,
|
|---|
| 1084 |
|
|---|
| 1085 | Owen Tudor, almost ten years before at the battle of Mortimer's Cross.
|
|---|
| 1086 |
|
|---|
| 1087 | The satisfaction of this execution was Jasper's only comfort as he fought
|
|---|
| 1088 |
|
|---|
| 1089 | his way to the coast. From there, he, his nephew, and a few servants
|
|---|
| 1090 |
|
|---|
| 1091 | made their way to France. They ended up landing in Brittany, where
|
|---|
| 1092 |
|
|---|
| 1093 | the duke Francis II had long supported them. Francis was desperate
|
|---|
| 1094 |
|
|---|
| 1095 | to preserve his duchy's independence from the French state and recognized
|
|---|
| 1096 |
|
|---|
| 1097 | Jasper and Henry as powerful diplomatic tools. If Edward would aid
|
|---|
| 1098 |
|
|---|
| 1099 | him, then perhaps he would return the Tudors - that was Francis's official
|
|---|
| 1100 |
|
|---|
| 1101 | diplomatic message. Edward made several attempts to gain custody
|
|---|
| 1102 |
|
|---|
| 1103 | of the Tudors but was unsuccessful. His concern, however, was intermittent
|
|---|
| 1104 |
|
|---|
| 1105 | since they were not in England and he was more concerned with his own family
|
|---|
| 1106 |
|
|---|
| 1107 | and rule.
|
|---|
| 1108 |
|
|---|
| 1109 | <p> From 1471 to Edward's death twelve years later, Jasper
|
|---|
| 1110 |
|
|---|
| 1111 | and Henry remained in Brittany, staying at the castle of Suscinio, traditionally
|
|---|
| 1112 |
|
|---|
| 1113 | used as the duke's summer residence. Louis XI of France, meanwhile,
|
|---|
| 1114 |
|
|---|
| 1115 | was engaged in more diplomatic rivalry. Resenting Edward's relations
|
|---|
| 1116 |
|
|---|
| 1117 | with his enemies, he sought the release of Jasper and Henry into his custody.
|
|---|
| 1118 |
|
|---|
| 1119 | He told the duke of Brittany that the Tudors had, after all, intended to
|
|---|
| 1120 |
|
|---|
| 1121 | go to France itself - their landing in Brittany had been a mistake of bad
|
|---|
| 1122 |
|
|---|
| 1123 | weather. Also, Jasper had been given a pension by Louis during their
|
|---|
| 1124 |
|
|---|
| 1125 | earlier stay; consequently, he was a servant of the king and under his
|
|---|
| 1126 |
|
|---|
| 1127 | protection. Both men wanted to use the Tudors as diplomatic pawns
|
|---|
| 1128 |
|
|---|
| 1129 | but Francis II was unwilling to give up his advantage. The Tudors
|
|---|
| 1130 |
|
|---|
| 1131 | stayed in Brittany, under increasingly strict control. There were
|
|---|
| 1132 |
|
|---|
| 1133 | reports that Edward IV wanted Henry killed and that Louis XI was going
|
|---|
| 1134 |
|
|---|
| 1135 | to kidnap them.
|
|---|
| 1136 |
|
|---|
| 1137 | <p> Edward IV had to console himself with Francis II's promise
|
|---|
| 1138 |
|
|---|
| 1139 | that the Tudors were under protective custody. In the mid-1470s he
|
|---|
| 1140 |
|
|---|
| 1141 | tried a new strategy, with the aid of Henry's mother. She had extracted
|
|---|
| 1142 |
|
|---|
| 1143 | a promise from the king that some of her lands would pass to her son on
|
|---|
| 1144 |
|
|---|
| 1145 | her death. Edward not only agreed but he also suggested an English
|
|---|
| 1146 |
|
|---|
| 1147 | bride - perhaps one of his own daughters - for the exiled earl. Margaret
|
|---|
| 1148 |
|
|---|
| 1149 | Beaufort gave her full support to this plan. She wanted her son in
|
|---|
| 1150 |
|
|---|
| 1151 | England above all else. Whether Edward intended to keep his promise
|
|---|
| 1152 |
|
|---|
| 1153 | is unknown but it was certainly a good idea. By marrying Henry into
|
|---|
| 1154 |
|
|---|
| 1155 | his family, he would neutralize this last Lancastrian threat. And,
|
|---|
| 1156 |
|
|---|
| 1157 | for a while, it seemed he would be successful. In late 1476, worn
|
|---|
| 1158 |
|
|---|
| 1159 | down by ill health and the English ambassadors, Francis II consented to
|
|---|
| 1160 |
|
|---|
| 1161 | send Henry to England. Henry developed - or faked - an illness at
|
|---|
| 1162 |
|
|---|
| 1163 | the port and was able to elude being sent home. It may be that he
|
|---|
| 1164 |
|
|---|
| 1165 | suspected duplicity on Edward's part or was counseled by his uncle.
|
|---|
| 1166 |
|
|---|
| 1167 | (It seems evident that Henry, the first Tudor king, shared many qualities
|
|---|
| 1168 |
|
|---|
| 1169 | with his granddaughter, Elizabeth I, last of the Tudor monarchs - both
|
|---|
| 1170 |
|
|---|
| 1171 | were shaped by perilous upbringings into cautious, careful rulers.
|
|---|
| 1172 |
|
|---|
| 1173 | In truth, they bore little resemblance to Henry VIII, Edward VI & Mary
|
|---|
| 1174 |
|
|---|
| 1175 | I. They were also far more concerned with domestic policy than foreign
|
|---|
| 1176 |
|
|---|
| 1177 | entanglements.)
|
|---|
| 1178 |
|
|---|
| 1179 | <p> Since Henry had, by now, grown into a handsome and
|
|---|
| 1180 |
|
|---|
| 1181 | affable teenager, he was always welcome at the ducal court. After
|
|---|
| 1182 |
|
|---|
| 1183 | avoiding being sent to England, he simply returned to the duke's custody.
|
|---|
| 1184 |
|
|---|
| 1185 | There, he continued to be treated fairly - indeed, even generously.
|
|---|
| 1186 |
|
|---|
| 1187 | Every now and again, Edward IV and Margaret Beaufort tried to lure him
|
|---|
| 1188 |
|
|---|
| 1189 | to England (for different reasons, of course.) Margaret had asked
|
|---|
| 1190 |
|
|---|
| 1191 | Edward to let Henry stand as heir to her estates and he agreed (in 1472)
|
|---|
| 1192 |
|
|---|
| 1193 | but by 1482, Edward IV decided this - if Henry returned to England and
|
|---|
| 1194 |
|
|---|
| 1195 | gained Edward's favor, he would receive Margaret's lands plus other estates.
|
|---|
| 1196 |
|
|---|
| 1197 | But if he stayed in France, he would get nothing. Nothing had been
|
|---|
| 1198 |
|
|---|
| 1199 | decided when Edward died unexpectedly on 9 April 1483. By this time,
|
|---|
| 1200 |
|
|---|
| 1201 | Duke Francis was facing instability in his own lands. Naturally enough,
|
|---|
| 1202 |
|
|---|
| 1203 | this made Henry and Jasper's position more tenuous. Still, they received
|
|---|
| 1204 |
|
|---|
| 1205 | as much support from the duke as he could provide, including generous gifts
|
|---|
| 1206 |
|
|---|
| 1207 | of money.
|
|---|
| 1208 |
|
|---|
| 1209 | <p> It may be that, upon Edward's death, Henry seriously thought
|
|---|
| 1210 |
|
|---|
| 1211 | of returning home. The events which followed the king's demise certainly
|
|---|
| 1212 |
|
|---|
| 1213 | set him upon that course. As recounted earlier, Richard duke of Gloucester,
|
|---|
| 1214 |
|
|---|
| 1215 | seized the throne from his nephew, Edward V, his brother's 12-year-old
|
|---|
| 1216 |
|
|---|
| 1217 | heir. Richard officially seized the throne on 26 June. There
|
|---|
| 1218 |
|
|---|
| 1219 | was no immediate effect on Henry and Jasper Tudor. But their protectors,
|
|---|
| 1220 |
|
|---|
| 1221 | the French king Louis XI and Duke Francis II, immediately recognized the
|
|---|
| 1222 |
|
|---|
| 1223 | possibilities - after all, Richard III's claim was tenuous and he would
|
|---|
| 1224 |
|
|---|
| 1225 | need to work out some arrangement regarding other claimants. Jasper
|
|---|
| 1226 |
|
|---|
| 1227 | and Henry Tudor would bear even greater pressure on Richard than they had
|
|---|
| 1228 |
|
|---|
| 1229 | on Edward. At first, Richard simply tried to establish friendly relations
|
|---|
| 1230 |
|
|---|
| 1231 | with the king and duke, without explicitly mentioning the Tudors.
|
|---|
| 1232 |
|
|---|
| 1233 | His more immediate concern was the closing of French ports to English exiles
|
|---|
| 1234 |
|
|---|
| 1235 | (notably former Queen Elizabeth Woodville's brother and a large section
|
|---|
| 1236 |
|
|---|
| 1237 | of the English fleet.) In England, Margaret still wanted her son
|
|---|
| 1238 |
|
|---|
| 1239 | to return - though to his rightful position as earl of Richmond, not as
|
|---|
| 1240 |
|
|---|
| 1241 | king of England. But events soon changed, with the same rapidity
|
|---|
| 1242 |
|
|---|
| 1243 | of Richard's usurpation, and Henry Tudor dreamed of more than an earldom.
|
|---|
| 1244 |
|
|---|
| 1245 | <p> Richard III's usurpation was bad enough to most Englishmen,
|
|---|
| 1246 |
|
|---|
| 1247 | and especially the nobility. But in 1483, Edward IV's two sons -
|
|---|
| 1248 |
|
|---|
| 1249 | held in the Tower - mysteriously died. It was whispered that Richard
|
|---|
| 1250 |
|
|---|
| 1251 | had them murdered and secretly buried. Thus was born the legend of
|
|---|
| 1252 |
|
|---|
| 1253 | the 'Princes of the Tower'. (What happened remains a matter of conjecture;
|
|---|
| 1254 |
|
|---|
| 1255 | mystery novelist and playwright, Josephine Tey, wrote<i> The Daughter of
|
|---|
| 1256 |
|
|---|
| 1257 | Time</i>, a book which convincingly argues for Richard's innocence.
|
|---|
| 1258 |
|
|---|
| 1259 | In that case, Henry VII executed the boys - who would be his brothers-in-law
|
|---|
| 1260 |
|
|---|
| 1261 | - in order to secure his throne. Morre recently, the lawyer Bertram
|
|---|
| 1262 |
|
|---|
| 1263 | Fields examines the case in <i>Royal Blood</i>.) The deaths of Edward
|
|---|
| 1264 |
|
|---|
| 1265 | V and his brother, Richard duke of York, angered the populace and encouraged
|
|---|
| 1266 |
|
|---|
| 1267 | the image of Richard III as a deceitful murderer. Since Richard never
|
|---|
| 1268 |
|
|---|
| 1269 | officially responded to the rumors, they were believed to be true.
|
|---|
| 1270 |
|
|---|
| 1271 | Soon enough, the duke of Buckingham, Henry Stafford, created more chaos.
|
|---|
| 1272 |
|
|---|
| 1273 | He led a rebellion against Richard III in October and was captured and
|
|---|
| 1274 |
|
|---|
| 1275 | executed in November.
|
|---|
| 1276 |
|
|---|
| 1277 | <p> First of all, it is important to remember that Buckingham,
|
|---|
| 1278 |
|
|---|
| 1279 | Richard III and Henry Tudor were the <i>only</i> surviving male heirsto
|
|---|
| 1280 |
|
|---|
| 1281 | the house of Plantagenet. The reasons why Buckingham led a rebellion
|
|---|
| 1282 |
|
|---|
| 1283 | against Richard are not clear but several possibilities can be considered
|
|---|
| 1284 |
|
|---|
| 1285 | - first, he had as legitimate a claim to tthe throne as Richard and, gauging
|
|---|
| 1286 |
|
|---|
| 1287 | popular dissatisfaction with the new king, Buckingham felt he should take
|
|---|
| 1288 |
|
|---|
| 1289 | his chances and set himself up as the rival claimant (particularly since
|
|---|
| 1290 |
|
|---|
| 1291 | Edward V and Richard of York were supposedly murdered); second, as a rival
|
|---|
| 1292 |
|
|---|
| 1293 | claimant, Buckingham undoubtedly felt uneasy about his own safety (particularly
|
|---|
| 1294 |
|
|---|
| 1295 | when it was rumored Richard had murdered his two nephews; if he had, it
|
|---|
| 1296 |
|
|---|
| 1297 | was possible he would decide to murder Buckingham as well.) These
|
|---|
| 1298 |
|
|---|
| 1299 | two reasons alone are sufficient to explain Buckingham's motivations.
|
|---|
| 1300 |
|
|---|
| 1301 | Later historians, especially Polydore Vergil (Henry VII's official historian)
|
|---|
| 1302 |
|
|---|
| 1303 | would later claim Buckingham really intended to defeat Richard and place
|
|---|
| 1304 |
|
|---|
| 1305 | Henry Tudor on the throne. But it hardly seems likely; indeed, Buckingham
|
|---|
| 1306 |
|
|---|
| 1307 | could legitimately believe he had a more solid claim than Henry.
|
|---|
| 1308 |
|
|---|
| 1309 | <p> There had been uprisings against Richard III just
|
|---|
| 1310 |
|
|---|
| 1311 | days after his coronation which highlighted popular dissatisfaction.
|
|---|
| 1312 |
|
|---|
| 1313 | Meanwhile, Margaret Beaufort had become friends with Edward IV's widow,
|
|---|
| 1314 |
|
|---|
| 1315 | Elizabeth Woodville (or Wydeville). Elizabeth heard the rumors of
|
|---|
| 1316 |
|
|---|
| 1317 | her sons' deaths in the Tower; she had no way of gauging their truth.
|
|---|
| 1318 |
|
|---|
| 1319 | But she was eager to reassert her family's claim to the throne. With
|
|---|
| 1320 |
|
|---|
| 1321 | her sons supposedly dead, that left her five daughters - in particular,
|
|---|
| 1322 |
|
|---|
| 1323 | her eldest Elizabeth of York - to claim the throne. They could do
|
|---|
| 1324 |
|
|---|
| 1325 | so only through marriage to a male claimant (such as Henry Tudor.)
|
|---|
| 1326 |
|
|---|
| 1327 | So the plan to wed Elizabeth and Henry began in earnest. Both women
|
|---|
| 1328 |
|
|---|
| 1329 | knew that such a marriage would imply that Henry Tudor wanted to replace
|
|---|
| 1330 |
|
|---|
| 1331 | Richard on the throne. Margaret quickly sent Christopher Urswick,
|
|---|
| 1332 |
|
|---|
| 1333 | a young priest from her household, to Brittany. her son, so long
|
|---|
| 1334 |
|
|---|
| 1335 | an exile and dependent on others, was to plan a return to England - to
|
|---|
| 1336 |
|
|---|
| 1337 | claim two great positions, husband <i>and</i> king. Margaret also
|
|---|
| 1338 |
|
|---|
| 1339 | sent a large sum of money to her son, raised from loans in London.
|
|---|
| 1340 |
|
|---|
| 1341 | She advised him to come to Wales as soon as possible (since he would receive
|
|---|
| 1342 |
|
|---|
| 1343 | support in Wales, particularly from the duke of Buckingham.)
|
|---|
| 1344 |
|
|---|
| 1345 | <p> This, of course, lends credence to the idea that
|
|---|
| 1346 |
|
|---|
| 1347 | Buckingham wanted to support Henry's claim. But, again, that is conjecture.
|
|---|
| 1348 |
|
|---|
| 1349 | Buckingham did write a letter to Henry on 24 September 1483 which stated
|
|---|
| 1350 |
|
|---|
| 1351 | he would support the rebellion against Richard, <i>even though </i>he and
|
|---|
| 1352 |
|
|---|
| 1353 | Henry's interests may not be perfectly compatible. What is certain
|
|---|
| 1354 |
|
|---|
| 1355 | is that Buckingham suspected his own life was forfeit with Richard III;
|
|---|
| 1356 |
|
|---|
| 1357 | he and Henry Tudor could sort out things once Richard was defeated.
|
|---|
| 1358 |
|
|---|
| 1359 | He told Henry the rebellion would begin on 18 October, thus giving Henry
|
|---|
| 1360 |
|
|---|
| 1361 | three weeks notice. He did not mention acknowledging Henry as king
|
|---|
| 1362 |
|
|---|
| 1363 | - he also did not mention marriage to Elizzabeth of York. Henry received
|
|---|
| 1364 |
|
|---|
| 1365 | Margaret and Buckingham's letters and talked with the duke of Brittany.
|
|---|
| 1366 |
|
|---|
| 1367 | He needed further financial support but also relied on Francis's advice.
|
|---|
| 1368 |
|
|---|
| 1369 | The duke promised support; another vital link was established.
|
|---|
| 1370 |
|
|---|
| 1371 | <p> Richard III had not suspected Buckingham of treachery
|
|---|
| 1372 |
|
|---|
| 1373 | - at first. Thus, he had no large arrmy assembled to fight the duke.
|
|---|
| 1374 |
|
|---|
| 1375 | But such a massively-planned uprising could not remain secret forever and
|
|---|
| 1376 |
|
|---|
| 1377 | Richard was informed on 11 October that a vast rebellion would occur in
|
|---|
| 1378 |
|
|---|
| 1379 | a week. He had heard vague descriptions of a plan a few weeks before
|
|---|
| 1380 |
|
|---|
| 1381 | and had summoned Buckingham to him. The duke feigned a stomach ache;
|
|---|
| 1382 |
|
|---|
| 1383 | a more tersely-worded summons soon followed. The duke again refused
|
|---|
| 1384 |
|
|---|
| 1385 | the summons. By then, the rebellion was a week away and Richard had
|
|---|
| 1386 |
|
|---|
| 1387 | been informed of Buckingham's involvement and the extent of the rebellion.
|
|---|
| 1388 |
|
|---|
| 1389 | Richard hurriedly assembled his army; and though he had been betrayed by
|
|---|
| 1390 |
|
|---|
| 1391 | Buckingham, his former friend, he was not bitter - he specifically ordered
|
|---|
| 1392 |
|
|---|
| 1393 | his troops to not 'rob, spoil or hurt' any of Buckingham's followers.
|
|---|
| 1394 |
|
|---|
| 1395 | Richard was prepared to be merciful.
|
|---|
| 1396 |
|
|---|
| 1397 | <p> Buckingham's rebellion began - and failed, largely
|
|---|
| 1398 |
|
|---|
| 1399 | because his Welsh tenants decided they liked him less than Richard III.
|
|---|
| 1400 |
|
|---|
| 1401 | Robbed of this crucial support, he fled to a friend's home but the friend,
|
|---|
| 1402 |
|
|---|
| 1403 | Ralph Bannaster, turned him in and, on 31 October, Buckingham was taken
|
|---|
| 1404 |
|
|---|
| 1405 | to Sir James Tyrell and Christopher Wellesbourne, staunch supporters of
|
|---|
| 1406 |
|
|---|
| 1407 | Richard III. Once Buckingham had been captured, the other rebellions
|
|---|
| 1408 |
|
|---|
| 1409 | collapsed. Many of the rebels fled to Brittany, to join Henry Tudor,
|
|---|
| 1410 |
|
|---|
| 1411 | now their last hope. Richard III attempted to prevent this mass exodus
|
|---|
| 1412 |
|
|---|
| 1413 | of rebels but failed. Meanwhile, at Plymouth Harbor, Henry heard
|
|---|
| 1414 |
|
|---|
| 1415 | the news of Buckingham's execution on 2 November 1483. (He had been
|
|---|
| 1416 |
|
|---|
| 1417 | delayed on his way to England because of a storm.) His other rival
|
|---|
| 1418 |
|
|---|
| 1419 | for the throne had been killed (Buckingham's son and heir was just six
|
|---|
| 1420 |
|
|---|
| 1421 | years old) but Buckingham's failure was hardly encouraging. He returned
|
|---|
| 1422 |
|
|---|
| 1423 | to Brittany, once more an exile after twelve years abroad. His position
|
|---|
| 1424 |
|
|---|
| 1425 | was perhaps more untenable than before - the uprising had been soundly
|
|---|
| 1426 |
|
|---|
| 1427 | defeated and Richard III was once again making friendly overtures to duke
|
|---|
| 1428 |
|
|---|
| 1429 | Francis.
|
|---|
| 1430 |
|
|---|
| 1431 | <p> Henry's only hope lay with the English exiles now
|
|---|
| 1432 |
|
|---|
| 1433 | joining him in Brittany. There were roughly 500 men, among them the
|
|---|
| 1434 |
|
|---|
| 1435 | marquess of Dorset. These exiles told him he must reassemble his
|
|---|
| 1436 |
|
|---|
| 1437 | allies and attack again, before Richard III became more firmly entrenched
|
|---|
| 1438 |
|
|---|
| 1439 | as king - and before the duke ended his hospitality. In December,
|
|---|
| 1440 |
|
|---|
| 1441 | Henry gave a speech at Rennes Cathedral meant to boost morale and inspire
|
|---|
| 1442 |
|
|---|
| 1443 | his supporters. He promised to marry Elizabeth of York, thus joining
|
|---|
| 1444 |
|
|---|
| 1445 | the houses of York and Lancaster together. The assembled men swore
|
|---|
| 1446 |
|
|---|
| 1447 | oaths of loyalty to him. Their next task was more difficult - persuading
|
|---|
| 1448 |
|
|---|
| 1449 | the duke of Brittany to lend them more money to assemble yet another fleet.
|
|---|
| 1450 |
|
|---|
| 1451 | Again, Henry promised to repay the money. He was fortunate that Richard
|
|---|
| 1452 |
|
|---|
| 1453 | III had decided to retaliate against Breton and French ships because of
|
|---|
| 1454 |
|
|---|
| 1455 | their assistance to Henry and Buckingham. The duke was angered and
|
|---|
| 1456 |
|
|---|
| 1457 | agreed to loan Henry more money. So another flotilla was assembled
|
|---|
| 1458 |
|
|---|
| 1459 | and final preparations made in mid-spring 1484. But, for some unknown
|
|---|
| 1460 |
|
|---|
| 1461 | reason, the exiles did not sail for England.
|
|---|
| 1462 |
|
|---|
| 1463 | <p> Instead, they remained at Vannes in Brittany.
|
|---|
| 1464 |
|
|---|
| 1465 | By this time, Henry fully realized the enormous stakes of the enterprise.
|
|---|
| 1466 |
|
|---|
| 1467 | He was particularly moved by the loyalty of the other exiles. Many
|
|---|
| 1468 |
|
|---|
| 1469 | were separated from their families and all were wanted men - and they suffered
|
|---|
| 1470 |
|
|---|
| 1471 | these injuries to support him. He owed them a great debt and it is
|
|---|
| 1472 |
|
|---|
| 1473 | to his credit that, immediately after Bosworth, he rewarded them.
|
|---|
| 1474 |
|
|---|
| 1475 | Elizabeth Woodville's son by her first husband, the marquess of Dorset,
|
|---|
| 1476 |
|
|---|
| 1477 | was in Brittany as were her three brothers, Lionel, Edward and Richard.
|
|---|
| 1478 |
|
|---|
| 1479 | They were joined by many loyal servants. All of the exiles were undoubtedly
|
|---|
| 1480 |
|
|---|
| 1481 | horrified by the supposed murders of Edward V and Richard of York.
|
|---|
| 1482 |
|
|---|
| 1483 | While these men schemed with Henry Tudor, the object of their schemes -
|
|---|
| 1484 |
|
|---|
| 1485 | Richard III - attempted to nullify their threat. He tried various
|
|---|
| 1486 |
|
|---|
| 1487 | tactics, mixing friendly overtures with veiled threats. He knew Margaret
|
|---|
| 1488 |
|
|---|
| 1489 | Beaufort had sent messages to her son and plotted in the rebellion but
|
|---|
| 1490 |
|
|---|
| 1491 | he couldn't risk alienating her husband, Lord Stanley. So he told
|
|---|
| 1492 |
|
|---|
| 1493 | Stanley to watch his wife carefully, dismiss the servants who had relayed
|
|---|
| 1494 |
|
|---|
| 1495 | messages, and prevent any contact with Henry and other rebels. He
|
|---|
| 1496 |
|
|---|
| 1497 | also gave Stanley possession of Margaret's property for the course of Stanley's
|
|---|
| 1498 |
|
|---|
| 1499 | life; after his death, the lands would pass to the crown. Still,
|
|---|
| 1500 |
|
|---|
| 1501 | Margaret had every reason to be grateful for her life.
|
|---|
| 1502 |
|
|---|
| 1503 | <p> In March of 1484, Richard attempted a reconciliation
|
|---|
| 1504 |
|
|---|
| 1505 | with his former sister-in-law, Elizabeth Woodville. She and her five
|
|---|
| 1506 |
|
|---|
| 1507 | daughters had sought sanctuary in Westminster. Richard gathered the
|
|---|
| 1508 |
|
|---|
| 1509 | lord mayor of London, all leading aristocrats and various aldermen to his
|
|---|
| 1510 |
|
|---|
| 1511 | palace. He announced that - if Elizabeth and her children left sanctuary
|
|---|
| 1512 |
|
|---|
| 1513 | - he would protect them; they would be reccognized as his kin and given
|
|---|
| 1514 |
|
|---|
| 1515 | a pension and dowries. Most importantly, he publicly promised they
|
|---|
| 1516 |
|
|---|
| 1517 | would not be sent to any prisons, including the Tower of London (the site
|
|---|
| 1518 |
|
|---|
| 1519 | of their brothers' deaths.)
|
|---|
| 1520 |
|
|---|
| 1521 | <p> He also attempted to win over the duke of Brittany
|
|---|
| 1522 |
|
|---|
| 1523 | again. In this he was aided by the ailing duke's treasurer, Pierre
|
|---|
| 1524 |
|
|---|
| 1525 | Landais. Landais believed Brittany's fate would be better served
|
|---|
| 1526 |
|
|---|
| 1527 | with an English alliance. It could be, too, that he disliked the
|
|---|
| 1528 |
|
|---|
| 1529 | assembled rebels. As a result, Henry asked the French king Charles
|
|---|
| 1530 |
|
|---|
| 1531 | VIII for asylum at his court. Charles agreed and, soon enough, Henry
|
|---|
| 1532 |
|
|---|
| 1533 | left Brittany for Paris. It was a dangerous decision and, as it was
|
|---|
| 1534 |
|
|---|
| 1535 | taken without Francis's permission, would have resulted in his arrest.
|
|---|
| 1536 |
|
|---|
| 1537 | But he managed to arrive in Anjou with his pursuers just an hour behind.
|
|---|
| 1538 |
|
|---|
| 1539 | (His uncle Jasper had left a few days earlier, ostensibly to visit Francis
|
|---|
| 1540 |
|
|---|
| 1541 | at Rennes. Both he and Henry turned away at the last moment and headed
|
|---|
| 1542 |
|
|---|
| 1543 | toward Anjou.) There were about 400 rebels left behind. Duke
|
|---|
| 1544 |
|
|---|
| 1545 | Francis certainly had every right to send them back to England, to face
|
|---|
| 1546 |
|
|---|
| 1547 | certain death. But he did not - sick as he was, he was determined
|
|---|
| 1548 |
|
|---|
| 1549 | to undo some of Landais's damage. He allowed the rebels to join Henry
|
|---|
| 1550 |
|
|---|
| 1551 | in Paris. He also gave them a large gift of money (about 700 livres) to
|
|---|
| 1552 |
|
|---|
| 1553 | pay for their travel (this was in addition to their living allowance he
|
|---|
| 1554 |
|
|---|
| 1555 | was also paying!) Henry Tudor was touched by his old protector's
|
|---|
| 1556 |
|
|---|
| 1557 | kindness and generosity. He sent a letter of thanks, realizing that
|
|---|
| 1558 |
|
|---|
| 1559 | the treachery had been Landais's and not the duke's.
|
|---|
| 1560 |
|
|---|
| 1561 | <p> Of course, the French royal family were very eager
|
|---|
| 1562 |
|
|---|
| 1563 | to use Henry as a diplomatic weapon against the English. But the
|
|---|
| 1564 |
|
|---|
| 1565 | situation at the French court was confused and problematic; in the end,
|
|---|
| 1566 |
|
|---|
| 1567 | Henry relied upon the king's older sister, Anne of Beaujeu, for assistance.
|
|---|
| 1568 |
|
|---|
| 1569 | Her role was of vital importance as Henry planned for the greatest battle
|
|---|
| 1570 |
|
|---|
| 1571 | of his life, Bosworth Field.
|
|---|
| 1572 |
|
|---|
| 1573 | <br>
|
|---|
| 1574 |
|
|---|
| 1575 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 1576 |
|
|---|
| 1577 | <blockquote>The French court which welcomed Henry Tudor was a curious place.
|
|---|
| 1578 |
|
|---|
| 1579 | King Louis XI had died on 30 August 1483, leaving behind a thirteen-year-old
|
|---|
| 1580 |
|
|---|
| 1581 | heir who became Charles VIII. As often happened when a minor succeeded
|
|---|
| 1582 |
|
|---|
| 1583 | to the throne, a power struggle ensued between the new king's relatives
|
|---|
| 1584 |
|
|---|
| 1585 | over the role of regent. Charles's mother, Charlotte of Savoy, was
|
|---|
| 1586 |
|
|---|
| 1587 | not a serious contender; she had never been involved in politics and was
|
|---|
| 1588 |
|
|---|
| 1589 | seriously ill. (She died on 1 December.) So the struggle was
|
|---|
| 1590 |
|
|---|
| 1591 | between Charles's older sister, Anne, and his younger sister's husband,
|
|---|
| 1592 |
|
|---|
| 1593 | Louis duc d'Orleans. Anne was twenty-two years old and married to
|
|---|
| 1594 |
|
|---|
| 1595 | Pierre, Lord Beaujeu, the heir of the duc d'Bourbon. Anne triumphed
|
|---|
| 1596 |
|
|---|
| 1597 | over her brother-in-law Louis and her gained control of the government.
|
|---|
| 1598 |
|
|---|
| 1599 | <p> Henry Tudor's former patron, Duke Francis II, soon
|
|---|
| 1600 |
|
|---|
| 1601 | became involved in this struggle - at least ostensibly. His servant
|
|---|
| 1602 |
|
|---|
| 1603 | Pierre Landais (discussed on the previous page) was hated by the Orleans
|
|---|
| 1604 |
|
|---|
| 1605 | party who were seeking an alliance with his old enemies - namely, the noblemen
|
|---|
| 1606 |
|
|---|
| 1607 | of Brittany who had fled during Landais's ascendancy. (Naturally
|
|---|
| 1608 |
|
|---|
| 1609 | enough, they had fled from Brittany to France, where they met with the
|
|---|
| 1610 |
|
|---|
| 1611 | Orleans party.) On 7 April 1484 these new allies attempted to destroy
|
|---|
| 1612 |
|
|---|
| 1613 | Landais, breaking into the ducal palace at Nantes and then going to his
|
|---|
| 1614 |
|
|---|
| 1615 | country house. They failed to find Landais, however, and were forced
|
|---|
| 1616 |
|
|---|
| 1617 | to flee in shambles. They waited at the town of Ancenis, in Brittany
|
|---|
| 1618 |
|
|---|
| 1619 | but near the French border. Landais remained in power and seemed
|
|---|
| 1620 |
|
|---|
| 1621 | to bear no ill will toward the Breton-Orleans conspirators. In autumn,
|
|---|
| 1622 |
|
|---|
| 1623 | the Orleans party attempted - once again - to make peace between Francis
|
|---|
| 1624 |
|
|---|
| 1625 | II and his exiled noblemen. This time, they didn't attempt to kidnap
|
|---|
| 1626 |
|
|---|
| 1627 | Landais as part of their plan! Landais was a pragmatist and undoubtedly
|
|---|
| 1628 |
|
|---|
| 1629 | wanted to rid himself of the troublesome Breton-Orleans scheming.
|
|---|
| 1630 |
|
|---|
| 1631 | So he supported their plan; in doing so, he knew he would anger the French
|
|---|
| 1632 |
|
|---|
| 1633 | monarchy. Naturally, he turned to England's King Richard III for
|
|---|
| 1634 |
|
|---|
| 1635 | assistance, asking that Richard recognize the Orleans-Breton alliance;
|
|---|
| 1636 |
|
|---|
| 1637 | in return, Landais offered to send Henry Tudor to England. (Landais
|
|---|
| 1638 |
|
|---|
| 1639 | would then have the support of Burgundy, Orleans, <i>and</i> England against
|
|---|
| 1640 |
|
|---|
| 1641 | any French designs on Brittany.)
|
|---|
| 1642 |
|
|---|
| 1643 | <p> Of course, Henry Tudor fled to France where he was
|
|---|
| 1644 |
|
|---|
| 1645 | welcomed with open arms. With Henry Tudor gone, Brittany had no olive
|
|---|
| 1646 |
|
|---|
| 1647 | branch to offer England; this would weaken the Breton-English alliance.
|
|---|
| 1648 |
|
|---|
| 1649 | It would also aid Anne of Beaujeu in her struggle against the Orleans party.
|
|---|
| 1650 |
|
|---|
| 1651 | When Henry arrived in Anjou, he sent a messenger to Charles VIII, then
|
|---|
| 1652 |
|
|---|
| 1653 | at Montargis. The king immediately sent an envoy to greet Henry and
|
|---|
| 1654 |
|
|---|
| 1655 | bring him to Chartres. The envoy was given the generous sum of 20000
|
|---|
| 1656 |
|
|---|
| 1657 | francs for expenses on the week-long journey. Charles was, of course,
|
|---|
| 1658 |
|
|---|
| 1659 | delighted to encourage Henry in his plan to overthrow Richard III - though
|
|---|
| 1660 |
|
|---|
| 1661 | less delighted to give him large sums of money on a continual basis, as
|
|---|
| 1662 |
|
|---|
| 1663 | Duke Francis had. Also, Charles may have been unnerved by the large
|
|---|
| 1664 |
|
|---|
| 1665 | number of Henry's English followers who needed to be housed and fed while
|
|---|
| 1666 |
|
|---|
| 1667 | awaiting developments. Charles did give Henry about 3000 francs to
|
|---|
| 1668 |
|
|---|
| 1669 | clothe his army and granted permission for Henry to assemble mercenaries
|
|---|
| 1670 |
|
|---|
| 1671 | for his army. Henry traveled with the king north to Paris (the court
|
|---|
| 1672 |
|
|---|
| 1673 | spent autumn in the beautiful Loire valley); on 4 February 1485, they reached
|
|---|
| 1674 |
|
|---|
| 1675 | the French capital. During this journey, Henry finally realized the
|
|---|
| 1676 |
|
|---|
| 1677 | necessity of immediate and decisive action. He had spent nearly fourteen
|
|---|
| 1678 |
|
|---|
| 1679 | years as an exile in France and Landais's betrayal revealed the instability
|
|---|
| 1680 |
|
|---|
| 1681 | of his position. What if Anne of Beaujeu fell from power? Would
|
|---|
| 1682 |
|
|---|
| 1683 | he be a pawn for the Orleans cause? Also, it is true that Henry was
|
|---|
| 1684 |
|
|---|
| 1685 | in his late twenties, strong and healthy and undoubtedly yearning to be
|
|---|
| 1686 |
|
|---|
| 1687 | his own man. Why would he want to live in other people's homes, dependent
|
|---|
| 1688 |
|
|---|
| 1689 | on their good will and generosity?
|
|---|
| 1690 |
|
|---|
| 1691 | <p> Richard III was certainly unhappy with events in
|
|---|
| 1692 |
|
|---|
| 1693 | France. He sent word to Charles of his displeasure and also tried
|
|---|
| 1694 |
|
|---|
| 1695 | to rally English support against Henry. Henry was sending letters
|
|---|
| 1696 |
|
|---|
| 1697 | to England during the winter of 1484-5 to inspire potential supporters
|
|---|
| 1698 |
|
|---|
| 1699 | (since many were dissatisfied with Richard's rule, for reasons outlined
|
|---|
| 1700 |
|
|---|
| 1701 | in previous pages.) Richard was aware of these letters and ordered
|
|---|
| 1702 |
|
|---|
| 1703 | the mayors and sheriffs throughout England to arrest anyone receiving or
|
|---|
| 1704 |
|
|---|
| 1705 | distributing them. (One of the letters has survived - click here
|
|---|
| 1706 |
|
|---|
| 1707 | to read it.) An interesting note about these letters - Henry was
|
|---|
| 1708 |
|
|---|
| 1709 | styling himself King of England, a deliberate and flagrant disregard of
|
|---|
| 1710 |
|
|---|
| 1711 | Richard's position.
|
|---|
| 1712 |
|
|---|
| 1713 | <p> On 7 December 1484, Richard responded to the letters
|
|---|
| 1714 |
|
|---|
| 1715 | by sending out his own proclamations. He condemned the exiles supporting
|
|---|
| 1716 |
|
|---|
| 1717 | Henry in France; he also mocked Henry's use of the royal title. He
|
|---|
| 1718 |
|
|---|
| 1719 | also reiterated the ancient animosity between England and France, reminding
|
|---|
| 1720 |
|
|---|
| 1721 | the English people that - in exchange for Charles's support - Henry had
|
|---|
| 1722 |
|
|---|
| 1723 | supposedly promised to return the English possessions in France and relinquish
|
|---|
| 1724 |
|
|---|
| 1725 | the traditional English claim to the French throne. These, of course,
|
|---|
| 1726 |
|
|---|
| 1727 | were matters near and dear to all English hearts. From the 12th century
|
|---|
| 1728 |
|
|---|
| 1729 | onwards, the English claim to the French throne and territories was a patriotic
|
|---|
| 1730 |
|
|---|
| 1731 | dream shared by all Englishmen. The great heroes of the past (most
|
|---|
| 1732 |
|
|---|
| 1733 | gloriously, Henry V) had led their countrymen to battle over those claims;
|
|---|
| 1734 |
|
|---|
| 1735 | thousands of Englishmen died in those battles. By painting Henry
|
|---|
| 1736 |
|
|---|
| 1737 | as a traitor to one of the most precious English dreams (that of possessing
|
|---|
| 1738 |
|
|---|
| 1739 | France), Richard hoped to appeal to English patriotism. He also reminded
|
|---|
| 1740 |
|
|---|
| 1741 | his subjects that Henry would be invading with mercenaries who would commit
|
|---|
| 1742 |
|
|---|
| 1743 | 'the most cruel murders, slaughters, robberies and disinheritances that
|
|---|
| 1744 |
|
|---|
| 1745 | were ever seen in any Christian Realm.' Once again, Richard appealed
|
|---|
| 1746 |
|
|---|
| 1747 | to a time-honored English abhorrence of invasion. He also attended
|
|---|
| 1748 |
|
|---|
| 1749 | to more practical matters - ordering sheriffs to prepare troops for muster
|
|---|
| 1750 |
|
|---|
| 1751 | and raise cash for military payments.
|
|---|
| 1752 |
|
|---|
| 1753 | <p> I would like to emphasize - once again - the tenuousness
|
|---|
| 1754 |
|
|---|
| 1755 | of Henry Tudor's claim. At this point, only he and Richard III were
|
|---|
| 1756 |
|
|---|
| 1757 | viable claimants to the English throne. But Richard's position was
|
|---|
| 1758 |
|
|---|
| 1759 | stronger by far (and as will become clear later), the Battle of Bosworth
|
|---|
| 1760 |
|
|---|
| 1761 | ended in Henry's favor only because a key nobleman betrayed Richard.
|
|---|
| 1762 |
|
|---|
| 1763 | This was hardly an auspicious beginning to Henry's rule. Throughout
|
|---|
| 1764 |
|
|---|
| 1765 | these pages, I have tried to emphasize the general unpopularity of Richard's
|
|---|
| 1766 |
|
|---|
| 1767 | rule - <i>with regard to the disappearance of his nephews</i>. The
|
|---|
| 1768 |
|
|---|
| 1769 | disappearance sullied Richard's character and made those Englishmen who
|
|---|
| 1770 |
|
|---|
| 1771 | didn't support Henry Tudor less than thrilled about defending Richard III.
|
|---|
| 1772 |
|
|---|
| 1773 | In other words, they would simply wait out the conflict without openly
|
|---|
| 1774 |
|
|---|
| 1775 | supporting either party. And that is exactly what most of the country
|
|---|
| 1776 |
|
|---|
| 1777 | did. Personally, I do not believe Richard III murdered his nephews
|
|---|
| 1778 |
|
|---|
| 1779 | but, of course, the mystery will always remain open to interpretation.
|
|---|
| 1780 |
|
|---|
| 1781 | It is true that Richard III has received a 'raw deal' from historians.
|
|---|
| 1782 |
|
|---|
| 1783 | Can we blame this on Shakespeare? :-) Hey, it is a great play
|
|---|
| 1784 |
|
|---|
| 1785 | but written during the reign of Henry Tudor's granddaughter. It isn't
|
|---|
| 1786 |
|
|---|
| 1787 | likely the playwright wanted to offend the monarch (witness the ending
|
|---|
| 1788 |
|
|---|
| 1789 | to All Is True for proof of that - a sympathetic introduction to Katharine
|
|---|
| 1790 |
|
|---|
| 1791 | of Aragon which ends with Elizabeth's triumphant birth.) Richard
|
|---|
| 1792 |
|
|---|
| 1793 | was a capable and intelligent man and - whatever the truth about his nephews
|
|---|
| 1794 |
|
|---|
| 1795 | - had far more experience in government thhan Henry Tudor. He also
|
|---|
| 1796 |
|
|---|
| 1797 | reacted to betrayal with an appealing mixture of punishment and forgiveness;
|
|---|
| 1798 |
|
|---|
| 1799 | he was far more conciliatory than, say, Henry VIII. (During this
|
|---|
| 1800 |
|
|---|
| 1801 | time, an embarrassing episode occurred which may have furthered Richard's
|
|---|
| 1802 |
|
|---|
| 1803 | resolve to shore up his support against Henry: John de Vere, the
|
|---|
| 1804 |
|
|---|
| 1805 | Lancastrian earl of Oxford, was imprisoned at Calais in France; he escaped,
|
|---|
| 1806 |
|
|---|
| 1807 | along with two English soldiers, to join Henry Tudor in Paris. Understandably,
|
|---|
| 1808 |
|
|---|
| 1809 | this embarrassed Richard; he issued pardons to the English soldiers at
|
|---|
| 1810 |
|
|---|
| 1811 | Calais, including de Vere's supporters, but they still rebelled.
|
|---|
| 1812 |
|
|---|
| 1813 | In the end, Henry's morale went up and Richard's fell drastically.
|
|---|
| 1814 |
|
|---|
| 1815 | The Oxford episode indicated the lack of loyalty to Richard's regime.
|
|---|
| 1816 |
|
|---|
| 1817 | This was coupled with the disloyalty of Sir William Stanley, advising Henry
|
|---|
| 1818 |
|
|---|
| 1819 | from England.)
|
|---|
| 1820 |
|
|---|
| 1821 | <p> Of course, these domestic actions were accompanied
|
|---|
| 1822 |
|
|---|
| 1823 | by foreign policy initiatives designed to find Richard prominent allies.
|
|---|
| 1824 |
|
|---|
| 1825 | In this, he was successful as well. Henry Tudor's old ally, Duke
|
|---|
| 1826 |
|
|---|
| 1827 | Francis of Brittany, entered into a seven-year truce with England on 2
|
|---|
| 1828 |
|
|---|
| 1829 | March 1485. One of the specific points of the truce was that neither
|
|---|
| 1830 |
|
|---|
| 1831 | side would support rebellion against the other, thus allying Richard and
|
|---|
| 1832 |
|
|---|
| 1833 | Duke Francis against the French throne. Not surprisingly, Charles
|
|---|
| 1834 |
|
|---|
| 1835 | VIII began to fear an English-Breton invasion of France. So he encouraged
|
|---|
| 1836 |
|
|---|
| 1837 | Henry Tudor to hasten his plans to invade England. In March 1485,
|
|---|
| 1838 |
|
|---|
| 1839 | Richard's queen, Anne Neville, died and this personal heartbreak had to
|
|---|
| 1840 |
|
|---|
| 1841 | be shoved aside in the face of Henry Tudor's rebellion. It was soon
|
|---|
| 1842 |
|
|---|
| 1843 | rumored that Richard would marry Elizabeth of York or her sister Cecily,
|
|---|
| 1844 |
|
|---|
| 1845 | thus regaining the support of Henry's Yorkist allies. Henry, whom
|
|---|
| 1846 |
|
|---|
| 1847 | Elizabeth Woodville and Margaret Beaufort intended to wed Elizabeth, was
|
|---|
| 1848 |
|
|---|
| 1849 | upset but could do little. Meanwhile, Richard kept a shrewd eye on
|
|---|
| 1850 |
|
|---|
| 1851 | Lord Stanley (I'll let you alert readers figure out the Tudor-Stanley connection
|
|---|
| 1852 |
|
|---|
| 1853 | from the earlier pages - here's a clue: who was Margaret Beaufort married
|
|---|
| 1854 |
|
|---|
| 1855 | to?) Around July 1485, Stanley asked permission to visit relative
|
|---|
| 1856 |
|
|---|
| 1857 | in Lancashire. The king was no fool; he allowed Stanley to leave
|
|---|
| 1858 |
|
|---|
| 1859 | London but kept his son and heir, George, Lord Strange, as hostage.
|
|---|
| 1860 |
|
|---|
| 1861 | Essentially, Strange remained in Richard's household in order to assure
|
|---|
| 1862 |
|
|---|
| 1863 | his father's good behavior.
|
|---|
| 1864 |
|
|---|
| 1865 | <p> Charles VIII was, of course, still encouraging Henry's
|
|---|
| 1866 |
|
|---|
| 1867 | planned invasion but still hedging about financial support. When
|
|---|
| 1868 |
|
|---|
| 1869 | news came that Richard might marry Elizabeth of York, Henry became frantic.
|
|---|
| 1870 |
|
|---|
| 1871 | He cast about for another prominent Yorkist bride, with little success.
|
|---|
| 1872 |
|
|---|
| 1873 | More importantly, (with the support of Philippe de Commynes, an influential
|
|---|
| 1874 |
|
|---|
| 1875 | diplomat) Henry pressed Charles to request money from the French parliament.
|
|---|
| 1876 |
|
|---|
| 1877 | The French king did so on 4 May 1485 and was successful; he returned with
|
|---|
| 1878 |
|
|---|
| 1879 | Henry to Paris about a month later. Already, plans to assemble an
|
|---|
| 1880 |
|
|---|
| 1881 | invasion fleet were being approved. At Harfleur, near the mouth of
|
|---|
| 1882 |
|
|---|
| 1883 | the River Seine, Henry spent about 50000 livres to assemble 4000 men.
|
|---|
| 1884 |
|
|---|
| 1885 | Of these, 1500 were discharged soldiers from a base at Pont de l'Arche.
|
|---|
| 1886 |
|
|---|
| 1887 | The French soldiers were commanded by a nobleman from Savoy called Philibert
|
|---|
| 1888 |
|
|---|
| 1889 | de Chandee, who later became a good friend of Henry Tudor's. There
|
|---|
| 1890 |
|
|---|
| 1891 | were also Henry's 400 English supporters who had shared his exile.
|
|---|
| 1892 |
|
|---|
| 1893 | Henry placed these men under the command of Richard Guildford. (It
|
|---|
| 1894 |
|
|---|
| 1895 | was later rumored that about 1000 Scots joined Henry's force; whether that
|
|---|
| 1896 |
|
|---|
| 1897 | number is correct or not, some Scots did fight on Henry's side.)
|
|---|
| 1898 |
|
|---|
| 1899 | <p> Henry's great enterprise was about to begin.
|
|---|
| 1900 |
|
|---|
| 1901 | On 1 August 1485, Henry and his followers left Honfleur and sailed down
|
|---|
| 1902 |
|
|---|
| 1903 | the Seine into the Channel. On 7 August, they sailed into Milford
|
|---|
| 1904 |
|
|---|
| 1905 | Sound near sunset. They actually landed at Mill Bay, inside the Sound.
|
|---|
| 1906 |
|
|---|
| 1907 | This was the land of Pembrokeshire where Henry had been imprisoned as a
|
|---|
| 1908 |
|
|---|
| 1909 | young man. Upon landing, Henry knelt down and whispered, 'Judge me,
|
|---|
| 1910 |
|
|---|
| 1911 | Lord, and fight my cause.' He kissed the English soil, crossed himself,
|
|---|
| 1912 |
|
|---|
| 1913 | and told his men to follow him - in the name of God and St George.
|
|---|
| 1914 |
|
|---|
| 1915 | It was no coincidence that he landed in Wales, his father's native land;
|
|---|
| 1916 |
|
|---|
| 1917 | it was there that he hoped to gain crucial support for his cause.
|
|---|
| 1918 |
|
|---|
| 1919 | <br> </blockquote>
|
|---|
| 1920 |
|
|---|
| 1921 |
|
|---|
| 1922 |
|
|---|
| 1923 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 1924 |
|
|---|
| 1925 | <blockquote>(<font color="#000000">NOTE: Historical sources regarding
|
|---|
| 1926 |
|
|---|
| 1927 | the actual battle at Bosworth are scanty at best. No one who actually
|
|---|
| 1928 |
|
|---|
| 1929 | fought at the battle recorded the battle; typically, the chroniclers from
|
|---|
| 1930 |
|
|---|
| 1931 | London recorded great events but they were far from the action in 1485.
|
|---|
| 1932 |
|
|---|
| 1933 | Also, the supporters of Richard III didn't want to remember their defeat
|
|---|
| 1934 |
|
|---|
| 1935 | - and unlikely to write about in the chargged political climate. Henry's
|
|---|
| 1936 |
|
|---|
| 1937 | supporters were concerned with more immediate matters after the battle
|
|---|
| 1938 |
|
|---|
| 1939 | - namely, beginning the rule of a very ineexperienced monarch who had not
|
|---|
| 1940 |
|
|---|
| 1941 | been to England in fifteen years. And there is another very important
|
|---|
| 1942 |
|
|---|
| 1943 | fact - medieval battles are incredibly confusing to describe (just as they
|
|---|
| 1944 |
|
|---|
| 1945 | were confusing to fight.) Imagine a Revolutionary War battle - the
|
|---|
| 1946 |
|
|---|
| 1947 | British soldiers in matching red coats, marching in perfect cadence to
|
|---|
| 1948 |
|
|---|
| 1949 | a fixed point, they shoot, reload and aim with some degree of consistency.
|
|---|
| 1950 |
|
|---|
| 1951 | Medieval warfare did not proceed along those lines. In general, it
|
|---|
| 1952 |
|
|---|
| 1953 | was chaotic and confusing to the participants - and the chroniclers.
|
|---|
| 1954 |
|
|---|
| 1955 | So if the following account confuses you a little, you're in good company.
|
|---|
| 1956 |
|
|---|
| 1957 | I have tried to be as clear as possible, to the extent of omitting stuff
|
|---|
| 1958 |
|
|---|
| 1959 | which is particularly confusing (including Henry's mysterious 'disappearance'
|
|---|
| 1960 |
|
|---|
| 1961 | the night before the battle; that will eventually be included in the Primary
|
|---|
| 1962 |
|
|---|
| 1963 | Sources section, directly from Polydore Vergil's work.</font>
|
|---|
| 1964 |
|
|---|
| 1965 | <br><font color="#000000">The most prominent chronicler of the Battle was
|
|---|
| 1966 |
|
|---|
| 1967 | Polydore Vergil, Henry VII's official court historian. Of course,
|
|---|
| 1968 |
|
|---|
| 1969 | his version is the official Tudor account but we must rely upon it.
|
|---|
| 1970 |
|
|---|
| 1971 | In most respects, Vergil had little reason to alter anything since the
|
|---|
| 1972 |
|
|---|
| 1973 | Tudor claimant was victorious.)</font>
|
|---|
| 1974 |
|
|---|
| 1975 | <br>
|
|---|
| 1976 |
|
|---|
| 1977 | <p><font color="#000000">Henry's force marched to the nearest inhabited
|
|---|
| 1978 |
|
|---|
| 1979 | area, a settlement called Dale. There they spent the night; the next
|
|---|
| 1980 |
|
|---|
| 1981 | day (8 August) they left Dale to a castle called Haverfordwest, about 12
|
|---|
| 1982 |
|
|---|
| 1983 | miles to the north-east. The townsmen actually welcomed the invaders,
|
|---|
| 1984 |
|
|---|
| 1985 | an indication of their nebulous loyalty to Richard III. Of course,
|
|---|
| 1986 |
|
|---|
| 1987 | news of Henry's arrival on English soil was only just spreading along the
|
|---|
| 1988 |
|
|---|
| 1989 | coast. In this northern part of Pembrokeshire, there were fewer castles
|
|---|
| 1990 |
|
|---|
| 1991 | and - again - it was Jasper Tudor's former home. Also, Richard III
|
|---|
| 1992 |
|
|---|
| 1993 | had extensive control over south Wales, which shows that Henry's Welsh
|
|---|
| 1994 |
|
|---|
| 1995 | support was as nebulous as Richard's English support. Richard's control
|
|---|
| 1996 |
|
|---|
| 1997 | over much of Wales also meant that Henry was forced to march north into
|
|---|
| 1998 |
|
|---|
| 1999 | the center of Wales. And, of course, it must be recalled that the
|
|---|
| 2000 |
|
|---|
| 2001 | Stanleys (his mother's in-laws) controlled much of north Wales and Cheshire.
|
|---|
| 2002 |
|
|---|
| 2003 | Sir William Stanley was Richard III's chief lieutenant in Anglesey, Caernarfonshire,
|
|---|
| 2004 |
|
|---|
| 2005 | and Merioneth, cities which made up the northern part of royal holdings
|
|---|
| 2006 |
|
|---|
| 2007 | in Wales. (Remember that Sir William was the younger brother of Henry's
|
|---|
| 2008 |
|
|---|
| 2009 | stepfather.) Henry may have been in touch with the Stanleys immediately
|
|---|
| 2010 |
|
|---|
| 2011 | upon landing in Wales. Oddly enough, a letter Henry sent to another
|
|---|
| 2012 |
|
|---|
| 2013 | supporter, John ap Maredudd ab Ieuan ap Mareddud, has survived; it was
|
|---|
| 2014 |
|
|---|
| 2015 | written about 8 August, immediately after the landing, and designed to
|
|---|
| 2016 |
|
|---|
| 2017 | gain Welsh support. The letter to ap Mareddud can be read by clicking
|
|---|
| 2018 |
|
|---|
| 2019 | here. What did ap Mareddud do? We don't know - though it is
|
|---|
| 2020 |
|
|---|
| 2021 | true that Henry did have some significant Welsh support. Of course,
|
|---|
| 2022 |
|
|---|
| 2023 | it was nowhere near as great as many later remembered. And it is
|
|---|
| 2024 |
|
|---|
| 2025 | false to state that
|
|---|
| 2026 |
|
|---|
| 2027 | <i>every</i> Welshman welcomed the return of Owen Tudor's
|
|---|
| 2028 |
|
|---|
| 2029 | descendants. Certainly the Tudor dynasty in no way favored Wales
|
|---|
| 2030 |
|
|---|
| 2031 | or its native population - so any support from the Welsh was not rewarded.
|
|---|
| 2032 |
|
|---|
| 2033 | In 1536, in particular, the Welsh had good cause to resent any support
|
|---|
| 2034 |
|
|---|
| 2035 | they had given. After Bosworth, certain laudatory poems and songs
|
|---|
| 2036 |
|
|---|
| 2037 | were written - but as these were dedicated to an actual king than a pretender
|
|---|
| 2038 |
|
|---|
| 2039 | to the throne, they were naturally fawning.</font>
|
|---|
| 2040 |
|
|---|
| 2041 | <p><font color="#000000"> In reality, Henry did not receive
|
|---|
| 2042 |
|
|---|
| 2043 | a rapturous welcome. On 8 August, at Haverfordwest, he received a
|
|---|
| 2044 |
|
|---|
| 2045 | crushing blow - John Savage, nephew of Henry's stepfather, and the powerful
|
|---|
| 2046 |
|
|---|
| 2047 | Welsh lord, Rhys ap Thomas, were not planning to support his cause.
|
|---|
| 2048 |
|
|---|
| 2049 | Of course, they had promised otherwise while he was in France but Richard
|
|---|
| 2050 |
|
|---|
| 2051 | III suspected both men of disloyalty - and before Henry landed, he made
|
|---|
| 2052 |
|
|---|
| 2053 | certain they understood the penalty of treason. With this crushing
|
|---|
| 2054 |
|
|---|
| 2055 | news, even the professed loyalty of Pembroke was small consolation.
|
|---|
| 2056 |
|
|---|
| 2057 | Henry's march from Havefordwest northeast to Cardigan and there to Machynlleth
|
|---|
| 2058 |
|
|---|
| 2059 | (about 100 miles from the Dale settlement) is not documented. He
|
|---|
| 2060 |
|
|---|
| 2061 | arrived at Machynlleth on 14 August and wrote a letter to Sir Roger Kynaston,
|
|---|
| 2062 |
|
|---|
| 2063 | the guardian of the Grey estates; to pass safely to Shrewsbury, Henry needed
|
|---|
| 2064 |
|
|---|
| 2065 | - at the very least - Kynaston's inaction.. The guardian didn't need
|
|---|
| 2066 |
|
|---|
| 2067 | to declare for him but he could at least not impede his progress. Click
|
|---|
| 2068 |
|
|---|
| 2069 | here to read the letter to Kynaston. Whatever Kynaston's decision,
|
|---|
| 2070 |
|
|---|
| 2071 | Henry did pass safely through to Shrewsbury. To get to this point,
|
|---|
| 2072 |
|
|---|
| 2073 | his force had marched through the mountains of Wales but they had the continual
|
|---|
| 2074 |
|
|---|
| 2075 | arrival of good news to cheer them on the lonely journey - supporters were
|
|---|
| 2076 |
|
|---|
| 2077 | marching to join them, bringing along much-needed supplies. Among
|
|---|
| 2078 |
|
|---|
| 2079 | these supporters was Rhys ap Thomas, who finally decided to honor his previous
|
|---|
| 2080 |
|
|---|
| 2081 | promise. Rhys later said he brought almost 2000 men with him; if
|
|---|
| 2082 |
|
|---|
| 2083 | true, his force made up a third of Henry's entire army. They were
|
|---|
| 2084 |
|
|---|
| 2085 | in time to join Henry at Shrewsbury, the traditional gateway to the English
|
|---|
| 2086 |
|
|---|
| 2087 | midlands; they marched along the old Roman road even as supporters sent
|
|---|
| 2088 |
|
|---|
| 2089 | along money to pay the mercenary troops. But at Shrewsbury, Henry's
|
|---|
| 2090 |
|
|---|
| 2091 | progress was no longer easy.</font>
|
|---|
| 2092 |
|
|---|
| 2093 | <p><font color="#000000"> Shrewsbury was an important
|
|---|
| 2094 |
|
|---|
| 2095 | town and had two bailiffs, Roger Knight and Thomas Mitton, both in power
|
|---|
| 2096 |
|
|---|
| 2097 | for about two decades. They had prospered under Richard III, notably
|
|---|
| 2098 |
|
|---|
| 2099 | from the failure of Buckingham's rebellion (notably, Mitton received Buckingham's
|
|---|
| 2100 |
|
|---|
| 2101 | castle and Shrewsbury's tax bill was significantly reduced.) And
|
|---|
| 2102 |
|
|---|
| 2103 | one must remember Richard III's admonitions to the English people, specifically
|
|---|
| 2104 |
|
|---|
| 2105 | warning them of the dangers of mercenary troops. The people of Shrewsbury
|
|---|
| 2106 |
|
|---|
| 2107 | had no desire for foreign troops to plunder and pillage their town.
|
|---|
| 2108 |
|
|---|
| 2109 | (Keep in mind that Henry's army was not primarily English.) When
|
|---|
| 2110 |
|
|---|
| 2111 | Henry requested permission to march through the streets, Mitton made a
|
|---|
| 2112 |
|
|---|
| 2113 | familiar reply - "over my belly." Henry could not afford to go around
|
|---|
| 2114 |
|
|---|
| 2115 | the city so he retreated. At a nearby village, he composed a letter
|
|---|
| 2116 |
|
|---|
| 2117 | to the bailiffs, promising that his men would simply march through Shrewsbury
|
|---|
| 2118 |
|
|---|
| 2119 | peacefully, without causing any damage or harm. He respected the
|
|---|
| 2120 |
|
|---|
| 2121 | oath of loyalty to Richard III and did not expect any of the townspeople
|
|---|
| 2122 |
|
|---|
| 2123 | to break it. The letter may not have swayed the bailiffs but the
|
|---|
| 2124 |
|
|---|
| 2125 | arrival of Rowland Warburton, a retainer of Sir William Stanley, arrived
|
|---|
| 2126 |
|
|---|
| 2127 | and persuaded the bailiffs to let Henry pass. The Stanley support
|
|---|
| 2128 |
|
|---|
| 2129 | was impressive enough to sway even Mitton, who lay on the ground so Henry
|
|---|
| 2130 |
|
|---|
| 2131 | could step over his belly (thus keeping his former oath.)</font>
|
|---|
| 2132 |
|
|---|
| 2133 | <p><font color="#000000"> What effect did this 'adventure'
|
|---|
| 2134 |
|
|---|
| 2135 | have on Henry? He realized, once again, that his support was not
|
|---|
| 2136 |
|
|---|
| 2137 | widespread. Indeed, in the end he relied upon the apathy of the English
|
|---|
| 2138 |
|
|---|
| 2139 | population - essentially their decision to not actively support Richard
|
|---|
| 2140 |
|
|---|
| 2141 | III. Shrewsbury was the first English town he marched through, a
|
|---|
| 2142 |
|
|---|
| 2143 | test of how the average citizen would respond to his invasion. Since
|
|---|
| 2144 |
|
|---|
| 2145 | they did not recognize his claim to the throne, Henry had little to celebrate.</font>
|
|---|
| 2146 |
|
|---|
| 2147 | <p><font color="#000000"> In a way, his march was as
|
|---|
| 2148 |
|
|---|
| 2149 | much a public relations enterprise as a military endeavor. Everywhere
|
|---|
| 2150 |
|
|---|
| 2151 | he went, he attempted to drum up support - and he was often successful.
|
|---|
| 2152 |
|
|---|
| 2153 | More men and prominent lords joined the cause, all for various reasons.
|
|---|
| 2154 |
|
|---|
| 2155 | At Stafford, Henry met up with Sir William Stanley. Stanley brought
|
|---|
| 2156 |
|
|---|
| 2157 | news that Richard III, informed of Henry's march, was camped at Nottingham.
|
|---|
| 2158 |
|
|---|
| 2159 | From there, it was just a brief march south to block Henry's path to London.
|
|---|
| 2160 |
|
|---|
| 2161 | In other words, Stanley was urging Henry to hurry if he wanted to reach
|
|---|
| 2162 |
|
|---|
| 2163 | the capital. Henry marched to meet Richard, stopping for the night
|
|---|
| 2164 |
|
|---|
| 2165 | at Lichfield; as at Shrewsbury, he kept his army outside the walls so as
|
|---|
| 2166 |
|
|---|
| 2167 | not to offend the citizens.</font>
|
|---|
| 2168 |
|
|---|
| 2169 | <p><font color="#000000"> Now it gets a bit confusing:
|
|---|
| 2170 |
|
|---|
| 2171 | <i>Lord</i>
|
|---|
| 2172 |
|
|---|
| 2173 | Stanley, whose son Lord Strange was Richard's 'hostage', was marching with
|
|---|
| 2174 |
|
|---|
| 2175 | about 5000 men toward Lichfield (presumably to meet up with Richard III
|
|---|
| 2176 |
|
|---|
| 2177 | at Nottingham.) He did not dare meet with Henry Tudor, though he
|
|---|
| 2178 |
|
|---|
| 2179 | supported his claim. Ostensibly, Lord Stanley was loyal to Richard.
|
|---|
| 2180 |
|
|---|
| 2181 | So he avoided Henry's army though, supposedly, sent a message assuring
|
|---|
| 2182 |
|
|---|
| 2183 | him of eventual support. Of course, promises can be easily broken
|
|---|
| 2184 |
|
|---|
| 2185 | and Henry was uneasy. He knew Richard had scouts watching Stanley
|
|---|
| 2186 |
|
|---|
| 2187 | and held his son hostage. Under such circumstances, Stanley's support
|
|---|
| 2188 |
|
|---|
| 2189 | was not completely assured. Meanwhile, Lord Stanley's brother - Sir
|
|---|
| 2190 |
|
|---|
| 2191 | William - had met up with Henry's army at Lichfield on 20 August.
|
|---|
| 2192 |
|
|---|
| 2193 | Lord Stanley had arrived near Atherstone, close to the actual battlefield.
|
|---|
| 2194 |
|
|---|
| 2195 | On this Saturday (20 August, still!), Lord Stanley sent his brother a message
|
|---|
| 2196 |
|
|---|
| 2197 | that Richard was near and fighting could begin in just three hours.
|
|---|
| 2198 |
|
|---|
| 2199 | This, of course, did not happen. But the Stanleys apparently met
|
|---|
| 2200 |
|
|---|
| 2201 | together and decided on a course of action - namely, they would not publicly
|
|---|
| 2202 |
|
|---|
| 2203 | declare their support for either Richard or Henry. On Sunday, they
|
|---|
| 2204 |
|
|---|
| 2205 | apparently decided upon their battle plans - namely, Lord Stanley's betrayal
|
|---|
| 2206 |
|
|---|
| 2207 | of Richard.</font>
|
|---|
| 2208 |
|
|---|
| 2209 | <p><font color="#000000"> Lord Stanley was, of course,
|
|---|
| 2210 |
|
|---|
| 2211 | Henry's stepfather but his waffling is understandable. But it caused
|
|---|
| 2212 |
|
|---|
| 2213 | both Richard III and Henry a great deal of anxiety. Henry secretly
|
|---|
| 2214 |
|
|---|
| 2215 | met with the Stanleys on 21 August but, after the meeting, was still unsure
|
|---|
| 2216 |
|
|---|
| 2217 | of their unqualified support. Under such circumstances, Henry's nervousness
|
|---|
| 2218 |
|
|---|
| 2219 | was greater than the king's. But Richard was far from secure himself.
|
|---|
| 2220 |
|
|---|
| 2221 | He was at Nottingham when he heard of Henry's arrival in Pembrokeshire
|
|---|
| 2222 |
|
|---|
| 2223 | and, from there, his steady march through Wales to the midlands.
|
|---|
| 2224 |
|
|---|
| 2225 | As mentioned earlier, Richard had made preparations for this moment in
|
|---|
| 2226 |
|
|---|
| 2227 | 1484. So he ordered his nobles and gentry to assemble according to
|
|---|
| 2228 |
|
|---|
| 2229 | plan. He was undoubtedly unnerved that Henry was receiving some measure
|
|---|
| 2230 |
|
|---|
| 2231 | of support and that his march was essentially unimpeded. He called
|
|---|
| 2232 |
|
|---|
| 2233 | the dukes of Northumberland and Norfolk to him, as well as the lieutenant
|
|---|
| 2234 |
|
|---|
| 2235 | of the Tower of London (where most of the king's weaponry was stored.)
|
|---|
| 2236 |
|
|---|
| 2237 | Because Sir William Stanley did not respond to summons, Richard declared
|
|---|
| 2238 |
|
|---|
| 2239 | him a traitor. He also intimidated Lord Strange enough for the young
|
|---|
| 2240 |
|
|---|
| 2241 | man to confess to some sort of 'conspiracy' to betray the king. This
|
|---|
| 2242 |
|
|---|
| 2243 | simply confirmed Richard's fears. He realized as well that Henry
|
|---|
| 2244 |
|
|---|
| 2245 | was trying to reach London as quickly as possible. So he gathered
|
|---|
| 2246 |
|
|---|
| 2247 | his own forces to prevent this; he was later called a coward for not confronting
|
|---|
| 2248 |
|
|---|
| 2249 | Henry sooner but consider this - Richard wanted to assemble as many supporters
|
|---|
| 2250 |
|
|---|
| 2251 | as possible while dragging out the ordeal for Henry's army. The assembled
|
|---|
| 2252 |
|
|---|
| 2253 | mercenaries were tired, hungry, and - like Henry - knew the crucial Stanley
|
|---|
| 2254 |
|
|---|
| 2255 | support was not secure. Richard's army was a bit larger than Henry's
|
|---|
| 2256 |
|
|---|
| 2257 | though exact figures do not exist. They marched south in traditional
|
|---|
| 2258 |
|
|---|
| 2259 | square battle formation, Richard and his guard behind two groups of horsemen.
|
|---|
| 2260 |
|
|---|
| 2261 | There were about 100 knights and noblemen who had responded to Richard's
|
|---|
| 2262 |
|
|---|
| 2263 | summons. Most of these men were from the north, specifically Yorkshire
|
|---|
| 2264 |
|
|---|
| 2265 | and Lancashire. Richard marched with these men as the King of England,
|
|---|
| 2266 |
|
|---|
| 2267 | wearing his crown and coat-of-arms. It was imperative that every
|
|---|
| 2268 |
|
|---|
| 2269 | Englishman who watched the march be reminded the Richard was the king and
|
|---|
| 2270 |
|
|---|
| 2271 | Henry just a pretender. He would be crushed just like the duke of
|
|---|
| 2272 |
|
|---|
| 2273 | Buckingham.</font>
|
|---|
| 2274 |
|
|---|
| 2275 | <p><font color="#000000"> Finally, on 21 August (Sunday),
|
|---|
| 2276 |
|
|---|
| 2277 | both armies knew battle was near. Richard knew Henry's camp was near
|
|---|
| 2278 |
|
|---|
| 2279 | Atherstone; he himself camped at the plain of Redmoor. The next day
|
|---|
| 2280 |
|
|---|
| 2281 | the forces would meet on the battlefield, a place later called Bosworth
|
|---|
| 2282 |
|
|---|
| 2283 | Field.</font></blockquote>
|
|---|
| 2284 |
|
|---|
| 2285 |
|
|---|
| 2286 |
|
|---|
| 2287 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 2288 |
|
|---|
| 2289 | <blockquote>
|
|---|
| 2290 |
|
|---|
| 2291 | <br>(I wanted to point out an interesting fact about Henry's tactics prior
|
|---|
| 2292 |
|
|---|
| 2293 | to Bosworth; by marching toward London, he essentially determined where
|
|---|
| 2294 |
|
|---|
| 2295 | the battle would be fought - <i>wherever he and Richard met up on the way
|
|---|
| 2296 |
|
|---|
| 2297 | to London</i>. So Bosworth Field was not chosen for any purpose other
|
|---|
| 2298 |
|
|---|
| 2299 | than the two armies met there. Today, it is impossible to adequately
|
|---|
| 2300 |
|
|---|
| 2301 | understand the geography of the battlefield and Richard and Henry's camps
|
|---|
| 2302 |
|
|---|
| 2303 | prior to the battle; hundreds of years of building, etc. have altered the
|
|---|
| 2304 |
|
|---|
| 2305 | landscape.)
|
|---|
| 2306 |
|
|---|
| 2307 | <br>(Also: William Brandon, Henry's standard bearer, was slain at this
|
|---|
| 2308 |
|
|---|
| 2309 | battle. His son, Charles, would become Henry VIII's best friend,
|
|---|
| 2310 |
|
|---|
| 2311 | husband to Princess Mary Tudor & grandfather of Lady Jane Grey.
|
|---|
| 2312 |
|
|---|
| 2313 | His biography is available at Tudor Citizens.)
|
|---|
| 2314 |
|
|---|
| 2315 | <br>
|
|---|
| 2316 |
|
|---|
| 2317 | <p>The actual battle supposedly took place on Redmoor plain, near Richard
|
|---|
| 2318 |
|
|---|
| 2319 | III's encampment. Long after the battle, it came to be called the
|
|---|
| 2320 |
|
|---|
| 2321 | Battle of Bosworth Field because the town of Market Bosworth lay to the
|
|---|
| 2322 |
|
|---|
| 2323 | north of Redmoor plain. Also, a Welsh chronicler asserted that the
|
|---|
| 2324 |
|
|---|
| 2325 | battle actually took place at the town. In other words, there is
|
|---|
| 2326 |
|
|---|
| 2327 | some debate about where the battle took place - <i>though one can reasonably
|
|---|
| 2328 |
|
|---|
| 2329 | assert it occurred at Redmoor plain</i>.
|
|---|
| 2330 |
|
|---|
| 2331 | <p> Sunday 22 August began inauspiciously for Richard
|
|---|
| 2332 |
|
|---|
| 2333 | III and one of his most powerful allies, the duke of Norfolk. Richard
|
|---|
| 2334 |
|
|---|
| 2335 | admitted he had slept little and suffered bad dreams; in the superstitious
|
|---|
| 2336 |
|
|---|
| 2337 | medieval world this did not bode well. Also, the duke of Norfolk
|
|---|
| 2338 |
|
|---|
| 2339 | found a sign outside his quarters which read, 'Jack of Norfolk be not so
|
|---|
| 2340 |
|
|---|
| 2341 | bold, For Dykon thy master is bought and sold.' After his sleepless
|
|---|
| 2342 |
|
|---|
| 2343 | night, Richard arose earlier than even his chaplain (so there was no morning
|
|---|
| 2344 |
|
|---|
| 2345 | mass) and had no breakfast. He insisted on wearing his crown throughout
|
|---|
| 2346 |
|
|---|
| 2347 | the day, as he had insisted upon marching to Redmoor clad in his ceremonial
|
|---|
| 2348 |
|
|---|
| 2349 | robes and crown. Henry Tudor had spent a sleepless night as well,
|
|---|
| 2350 |
|
|---|
| 2351 | and his morning began with disturbing news. His stepfather, Lord
|
|---|
| 2352 |
|
|---|
| 2353 | Stanley, was still officially part of Richard's force. In fact, Stanley's
|
|---|
| 2354 |
|
|---|
| 2355 | force waited between Henry and Richard's camps. But when Henry pushed
|
|---|
| 2356 |
|
|---|
| 2357 | his stepfather to join him, Stanley still demurred (this on the day of
|
|---|
| 2358 |
|
|---|
| 2359 | the battle!) One can imagine Henry's response. Stanley sent
|
|---|
| 2360 |
|
|---|
| 2361 | Henry a brief message; he should prepare his army for battle and wait for
|
|---|
| 2362 |
|
|---|
| 2363 | Stanley to join him at the appropriate moment. (Note: Richard's archers
|
|---|
| 2364 |
|
|---|
| 2365 | were under the command of the duke of Norfolk while Henry's archers were
|
|---|
| 2366 |
|
|---|
| 2367 | under the command of John de Vere, the earl of Oxford. The actual
|
|---|
| 2368 |
|
|---|
| 2369 | make-up of each army is a matter of debate as well, as is their size.
|
|---|
| 2370 |
|
|---|
| 2371 | They each had a number of infantry and cavalry, complemented with cannon
|
|---|
| 2372 |
|
|---|
| 2373 | and guns and - of course - the traditional bows and swords. One chronicler
|
|---|
| 2374 |
|
|---|
| 2375 | estimated Richard's cannon at 140; Henry had cannon brought from France.
|
|---|
| 2376 |
|
|---|
| 2377 | As to the actual numbers involved, chroniclers are always prone to exaggeration
|
|---|
| 2378 |
|
|---|
| 2379 | and this time was no exception. We know Henry landed in Wales with
|
|---|
| 2380 |
|
|---|
| 2381 | about 4000 and was joined by a large number of reinforcements; Richard's
|
|---|
| 2382 |
|
|---|
| 2383 | force must have been equal - at least. Sir William Stanley led about
|
|---|
| 2384 |
|
|---|
| 2385 | 3000 troops.)
|
|---|
| 2386 |
|
|---|
| 2387 | <p> One more mention of the Stanleys: Richard was less
|
|---|
| 2388 |
|
|---|
| 2389 | troubled by their waffling than Henry. After all, Richard would have
|
|---|
| 2390 |
|
|---|
| 2391 | been content if they simply stayed out of the battle whereas Henry was
|
|---|
| 2392 |
|
|---|
| 2393 | desperate for their support. Therefore, Richard's army had higher
|
|---|
| 2394 |
|
|---|
| 2395 | morale - and supposedly larger numbers.
|
|---|
| 2396 |
|
|---|
| 2397 | <p> Henry marched northeast at a leisurely pace toward
|
|---|
| 2398 |
|
|---|
| 2399 | Richard's camp. Were his troops wary of attacking first? Undoubtedly;
|
|---|
| 2400 |
|
|---|
| 2401 | but, in the end, Richard decided to order his attack when Henry's force
|
|---|
| 2402 |
|
|---|
| 2403 | passed by a march. At this time, he also realized that Lord Stanley
|
|---|
| 2404 |
|
|---|
| 2405 | was not joining him. (He could see Stanley's army motionless on the
|
|---|
| 2406 |
|
|---|
| 2407 | field.) Richard ordered his hostage, Lord Strange, beheaded but in
|
|---|
| 2408 |
|
|---|
| 2409 | the heat and confusion of battle, the order was not carried out.
|
|---|
| 2410 |
|
|---|
| 2411 | The first moments of battle were an indication of the chaos to come.
|
|---|
| 2412 |
|
|---|
| 2413 | Immediately, arrows were exchanged and then hand-to-hand combat began.
|
|---|
| 2414 |
|
|---|
| 2415 | Swords, pikes, aces, spears.... These were the weapons of choice.
|
|---|
| 2416 |
|
|---|
| 2417 | (Interesting note: Richard's ally, the duke of Northumberland, waited at
|
|---|
| 2418 |
|
|---|
| 2419 | the rear of the army with a well equipped force which never entered battle
|
|---|
| 2420 |
|
|---|
| 2421 | for one simple reason - the topography of the battlefield.)
|
|---|
| 2422 |
|
|---|
| 2423 | <p> Richard's scouts told him that Henry, too, remained
|
|---|
| 2424 |
|
|---|
| 2425 | outside the fighting, observing the battle with a small group of supporters.
|
|---|
| 2426 |
|
|---|
| 2427 | By identifying Henry's standard, Richard determined his exact position.
|
|---|
| 2428 |
|
|---|
| 2429 | Then he undertook a most courageous and incredible feat - he spurred his
|
|---|
| 2430 |
|
|---|
| 2431 | horse to ride directly at Henry, the pretender to his throne. He
|
|---|
| 2432 |
|
|---|
| 2433 | knew that if Henry was slain - before Stanley intervention - the battle
|
|---|
| 2434 |
|
|---|
| 2435 | would end. On his horse, at full gallop, he slay a great number of
|
|---|
| 2436 |
|
|---|
| 2437 | those around Henry (notably his standard bearer, William Brandon, and that
|
|---|
| 2438 |
|
|---|
| 2439 | respected soldier, the 'giant' John Cheyne.) Henry, of course, was
|
|---|
| 2440 |
|
|---|
| 2441 | innocent of real experience in battle but he did not run - though he also
|
|---|
| 2442 |
|
|---|
| 2443 | kept a horse nearby in case the battle was lost. Still, the tide
|
|---|
| 2444 |
|
|---|
| 2445 | would have turned against Henry except.... the Stanleys finally entered
|
|---|
| 2446 |
|
|---|
| 2447 | the battle, on the Tudor side!
|
|---|
| 2448 |
|
|---|
| 2449 | <p> It cannot be emphasized enough that Richard III died
|
|---|
| 2450 |
|
|---|
| 2451 | valiantly in battle. Every later chronicler asserted his bravery
|
|---|
| 2452 |
|
|---|
| 2453 | and skill. One wrote that, after Stanley's men swarmed around him,
|
|---|
| 2454 |
|
|---|
| 2455 | Richard fought 'manfully in the thickest press of his enemies.' According
|
|---|
| 2456 |
|
|---|
| 2457 | to Polydore Vergil, 'that day he would make end either of war or life';
|
|---|
| 2458 |
|
|---|
| 2459 | he would 'die like a king or win victory in this field.' He was wounded
|
|---|
| 2460 |
|
|---|
| 2461 | several times but refused the advice of his few companions to flee.
|
|---|
| 2462 |
|
|---|
| 2463 | He also refused the offer of a horse. His heroism was evident to
|
|---|
| 2464 |
|
|---|
| 2465 | all. In the end, he could not prevail. His crown was knocked
|
|---|
| 2466 |
|
|---|
| 2467 | from his head; his head was struck so many times that the helmet was beaten
|
|---|
| 2468 |
|
|---|
| 2469 | into the skull; even after his death, his body continued to be beaten.
|
|---|
| 2470 |
|
|---|
| 2471 | Around him lay the bodies of his few companions - Conyers, Brackenbury,
|
|---|
| 2472 |
|
|---|
| 2473 | Ratcliffe.... There is a legend that his crown landed in a hawthorne
|
|---|
| 2474 |
|
|---|
| 2475 | bush; true or not, it was soon enough in Henry Tudor's hands - and not
|
|---|
| 2476 |
|
|---|
| 2477 | because of any personal bravery on the part of the first Tudor king.
|
|---|
| 2478 |
|
|---|
| 2479 | <p> The battle lasted about two hours. Its outcome
|
|---|
| 2480 |
|
|---|
| 2481 | - Henry's triumph - was only made possiblee by Stanley's disgraceful betrayal
|
|---|
| 2482 |
|
|---|
| 2483 | of his king. Had he waited a few moments longer, Henry may have been
|
|---|
| 2484 |
|
|---|
| 2485 | personally killed by Richard. That single action inaugurated the
|
|---|
| 2486 |
|
|---|
| 2487 | Tudor dynasty - and it was a shameful inauguration. Whatever his
|
|---|
| 2488 |
|
|---|
| 2489 | qualities before the battle, his actions immediately afterwards are not
|
|---|
| 2490 |
|
|---|
| 2491 | endearing. Richard III, who had fought so heroically and suffered
|
|---|
| 2492 |
|
|---|
| 2493 | an awful death, continued to be humiliated and abused. His body was
|
|---|
| 2494 |
|
|---|
| 2495 | slung naked over a horse, arms and legs hanging over the sides; a halter
|
|---|
| 2496 |
|
|---|
| 2497 | was tossed around his neck to symbolize his defeat. In this manner,
|
|---|
| 2498 |
|
|---|
| 2499 | he was taken to a friary in Leicester where his body lay on view for two
|
|---|
| 2500 |
|
|---|
| 2501 | days; it was naked from the waist down except for a scant and cheap black
|
|---|
| 2502 |
|
|---|
| 2503 | cloth. He was buried at the friary with no ceremony. The church
|
|---|
| 2504 |
|
|---|
| 2505 | no longer exists - Henry's son ordered the dissolution of the monasteries
|
|---|
| 2506 |
|
|---|
| 2507 | in the 1530s and Richard's grave was opened and the body thrown out.
|
|---|
| 2508 |
|
|---|
| 2509 | Later, the coffin was supposedly used as a horse trough and cellar steps
|
|---|
| 2510 |
|
|---|
| 2511 | in a nearby manor. Richard III remains the only English king since
|
|---|
| 2512 |
|
|---|
| 2513 | 1066 to have no burial place. He was also the last English king to
|
|---|
| 2514 |
|
|---|
| 2515 | die in battle.
|
|---|
| 2516 |
|
|---|
| 2517 | <p> Henry Tudor had now declared himself Henry VII and
|
|---|
| 2518 |
|
|---|
| 2519 | Lord Stanley placed Richard's crown upon his stepson's head. His
|
|---|
| 2520 |
|
|---|
| 2521 | officers were busy settling old scores, executing old foes and rounding
|
|---|
| 2522 |
|
|---|
| 2523 | up the prisoners. In the end, we can reasonably estimate that about
|
|---|
| 2524 |
|
|---|
| 2525 | 400 men - in total - died that day. Of course, after the battle few
|
|---|
| 2526 |
|
|---|
| 2527 | wanted to talk about the actual fighting - those two hours which ended
|
|---|
| 2528 |
|
|---|
| 2529 | in betrayal and death for one king and the beginning of one of the most
|
|---|
| 2530 |
|
|---|
| 2531 | celebrated dynasties in English history.</blockquote>
|
|---|
| 2532 |
|
|---|
| 2533 |
|
|---|
| 2534 |
|
|---|
| 2535 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 2536 |
|
|---|
| 2537 | <blockquote><font size=-1>On a personal note....</font>
|
|---|
| 2538 |
|
|---|
| 2539 | <br><font size=-1>I do want to stress that Henry Tudor did nto participate
|
|---|
| 2540 |
|
|---|
| 2541 | in the fighting - and, in fact, he kept a horse nearby so he could flee
|
|---|
| 2542 |
|
|---|
| 2543 | if the battle was lost. In other words, he planned to 'turn tail
|
|---|
| 2544 |
|
|---|
| 2545 | and run', as the cliché goes.</font>
|
|---|
| 2546 |
|
|---|
| 2547 | <br><font size=-1>It might seem odd that a king who supposedly won his crown in
|
|---|
| 2548 | battle was actually quite cowardly on the battlefield, and didn't participate
|
|---|
| 2549 | - but it's the truth. Richard III only lost because Lord Stanley
|
|---|
| 2550 | disgracefully betrayed his king. And he did so after Richard had already
|
|---|
| 2551 | forgiven him numerous offenses (many bordering on treason), and had treated
|
|---|
| 2552 | him kindly. Henry may have claimed a crown that day, but he claimed no
|
|---|
| 2553 | glory.</font><center>
|
|---|
| 2554 | <p><font size=-1>You may visit the <a href="http://www.r3.org">Richard
|
|---|
| 2555 |
|
|---|
| 2556 | III Society</a> site for the other side of the story.</font></p>
|
|---|
| 2557 | </center>
|
|---|
| 2558 |
|
|---|
| 2559 | <font size=-1></font>
|
|---|
| 2560 |
|
|---|
| 2561 | <p>
|
|---|
| 2562 |
|
|---|
| 2563 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 2564 |
|
|---|
| 2565 | <br>
|
|---|
| 2566 |
|
|---|
| 2567 | <br>
|
|---|
| 2568 |
|
|---|
| 2569 | <blockquote>Henry Tudor as King
|
|---|
| 2570 |
|
|---|
| 2571 | <p>'His [Henry VII] body was slender but well built and strong; his height
|
|---|
| 2572 |
|
|---|
| 2573 | above the average. His appearance was remarkably attractive and his
|
|---|
| 2574 |
|
|---|
| 2575 | face was cheerful especially when speaking; his eyes were small and blue;
|
|---|
| 2576 |
|
|---|
| 2577 | his teeth few, poor and blackish; his hair was thin and grey; his complexion
|
|---|
| 2578 |
|
|---|
| 2579 | pale'.
|
|---|
| 2580 |
|
|---|
| 2581 | <br><font size=-1>Polydore Vergil, from the <i>Anglica Historia</i></font></blockquote>
|
|---|
| 2582 |
|
|---|
| 2583 |
|
|---|
| 2584 |
|
|---|
| 2585 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
|---|
| 2586 |
|
|---|
| 2587 | <blockquote>Many historians have long argued that Bosworth Field marked
|
|---|
| 2588 |
|
|---|
| 2589 | the end of medieval England, and the beginning of more modern government.
|
|---|
| 2590 |
|
|---|
| 2591 | This assumes at least some drastic changes occurred during the 24 years
|
|---|
| 2592 |
|
|---|
| 2593 | Henry ruled England. However, no such changes occurred. Henry
|
|---|
| 2594 |
|
|---|
| 2595 | maintained the government of his predecessors; he simply had a more efficient
|
|---|
| 2596 |
|
|---|
| 2597 | administration.
|
|---|
| 2598 |
|
|---|
| 2599 | <p>This should detract from his formidable accomplishments. Despite
|
|---|
| 2600 |
|
|---|
| 2601 | his very questionable claim to the throne, Henry proved himself to be an
|
|---|
| 2602 |
|
|---|
| 2603 | able and enthusiastic king. He devoted himself to the minutiae of
|
|---|
| 2604 |
|
|---|
| 2605 | government, personally initialing household account books. He was
|
|---|
| 2606 |
|
|---|
| 2607 | quite miserly, which greatly benefited his spendthrift son Henry VIII,
|
|---|
| 2608 |
|
|---|
| 2609 | but this was understandable - the first Tudor king knew financial success
|
|---|
| 2610 |
|
|---|
| 2611 | would be the life or death of his new dynasty. Like all monarchs,
|
|---|
| 2612 |
|
|---|
| 2613 | he needed money - and often badly. But he needed parliament's permission
|
|---|
| 2614 |
|
|---|
| 2615 | to raise taxes or create new ones. Yet Henry knew that parliament
|
|---|
| 2616 |
|
|---|
| 2617 | would be opposed to giving a new - and unpopular king - more sources of
|
|---|
| 2618 |
|
|---|
| 2619 | revenue, particularly since England's economy was not prosperous.
|
|---|
| 2620 |
|
|---|
| 2621 | And so Henry only called parliament seven times during his reign.
|
|---|
| 2622 |
|
|---|
| 2623 | Instead of creating new methods to raise money, he cannily exploited the
|
|---|
| 2624 |
|
|---|
| 2625 | existing sources. Every loophole that existed was stretched wide
|
|---|
| 2626 |
|
|---|
| 2627 | - Henry sought every penny he could from eevery source of revenue.
|
|---|
| 2628 |
|
|---|
| 2629 | And he protected the money fanatically. Few monarchs lived so frugally,
|
|---|
| 2630 |
|
|---|
| 2631 | and as Francis Bacon noted, 'towards his queen [Elizabeth of York] he was
|
|---|
| 2632 |
|
|---|
| 2633 | nothing uxorious, nor scarce indulgent....'
|
|---|
| 2634 |
|
|---|
| 2635 | <br>For Henry VII, money equaled security. And so rights of Wardship,
|
|---|
| 2636 |
|
|---|
| 2637 | Marriage, Promotions, and Death, forced loans and benvolences, and trade
|
|---|
| 2638 |
|
|---|
| 2639 | dues were all tools to gain financial security.
|
|---|
| 2640 |
|
|---|
| 2641 | <p>Upon becoming king, Henry's immediate problem was the same as his Yorkist
|
|---|
| 2642 |
|
|---|
| 2643 | predecessors - the legitimacy of his claim to the throne. Bosworth
|
|---|
| 2644 |
|
|---|
| 2645 | Field had not ended the struggle for England's crown, and Henry faced considerable
|
|---|
| 2646 |
|
|---|
| 2647 | unrest throughout the early years of his reign. The Northerners (who
|
|---|
| 2648 |
|
|---|
| 2649 | never lost their distrust of the Tudors) had supported Richard III, and
|
|---|
| 2650 |
|
|---|
| 2651 | did not welcome a Welsh king. And Yorkist support continued in Ireland
|
|---|
| 2652 |
|
|---|
| 2653 | (where Lambert Simnel was crowned Edward VI 1487), and in Europe (where
|
|---|
| 2654 |
|
|---|
| 2655 | Edward IV and Richard III's sister Margaret lived on as the influential
|
|---|
| 2656 |
|
|---|
| 2657 | duchess of Burgundy.) Also, because Henry's claim to the throne was
|
|---|
| 2658 |
|
|---|
| 2659 | so weak, he inevitably had to work harder to create the impression of royal
|
|---|
| 2660 |
|
|---|
| 2661 | authority. By all accounts, he lacked the majesty, or charisma, of
|
|---|
| 2662 |
|
|---|
| 2663 | his son Henry VIII and granddaughter Elizabeth I. But charisma was
|
|---|
| 2664 |
|
|---|
| 2665 | perhaps a negligible quality during those early years; more important were
|
|---|
| 2666 |
|
|---|
| 2667 | hard work, dedication, and discipline. And Henry possessed those
|
|---|
| 2668 |
|
|---|
| 2669 | qualities in abundance.
|
|---|
| 2670 |
|
|---|
| 2671 | <p>First, Henry benefited directly from the Wars of the Roses - heirs to
|
|---|
| 2672 |
|
|---|
| 2673 | many of the old noble families were killed during the battles. Henry
|
|---|
| 2674 |
|
|---|
| 2675 | simply appropriated their lands and revenue. Those that had supported
|
|---|
| 2676 |
|
|---|
| 2677 | Richard III (those that survived, that is) were attainted and their estates
|
|---|
| 2678 |
|
|---|
| 2679 | confiscated. He also created a council 'Learned in the Law' in 1495
|
|---|
| 2680 |
|
|---|
| 2681 | to deal with enforcement of already-existing taxes, particularly those
|
|---|
| 2682 |
|
|---|
| 2683 | owed by the nobility. Henry also forbid nobles to retain their own
|
|---|
| 2684 |
|
|---|
| 2685 | armies. A small number of attendants was acceptable, but Henry did
|
|---|
| 2686 |
|
|---|
| 2687 | not want any lord to have more power than the king. Edward IV had
|
|---|
| 2688 |
|
|---|
| 2689 | attempted the same maneuver, with less success. Henry was aided by
|
|---|
| 2690 |
|
|---|
| 2691 | a simple fact - as king, he owned most of the gunpowder in the country.
|
|---|
| 2692 |
|
|---|
| 2693 | Therefore, he simply blew up the castles and keeps of recalcitrant barons.
|
|---|
| 2694 |
|
|---|
| 2695 | It was quite an effective policy, though Henry did not curb the power and
|
|---|
| 2696 |
|
|---|
| 2697 | influence of all nobles. But it is worth noting that the English
|
|---|
| 2698 |
|
|---|
| 2699 | nobility, already in decline during the Wars of the Roses, fell from influence
|
|---|
| 2700 |
|
|---|
| 2701 | rapidly under the Tudors - under Elizabeth I, for instance, England had
|
|---|
| 2702 |
|
|---|
| 2703 | just one duke (and he was executed for treason.)
|
|---|
| 2704 |
|
|---|
| 2705 | <p>Henry did continue the Yorkist tradition of promoting government officers
|
|---|
| 2706 |
|
|---|
| 2707 | from the middle class (primarily clerics and lawyers.) But he did
|
|---|
| 2708 |
|
|---|
| 2709 | not create the middle class government that many historians propose; nobles
|
|---|
| 2710 |
|
|---|
| 2711 | still retained the most powerful positions. Henry kept many of Edward
|
|---|
| 2712 |
|
|---|
| 2713 | IV and Richard III's councilors, and these were either from the aristocracy,
|
|---|
| 2714 |
|
|---|
| 2715 | or related through marriage. But it should be noted that the middle
|
|---|
| 2716 |
|
|---|
| 2717 | class was growing in power and influence, and carefully making its way
|
|---|
| 2718 |
|
|---|
| 2719 | through the corridors of power.
|
|---|
| 2720 |
|
|---|
| 2721 | <p>Henry also revived the powers of the Justices of the Peace, first introduced
|
|---|
| 2722 |
|
|---|
| 2723 | by Henry II. They administered the king's justice throughout England,
|
|---|
| 2724 |
|
|---|
| 2725 | and were supposedly free of local prejudices. His Yorkist predecessors
|
|---|
| 2726 |
|
|---|
| 2727 | had appointed a Council of the North and thus allowed the great border
|
|---|
| 2728 |
|
|---|
| 2729 | families of Neville, Dacre, Scrope, and Percy to rule as virtually independent
|
|---|
| 2730 |
|
|---|
| 2731 | princes with their own armies. This was necessary because the Scottish
|
|---|
| 2732 |
|
|---|
| 2733 | border was notoriously difficult to maintain; raids from the north were
|
|---|
| 2734 |
|
|---|
| 2735 | all too common, and the Yorkists had needed the Northern lords to protect
|
|---|
| 2736 |
|
|---|
| 2737 | English interests. When Edward IV was king, Richard had been 'Lord
|
|---|
| 2738 |
|
|---|
| 2739 | of the North', having inherited the vast Neville estates through his wife.
|
|---|
| 2740 |
|
|---|
| 2741 | Henry was not so inclined - he did not want the Northern families to be
|
|---|
| 2742 |
|
|---|
| 2743 | too powerful; after all, they could turn that power against their king.
|
|---|
| 2744 |
|
|---|
| 2745 | But he also knew the North needed a strong leader, a servant of the crown.
|
|---|
| 2746 |
|
|---|
| 2747 | And so he released the last Percy heir, the earl of Northumberland, from
|
|---|
| 2748 |
|
|---|
| 2749 | the Tower of London and appointed him Lord Warden of the East and Middle
|
|---|
| 2750 |
|
|---|
| 2751 | Marches. But Henry carefully trimmed Percy's powers, and only allowed
|
|---|
| 2752 |
|
|---|
| 2753 | the council to meet sporadically. He successfully subdued it into
|
|---|
| 2754 |
|
|---|
| 2755 | becoming a mere extension of his own London-based authority.
|
|---|
| 2756 |
|
|---|
| 2757 | <br>
|
|---|
| 2758 |
|
|---|
| 2759 | <p>Henry also attempted to quell the Scottish problem, and undercut the
|
|---|
| 2760 |
|
|---|
| 2761 | Auld Alliance (the alliance between France and Scotland), by marrying his
|
|---|
| 2762 |
|
|---|
| 2763 | eldest daughter Margaret to the king of Scots in 1503. He planned
|
|---|
| 2764 |
|
|---|
| 2765 | to marry his youngest daughter, Mary, to Charles, the prince of Castile.
|
|---|
| 2766 |
|
|---|
| 2767 | His eldest son and heir apparent, Prince Arthur, was wed to the youngest
|
|---|
| 2768 |
|
|---|
| 2769 | daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, the powerful 'Catholic Kings' of Spain.
|
|---|
| 2770 |
|
|---|
| 2771 | With these marriage alliances, Henry hoped to protect his domestic interests;
|
|---|
| 2772 |
|
|---|
| 2773 | he did not want to engage in costly foreign wars since the establishment
|
|---|
| 2774 |
|
|---|
| 2775 | of his own dynasty was more important, but he needed foreign allies.
|
|---|
| 2776 |
|
|---|
| 2777 | Marriage was less costly than war, and - Henry hoped - more effective.
|
|---|
| 2778 |
|
|---|
| 2779 | The matches were impressive, particularly the match with Spain since it
|
|---|
| 2780 |
|
|---|
| 2781 | meant that the most powerful European monarchs recognized his shaky claim
|
|---|
| 2782 |
|
|---|
| 2783 | to the throne.</blockquote>
|
|---|
| 2784 |
|
|---|
| 2785 | </blockquote>
|
|---|
| 2786 |
|
|---|
| 2787 |
|
|---|
| 2788 |
|
|---|
| 2789 | <center><font size=-1></font> <font size=-1></font>
|
|---|
| 2790 |
|
|---|
| 2791 | <p><font size=-1><a href="../monarchs.html">to
|
|---|
| 2792 |
|
|---|
| 2793 | Tudor Monarchs</a></font></center>
|
|---|
| 2794 |
|
|---|
| 2795 |
|
|---|
| 2796 |
|
|---|
| 2797 | </body>
|
|---|
| 2798 |
|
|---|
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