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    <Metadata name="pj.Title">New Zealand Maori Council - Agenda etc</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="pj.Year">1970 - 1972</Metadata>
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UNIVERSITY OF WAIKATO LIBRARY 3F4/1 ORGANIZATIONS NEW ZEALAND MAORI COUNCIL-AGENDA ETC MICROFILM COMPUTER SCANNING BY: DOCUMENT MANAGEMENT COMPANY FEBRUARY 2001 P74..120/ ta. 7.7N7s 025,V).  anx

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White South Africans would see within their own borders the evidence of New 'Zealand's racial integration, and black South Africans would be given hope that bonds of friendship forged with coloured visitors might lead to a changed attitude toward themselves. So the question arise, Can a warm welcome for a racially integrated New Zealand team lead even in the smallest way to white South Africans treating their own coloured people a little better? The answer was clearly stated by white South Africans themselves through their Minister for Foreign Affairs. Dr Muller, in June, 1967:  The country's policy of separate development for the various races within its borders is a unique solution for a unique problem, and there can be no departure from it. However, where relations are in volved with other sovereign States, other factors come into play.' White South Africans will never admit that New Zealand's official policy of integration could ever he applicable to the South African situation. Theirs is a unique solution for a unique pi- Official facade Observers both within and without South Africa have stressed that openness to non white outsiders, such as the South African Government has shown toward black African States for the past three years, and is prepared to show to a racially integrated New Zealand rugby team, in no way promises hope of openness to non-whiter within her borders. Despite this, some black South Africans have given sop-port to the projected tour. One of these is a leadi seivs EiVe-Fleli 'Widely circulated ire New Zealand Crmgeh cireles. but whose name has been carefully withhheld from the public debate. I know him as a man of peanritffrtii strong desire for reconciliation. He is quoted in Te Kaunihera Maori as saying that most black people would encourage Maoris to visit South Africa' Page 16 as part of an integrated team, because this would keep hope alive for racial understanding and equality. 'The visit of Maoris to South Africa, in my view, will help in a large measure to lead some white people who have not experienced fellowship with black people to appreciate the unreasonableness and evil of their attitude,. he said. 1 wish he understood the white South Africans of his country better when they say 'apartheid is a unique solution for a unique problem, and there can be no departure from it.' Nor can I easily understand why white living in a country of 13 million non-whites must wait for a few Maoris swiftly to order r= cal'oThiinp with black people'. Other African leaders arc reported in New Zealand to have supported the 1970 tour. In March last year Mr Pei Te H. Jones. said: 'Rather than ex- pears of PeTaVWritcleen leaders have expremcd faith in the of ,tia.fizpulae as aanrbassawdr, Unfortunately none of these African leaders' has been named. Again, Mr Henare Ngata writes 'on good authority' in Tr Kaunihera Maori that a sports team touring South Africa with Maoris included will be welcomed by native and coloured Africans '. A great service' One cars only surmise that the 'good authority' is official South African Government spokesmen. They would have done their work better had they told New Zealanders who these nameless nat., Vt-3 are, their position in South Africa, and the reason for their support of a New Zealand. team playing whites only. On the other hand identifiable African leaders have spoken out strongly against the tour, and given their reasons. Mr Kgokong, director of publicity and information in the African National Congress, writing from Lusaka, 7unbia, soya 'New Zealand would dothe non-white people of South Africa a great service if they cancelled the projected 1970 tour of South Africa by the All Blacks.' His reasons: 'The politic of apartheid have rigidly separated the sportsmen of the various racial groups on grounds of colour alone. This is a flagrant violation of the generally accepted rules in the sporting codes. 'We appeal to you to help us to eradicate politics from sport, to assist to build and foster the common fellowship that sports and culture are meant to engender among all men' Mr Kgokong points out that no non-whites in South Africa may wear a Springbok jersey and no non-white team may play against the All Blacks. Noting that New Zealanders have refused to countee racial discrimination against the Maoris while on tour in South Africa, and have upheld the principle 'no Maoris, no tour ', he asks whether it is good sporting morality for New Zealanders to ignore ' the same vile racialist practice when it is meted out to South African non-white sportsmen.' pecT. stales thattto&quot;thun Ti his racial democratic sod.), in South Africa, where New Zeeland teams and sportsmen from everywhere in the world will fool free to play Mr Kgokong speaks here for the African National Congress, a large organization of Africans from all walks of life which was founded in 1912 to voice the desire of Africans to have a share of effective power in their country. Its aspirations and the quality of its leadership were endorsed by world opinion when the president, Chief Albert Luthuli, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prim in 1960. The congress was banned in 1960, and today mast of its leaders are in exile or in prison. They have been convicted under the Suppression of Communism Act, which makes any act or word hostile to the present white minority rule in South Africa a potentially chargeable offence. (In South MARK PLAYFAIIR eon tlnues bibs analyst, of jeans arising from the proposed tour of South Africa by an All Black rugby team. The author, a New Zealander with inside knowledge of South Afrka, uses this tom de plume to protect himself from harassment lo his work for Africans. 11. articles axe publicised by rimuagement with the 'NZ Methodist Africa a 'Communist' is virtually anyone who Ls against the white South African Government.) South Africans like Mr Kgokong and Mr Dennis Brutus ask New Zealanders not to ignore the indignities which they and their people are suffering. New Zealanders must judge for themselves if Africans who oppose the tour are true leaders and 'showing the way in an effort to find a peaceful solution' when they state their aim is to build a noacial democratic society in South Africa Where New Zealand teams and sportsmen from everywhere in the world Skill feel free to play.' Frustrated Them are Africans who have, through sheer frustration, tamed to violent opposition of the white South African State and adopted the philosophy of 'black power '. Other African leaders still hope for the possibility of a non-racial State and peaceful means of achieving it. New Zealand's example of Integration and the many criticisms of apartheid made by 6'ew Zealanders in international conferences and within New Zealand itself encourage them in their hope. But how much weight will our example carry, together with our many resolutions against apartheid. when New Zealand refuses to listen to the appeal of those who still try to find a solution which seeks Justice, not for black People only but for all people. regardless of race? NEXT WEEK: White South African, sad the tour. New Zealand Tablet The All Blacks' issue  MR DENNIS BRUTUS, the exiled South African who wants New Zea- land to stop the rugby tour. Known African leaders oppose the rugby tour It is sometimes suggested that the visit of a racially integrated New Zealand rugby team to South Africa this year would have a good effect in South Africa by being an implict attack on apartheid.

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x When a consensus government is no t on the ball The trials are over, the tour supporters are finalizing their tickets, the Government has snubbed the FOL and New Zealanders can breathe a sigh of relief that those tiresome anti-tour activists have lost their case. There are serious constitutional implications underlying the Government's action on the tour. Sure, Governments can practise consensus politics?giving the people what they think the people think they want. But on matters concerning particularly overseas interests, consensus in a modern democracy demands that the public be well informed. To what extent are the New Zealand public informed about the international repercussions of our decision to go ahead with the tour? Has Mr Holyooke struck a blow for politics-free sport in the eyes of the world, or hat he committed us to o pith of sporting and perhaps trade isolation? These matters should have been discussed by the Government when giving its reasons for supporting the tour. But we didn't hear anything abr., them. Yet because the public (whose consensus is supposedly being followed) must make judgments about issues outside their immediate surveillance (., an international Nituation), one would have thought the Government had a serious responsibility to have them aired, even to the extent of having a White Paper prepared. This is the way Canada's Mr Trudeau would have acted; but then, Mr Trudeau believes in taking the people into his confidence. Even more serious are the responsibilities of the Opposition to seek more information. Or does Mr Kirk not want to handle unpopular issues? (the Agnew demonstrations cause one to wonder.) C011ier1/414 politics on the Part of the Opposithm arc even more dangerous than on the Part of the Government. If an Opposition construes it, role as being as eke as possible to at many people as possible M the hope of presenting an alterna five government, II is coming nowhere near ifs constiMtional responsibilities. There are many issues in the rugby Mar controversy. But our concern should he not to ram our own views down anyone's neck, but to make sure that the issues really exist and are not Uri( fictions. Government seems happy to have left 'sheet Ist07,.:`&quot;FC5aVctr' rs from doing what their Government seems incapable of doing. The arguments L We won our point in 1965 with &quot;No Maoris no Muni&quot; We are allowed to take Maoris now so the Mae over.' Fact or fiction? Fact as far as of goes; action when supporters of the tour use it to justify the present tour. The issue we had to decide in 1961 and 1965 was whether we Wednesday, May 27, 1970 upportcd apartheid in New Zealand. The issue we have to decide in 1970 is whether we support apartheid in South Africa, South-West Africa and Rhodesia. We never got as far as putting this latter question nine years ago. So we cannot use the answers to the questions that were put then, to answer a question that is only being put to US now. 2. Why pkk on South MA.&quot; Tour opponents art being illogical for not picking on other countries ill ultisis eriminatiou is practised.' this sounds a good argument One hears it frequently laid down flat on the har-top as the final solution. With a guzzle of relief, those who are not prepared to lift the first stone drink to the perdition of long-haired radicals and liberal churchnxn. However, what doe, this argument mean? Put another way, it says: 'Unfere. we are prepared to oppose discrimination on eve, possible front d with eve, possible means, we should not oppose It at all.' This is a marvellous justification for doing nothing, hut it is not the way we solve human problems. We start somewhere. and then move on in other directions. International opinion believes (and people like U Thant along with it) that we have to start in South Africa. If New Zealand is not starting in South Africa, where exactly is it starting? Or. on the other hand, do we not believe that racial discrimination is a world Problem? But of course we dot we said so in the United Nations. Remember? N. 'The Government's not hi the business of selecting football teams' (Mr Holy. mike). Politica have no part ho sport. Here the Government is to congratu ated. It has affirmed this principle, and it is an important one. Rut is it actually living by it? This is an important principle; but if we arc being logical it should 111 that we decline, in the intereabi of patics-free sm, to ?Ito`, our sportsmen to participate in a nation-tution sporting fir, tore in which the majority Of the latter nation cannot be represented, not through lack of sporting merit, hut because of legal restraint. If this reasoning is correct (and it scents so to roe), our stand for the integrity of sport would not allow us to participate in a sport which is subject to discriminatory legislation. South Africa could do what it likes in other areas of its national life and we would still send the tour. But when its legislation affects sport and removes the basic human ideals underlying sport?a contest between man and man, team and team, which is based solely on the sporting merit of both?then r integrity as a sport loving nation demands that we decline to participate. But it is for the Rugby Mr WILSON . said plainly where the Government stood. Mr TRUDEAU . not the way he would have acted. Union, the pre StrVen of the integrity of sport, to conic to this reasoning? if they are interested in reasoning. (And their past history of decisions on South African toms makes one wonder.) The Government is right M refusing to stop the tour. Any move such as fiscal controls or making it illegal to get vials lo certain countries would involve serious questions of civil rights. But the fact in this question rapidly becomes fiction when the Government appears to he raying that the only option they have is to stop the tour or to do nothing about it. There are many New 7..- Waders elm feel that this is what the Government is saying. But there m a third option?a middle way, which Mr Holyoake exercised in 1965. It can state its own 'S on the tour: for example.' in the light of the international situation, and in the light of principles involved, the tour should not go ahead. It is over to the Football Union to make the dttision; we are not going to impose any decision on them, but in the interests of clear, even if unpopular, leadership, wr, as the Government of New Zealand. make our position known.' British example All Mr Holyoake would have to do would be to maks such a statement and he would show that New Zealand was not engaging in double-talk when it voted for the UN resolution on racial sport. Even if he didn't want to copy Mr Trudeau, he could watch Mr Wilson, and see that this is exactly what has happened io England over the cricket tour. Mr Wilson disagreed with the tour, but left it to the cricket authorities to make the decision. As yet, our Rugby Union has not had to make a decision?it has had Government backing to cushion them from the int. plications of making a decision on their own feet. If sport guts truly isolated from politim this ., the NZ Rugby ?Contd. Page 34. Page 5 ?'41tigg A special correspondent examines the orgu-, ments being used to support sending the All Blacks to South Africa.

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ALL BLACKS: THREE OPTIONS OPEN TO GOVERNMENT Football Union should be facing the same position as the MCC author.. Furthermore, if the Government is not in the position of choosidg the players, it should not be in the position of giving official send-offs to the team. The FOI. made a reasonable enough request (a tribute to Mr Skinner's moderation on this issue within the federation's conference) for the Government to tramlate its claim that the Government had no role in this tour from rhetoric into practice. hut this was turned down. Mr Holyoake's statement of nonintervention seems to car, mach practical effect al New Zealand support of the UN .&quot;'ITc`?,`,!ith7=&quot;Afrifac.&quot;g cause basically. it, like so much else in this debate, is a fiction. If we read correctly the son of last year's participation in the South African Athletics, and the subsequent rumblings over the Commonwealth Games, we cats only conclude that similarly in this case, world opinion construes the Government's attitude as support. Let's look at some of the current arguments: Three options There are. then. three options: A. Claim that the Gosemment Is not iniohed: yet give Government recognition to the tour, while owning full well this eau ooh- be eaustrued overseas as support. B. State the Government, vie, bawd either on principle or on New Zealand's international stunding, and let the sporting hod,. decide. C. Stop the tour by fiscal or passport controls. The Government has opted for position A. Many people create the impression that the only other option is C. The Government seems to be trying to avoid option if the truth were known. it might he forced to y it actually wants the tour to go on, is not particularly worried about principle and is remarkably obtuse as to what the international ferment on racial Snort win metn in the long run for New Zealand. 4. 'Through the tour we can influence South Africans to drop apartheid.' This is the only argument worth its salt: The ' Open Doors' argument of the Maori Council and others. But let us first be realistic: A tour such as is envisaged is multalent. No doubt for some South Africans it will have the effect of convincing them that the Maoris are good guys, that two races M one team doesn't seem to harm their rugby too much. and there might he something in the New Zealand setup after all. There will also be South Africans who will he tastily convinced that those Maori guys arc not that black: and Page 34 that the sprinkling of colour involved in the team is a small price to pay for Ncw Zealand acceptance of South African apartheid style sport. The political gains will be too important to worry about the minor inconvenience of having Maoris in the hotel dining room. And. anyway, even this will wily last during the tour, and when they call in on cruise ships Us Cape Town again, we can make sure they are not given full European treatment. The indications arc that there will be very few in the first camp and the majority in the second. This omndoors policy is a good argument, but once again it becomes a fiction when it is imposed as a blanket prin. ciple (which as a principle I wholeheartedly endorse) on evidence which does not support it. The indications arc that any cracks in the apartheid structure have occurred when South Africa has been threatened with international isolation. Look at the last-minute inclusion of two black Africans before the last Olympics; look at the cap with which the South African Government is making it easy for our tour ?sending diplomats out to talk to Sir Turi Carroll on his farm, giving in on the Mann principle, etc. etc. The indications arc that it is politically very importhnt for South Africa to get New Zealand international support for its apartheid sport, and. indirectly (as many South Africans would undoubtedly interpret it) for apartheid. After all, it is not every day of the week you have an (.Cornrnon. wealth) Prime Minister thanking another (Commonwealth) Prime Minister for helping him win his elections. her Ver won his elections not on the basis of moderate apartheid sporting contacts with an outside country versus extreme apartheid (Or Herzog), but on a platform of apartheid made internationally' respectable by sporting contacts with at least one outside country. Illogical And anyway, should tee be using the tour to effect a change in apartheid? This is where rhe'ro'fic tour seem d gil! Supporters with one breath say: keep politics out of sport, and. besides, this is the best way of persuading the South Africans to give up their apartheid style. Are we not here using sport for a political purpose? (You'll notice the Government has never dared to follow this argument.) The opponents arc also Il- logical: they say SPOT, is in Politics (even though it shouldn't be). but, seeing as it is. let's use the cancellation of the tour a political lever. Here I must part company with many others who oppose the tour. I think we should stand by our role as a sport-loving nationand preserve the integrity of spit by declining to lower it. In other words, I reach the same effect as the tour opponents but for very different important reasons. It seems to me that if yell are going to use sport as a Political lever, it i3 a wuru thing than to use the absence of sport as a political lever. As much as I ?risme the tour opponents on this issue, 1 ,t them in the same category as those who commit what is sometimes regarded as the greater treason: to do the right thing for the wrong reason. We should decline to use the tour for anything (with apologies to the Maori Council) other than sport. Similarly, we should decline to allow the tour to be used for anything other than spurt. And Mr Vorster's victor,' given strong indication that our New Zealand love of sport and our international eminence in it are going to be laid at the service of making apartheid respectable. Hence, much as I share the sympathy of those who want to keep contact going, I think we should keep contact going only at the individual level: visitors passing freely between the two countries (even if Mrs 'Erikatene-Sullivan couldn't get a visa). But spatting contact at a national level which is intended to undermine apartheid, or which is going to be used to bolster it, should be avoided. oppose apartheid, but I am not prepared to prostitute New Zcalatt 0,Y by suggesting we should use it as a means of opposition. Far better to Le,&quot; New Zealand rugby well out of it. (there is also the practical point that I would prefer to see our New Zealand sportsmen having the opportunity to play with sportsmen all round the world in a few years' time. and not just from one country.) White paper? These arc just some of the issues the Government should have looked at (even it they had reached different conclusions from mine) in a White Paper. because?and let's have no illusions?this issue is going to have a hefty impact on the future international welfare of this count,. Even on very little evidence we can see that. Racial sport is a very live issue. Already the Commonwealth Games are foundering. (What do those anxious to keep doors open think about that one?) Those nations practising trade sanctions on South Africa may start Practising them on nations a, marina to support South Africa. The situation therefore presents a challenge to New Zea. land's future. Yet boa: has our Minister of Foreign Affairs, the elder statesman of the Commonwealth, handled the chat. lenge? We don't know. No assessment of this challenge ha reached us. Mr KIRK . he avoiding tothopular issues? There nos a rumour that Mr Holyooke had asked for a reprt from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. real) ..Mon in the House he sold he had not. he SHOULD hate asked for a report. AND he should have published It. How: can he reach a consensus if neither he nor the people whose consensus be is taking are informed about the issue they arc supposed to have a consensus about? This surely is a 9Uon ministerial rmponsibility (vague as this term is in this heyday of democracy). It would seem that none of the other Cabinet Ministers arc informed either. In England, at lam, other hfinisters were prepared to y something on the racial sport question before Mr Wilson said anything. When one looks at the anti tour advertisement published here and the wide range of New Zealanders moreSented on it, surely On a Or, portional basis of population, if not of talent, at least one Cabinet Minister would venture a comment. Or is unanimity more important than an open mind? One survey There is only one authoritative survey as to the international repercussions of the tour, and that appeared in the Listener, October 29, 1969, by Mr Bruce Brown, of the Institute of International Affairs, who was at the UN for New Zealand from 1963 to 1967. From it emerge several points relevant to this issue: (I) Although we may not like it. the 'Mack hack-lash' is an important factor in current international politics. It is also founded on legitimate grievances (2) Although it is a moot question as to when precisely a domestic policy of one country has such International repercussions as to become an international issue, current world opinion, including New a, land, recognizes that apartheid has become so. ?Contd next page New Zealand Tab/et

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ALL BLACKS' TOUR: Continued (3) South Africa is unlikely to become a significant trading partner or defence partner of ours. Links with it are a source of vulnerability for exploitation by Communist propaganda in the Third World, and this may have serious re- percussions in future years when we try to forge closer links, as needs we must, with our Asian and Pacific neighbours. 'New Zealand does not need South African support in almost any conceivable Mter. national political situation. If offered overtly it would be an embarrassment to us,' Bruce Brown concludes. So on grounds of our own self-interest. besides those of moral principle, continued contact with South Africa through the tour seems to he losing us most things and gaining US Very Mlle. But the issues at stake do not finish there. Local impact First there is the fact (mentioned by Mr Brown) that our own domestic racial situation is affected by this decision. The Government, if we are to judge by Mr MacIntyre's recent statement, is out of touch with the level of tensions that exist within our own racial situation at the moment. The 1968 land legislation has left many Maoris suspicious of the Government. The reactions to the Maori Council support of the tour showed the extent to which many Maoris feel on this issue. By itself it may be a small issue, but, against a background of suspicion. it can be interpreted as a tendency of the Government in practice to look upon Maoris as second-clan entre. It is also unwise for the Government to cite the Maori Council as the sole representative of Maori opinion when cliseUsfing Maori support for the current tour. Secondly, there k the question of South-West Africa and Rhodesia. Even if the Government was prepared to support the tour to South Africa. it seems strange that they have not distinguished the cases of the two other countries. In 1966 ac voted for theUN termination of South Africa's mandate of South-West Africa. There is passibility of further international action. after the 1969 March Security Council resolution. H would scent wiser for us in this situation to avoid a sporting with what many regard as an occupied country. And on the question of Rhodesia. despite all our Commonwealth tics, we have decided to go clean contrary to Britain at a time when Britain is trying to achieve by trade and sporting sanctions what the African States want to achieve by violence if New Zealand renders the peaceful means weaker, she may have to bear some degree of responsibility for encouraging any violent measures which may ensue. Even if we arc not prepared to implement the UN resolution, it still seems strange that we are going against Britain on such an important Common wealth issue. There must be grave reasons for doing this. But what they are, Mr Holyoake has not said. It is about time he did. Even if Government is not prepared to stand up and say, We don't want the tour to South Africa to go ahead,' they could very well say: ' We don't want the tour to go to South-West Africa and Rhodesia, and we will not give a Government send-off if the tour goes to these two countries' In any event the Government should tell the people why it is not prepared to do this. There are serious constitutional implications in Mr Holy?ale's conduct of this issue. There is a limit to which the affairs of the nation can be restricted to the counsels of Cabinet, oh worse still, of one man. Security demands privacy on many issues. But on this issue the implications of our sending the tour are such, and the lack of Government information has beensuch, that we must wonder if Mr Holyoake is on the ball. And even it he isn't. we shouldn't have to have it to some section, of the news media to do Mr Kirk's job for him.# The Catholic world celebrates today the Feast of Corpus Christi?the Feast of the Blessed Sacrament. It was at the Last Supper that Jesus gave us the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist, thereby fulfilling His promise of living with us. But He chase in His wisdom to make this great Sacrament dependent on His own sacri ficial death on the Cross. and on the priesthood He instituted that night. The Mass is the summit of our Christian worship and action?the culminating action by which God, through Christ, sanctifies and saves the world. and men adore the Father through Christ His Son. By virtue of the priesthood conferred on St Peter and the Apostles. a priest will stand today at the altar in this church and renew again the Sacrifice of Calgary. The bread and wine his raised hands will offer to God in the Sacrifice of the Mass will become through the Consecration the Body and Blood of Christ. The priesthood through which God exercises His omnipotence and His mercy has been handed on in an unbroken line from St Peter and the Apostles. ft is fitting. therefore. that we should he privileged to honour on the Feast of Corpus Christi of 1970. the 50th anniversary of the priestly ordination of the Moth successor of St Peter, our Holy Father Pope Paul VI.  Pope Paul is the Chief Shepherd of the Church and holds God's supreme authority as teacher and pastor. This authority is the vehicle by which the mysteries of God and His truth are interpreted for tn. This grave responsibility weighs heavily on the Holy Father. and it is ours to pray the Lord God to guide him in it, and to renew our own resolve to accent the authority of the Holy Father with confidence. Pore Paul has asked us to mark the jubilee of his priestly ordination by special masers for hint and for the fulfilment of his apostolic intentions. The Holy Father has the right to evneel that we pray constantly for God's assistance in the hordes of service that is his. and in which we share. It is not by accident that the Pone has a, one of his titles 'servant of the servants of God '. Christ. in Whom all authority s. dernon,trated to Peter the distinct ,e and unique quality of authority when He knelt down and washed Peter's feet. And the liturgy of Holy Thursdaygives us Our Lord's own words after the washing of the Apostles' feet?' Do you know what I have done to you, I, your Lord and Master? I have given you an example. that so you also should do.' 'The duty of service,' Pope Paul has said. is inherent in authority; the higher the authority, the greater is the duty.' We, each in our own way, must unite ourselves with the Holy Father in being of service to others?in Our homes, in our community and in the family of man. As we grow in union with Christ through the Sacrament of His love, let us grow, too. in our loyalties to the Holy Father, and in our own way join him in serving the world and bringing light of soul and peace of heart to all men. This will be the measure of our gratitude. A God's blessing on each of you, we remain. Yours sincerely in Christ. t Peter Cardinal McKeefry, Archbishop of Wellington. t John P. Kavanagh, Bishop of Dunedin. t Brian P. Ashby, Bishop of Christchurch. t Reemald I. nelargey, Vicar Canitular of Auckland. t Owen N. Snedden, Auxiliary Bishop of Wellington.  lames Nf. Liston, Titular Archbishop of St Sectindus. Prayers for Holy Father The following bidding prayers were wed for the Feast of Carpus Christi and golden Jubilee of Pope Paul's ordination: That Christians working in the world do not let earthly food and pleasure deaden their hunger for the food of the Eucharist. That priests, set apart to feed God's people with the Body and Blood of Christ and preach in His name, increase in number and holiness. Especially let us give thanks today for the 50 years of priestly service given your Church by our Holy Father Pope Paul VI. blest the Vicar of Christ be strengthened by our loyalty d prayers in these days of renewal within the family of the Church. May his fatherly cart for the under-privileged and developing nations inspire all men of goodwill to come to their aid. That you give relief to the poor and distressed and eternal rest to our deceased relatives and friends.# 'LET US GROW IN OUR LOYALTY' The following is the text of the joint pastoral issued by the Bishops of New Zealand to mark the golden jubilee of the ordination of Pope Paul: MOSGIEL COMBINED CARRIERS For all classes of Cartage to-from-in Mosgiel. PHONE: Dunedin subscribers Dial 2-6059. Mosgiel subscribers 6059. Wednesday, May 27, 1970 Page 35

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CONFIRMATION NOTICE: The Maori Council is to meet in the Maori Affairs Committee Room at 0 Friday July 28th and through Saturday and Sunday morning. AGENDA 74i,irMinutes: p Apologies:  Reoort2 and Arising from Minutes: /  1. &quot;Administration Committee Latimer a. Introduce Secretary / b. Financial Statements 1971, 1972 lc. Estimates Id. Consultant 01 s , 2. ii. Archaeological Association - J. Karetai ' a. Artifacts protection 13. Rangatahi - N. Watene Auckland 1971 lb. Sir Jack Butland/Rothmans Award - Correspondence lc. Programme 1972 - Wellington District Maori Council ?)( 4. N( Wardens Association - G. Latimer Va. Waikato-Maniapoto Training Weekend X5. Fisheries /a. Select Committee - G. Latimer b. Correspondence - Minister Maori Affairs P. Land - H K. Ngat a  a. Reserves  7. ealth - Gregory a. Mental Health Act /8. National Advisory Committee Maori Education - J. Bennett A9. Maori Education Foundation - T. Johnson 10. Youth and Race Relations - P. Hohepa Xll. Insurance Companies and Maori Policies - G. Anderson General: J62. Order of Day - Secretary Controller Maori Welfare - J. McEwen; W. Herewini Progress Report on matters referred Reserves he Mental Health Act Membership . Dannevirke Welfare Officer Subsidies and Urban Maraes )63. Nomination of Member to Board of Maori Affairs / a b Vic. 1/A. Ve if   74-1 .Y14. Nomination of two Members to Waikato University Advisory Committee

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Sporting Contacts with South Africa: &quot;That the . bring down a policy statement on the issue based on recommendations of District Councils&quot; - Auckland C. Tamatoa 12 Points )(17. Race Relations Act &quot;If in any way Maori Institutions or organizations are affected, consultations be held with the Maori Council to see how the Act can be amended&quot; - Walariki C. XIS. Maori Welfare Act 1962 - Sect. 19 () &quot;That the age be reduced to 18 years&quot; - Wellington C. ,A49. World Council of Churches '  4---74,4V ;(a. Reports and/or urgent remits b. Chatham Islands k a /4 &quot;/P-- '4e  - 4A( 4,X . -15 eg ;c3,/14'4( ' 4/. -.2i cis4 ic h Z 4: , C790 ;:/ c 'r? Programme to Combat Racism ,k20. District Councils and Late Items 21. Members Business , An --71/17v //(..v4y (2,/

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