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14    <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
15    <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
16    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
17    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter VII</Metadata>
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31&lt;table border=&quot;0&quot; cellpadding=&quot;3&quot; width=&quot;100%&quot; height=&quot;667&quot;&gt;
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45    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;Queen Elizabeth&lt;br&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;
46    &lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
47    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
48    &lt;img border=&quot;2&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg&quot; width=&quot;400&quot; height=&quot;478&quot; alt=&quot;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard&quot;&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
49    &lt;i&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
50    Hilliard;&lt;br&gt;from the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;;&gt;Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I&lt;/a&gt; website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
51    &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
52  &lt;/tr&gt;
55  &lt;blockquote&gt;
56    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
57    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot;&gt;&lt;/font&gt;
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61    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
62      &lt;b&gt;CHAPTER VII&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
63      &lt;b&gt;THE PAPAL ATTACK: 1570-1583&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
64    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;SOVEREIGNS and statesmen in the sixteenth century are to be
65    honoured or condemned according to the degree in which they aimed on the one
66    hand at preserving political order, and on the other at allowing freedom of
67    opinion. It was not always easy to reconcile these two aims. The first was a
68    temporary necessity, and yet was the more urgent--as indeed is always the
69    case with the tasks of the--statesman. He is responsible for the present; it
70    is not for him to attempt to provide for a remote future. Political order
71    and the material well-being of nations may be disastrously impaired by the
72    imprudence or weakness of a ruler. Thought, after all, may be trusted to
73    take care of itself in the long-run. &lt;/p&gt;
74    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;To the modern Liberal, with his doctrine of absolute
75    religious equality, toleration seems an insult, and anything short of
76    toleration is regarded as persecution. In the sixteenth century the most
77    advanced statesmen did not see their way to proclaim freedom of public
78    worship and of religious discussion. It was much if they tolerated freedom
79    of opinion, and connived at a quiet, private propagation of other religions
80    than those established by law. It would be wrong to condemn and despise them
81    as actuated by superstition and narrow-minded prejudice. Their motives were
82    mainly political, and it is reasonable to suppose that they knew better than
83    we do whether a larger toleration was compatible with public order. &lt;/p&gt;
84    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;We have seen that under the Act of Supremacy, in the first
85    year of Elizabeth, the oath was only tendered to persons holding office,
86    spiritual or temporal, under the crown, and that the penalty for refusing it
87    was only deprivation. But in her fifth year (1563), it was enacted that the
88    oath might be tendered to members of the House of Commons, schoolmasters,
89    and attorneys, who, if they refused it, might be punished by forfeiture of
90    property and perpetual imprisonment. To those who had held any
91    ecclesiastical office, or who should openly disapprove of the established
92    worship, or celebrate or hear mass, the oath might be tendered a second
93    time, with the penalties of high treason for refusal. &lt;/p&gt;
94    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;That this law authorised an atrocious persecution cannot be
95    disputed, and there is no doubt that many zealous Protestants wished it to
96    be enforced. But the practical question is, Was it enforced? The government
97    wished to be armed with the power of using it, and for the purpose of
98    expelling Catholics from offices it was extensively used. But no one was at
99    this time visited with the severer penalties, the bishops having been
100    privately forbidden to tender the oath a second time to any one without
101    special instructions. &lt;/p&gt;
102    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Act of Uniformity, passed in the first year of
103    Elizabeth, prohibited the use of any but the established liturgy, whether in
104    public or private, under pain of perpetual imprisonment for the third
105    offence, and imposed a fine of one shilling on recusants--that is, upon
106    persons who absented themselves from church on Sundays and holidays. To what
107    extent Catholics were interfered with under this Act has been a matter of
108    much dispute. Most of them, during the first eleven years of Elizabeth,
109    either from ignorance or worldliness, treated the Anglican service as
110    equivalent to the Catholic, and made no difficulty about attending church,
111    even after this compliance with the law had been forbidden by Pius IV in the
112    sixth year of Elizabeth. Only the more scrupulous absented themselves, and
113    called in the ministrations of the &amp;quot;old priests,&amp;quot; who with more or less
114    secrecy said mass in private houses. Some of these offenders were certainly
115    punished before Elizabeth had been two years on the throne. The enforcement
116    of laws was by no means so uniform in those days as it is now. Much depended
117    on the leanings of the noblemen and justices of the peace in different
118    localities. Both from disposition and policy Elizabeth desired, as a general
119    rule, to connive at Catholic nonconformity when it did not take an
120    aggressive and fanatical form. But she had no scruple about applying the
121    penalties of these Acts to individuals who for any reason, religious or
122    political, were specially obnoxious to her. &lt;/p&gt;
123    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;So things went on till the northern insurrection: the laws
124    authorising a searching and sanguinary persecution; the Government, much to
125    the disgust of zealous Protestants, declining to put those laws in
126    execution. Judged by modern ideas, the position of the Catholics was
127    intolerable; but if measured by the principles of government then
128    universally accepted, or if compared with the treatment of persons ever so
129    slightly suspected of heresy in countries cursed with the Inquisition, it
130    was not a position of which they had any great reason to complain; nor did
131    the large majority of them complain. &lt;/p&gt;
132    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Pope Pius IV (1559-1566) was comparatively cautious and
133    circumspect in his attitude towards Elizabeth. But his successor Pius V
134    (1566-1572), having made up his mind that her destruction was the one thing
135    necessary for the defeat of heresy in Europe, strove to stir up against her
136    rebellion at home and invasion from abroad. A bull deposing her, and
137    absolving her subjects from their allegiance, was drawn up. But while Pius,
138    conscious of the offence which it would give to all the sovereigns of
139    Europe, delayed to issue it, the northern rebellion flared up and was
140    trampled out. The absence of such a bull was by many Catholics made an
141    excuse for holding aloof from the rebel earls. When it was too late the bull
142    was issued (February 1570). Philip and Charles IX--sovereigns first and
143    Catholics afterwards--refused to let it be published in their dominions. &lt;/p&gt;
144    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;After the northern insurrection the Queen issued a
145    remarkable appeal to her people, which was ordered to be placarded in every
146    parish, and read in every church. She could point with honest pride to
147    eleven years of such peace abroad and tranquillity at home as no living
148    Englishman could remember. Her economy had enabled her to conduct the
149    government without any of the illegal exactions to which former sovereigns
150    had resorted. &amp;quot;She had never sought the life, the blood, the goods, the
151    houses, estates or lands of any person in her dominions.&amp;quot; This happy state
152    of things the rebels had tried to disturb on pretext of religion. They had
153    no real grievance on that score. Attendance at parish church was indeed
154    obligatory by law, though, she might have added, it was very loosely
155    enforced. But she disclaimed any wish to pry into opinions, or to inquire in
156    what sense any one understood rites or ceremonies. In other words, the
157    language of the communion service was not incompatible with the doctrine of
158    transubstantiation, and loyal Catholics were at liberty, were almost
159    invited, to interpret it in that sense if they liked. &lt;/p&gt;
160    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;This compromise between their religious and political
161    obligations had in fact been hitherto adopted by the large majority of
162    English Catholics. But a time was come when it was to be no longer possible
163    for them. They were summoned to make their choice between their duty as
164    citizens and their duty as Catholics. The summons had come, not from the
165    Queen, but from the Pope, and it is not strange that they had thenceforth a
166    harder time of it. Many of them, indignant with the Pope for bringing
167    trouble upon them, gave up the struggle and conformed to the Established
168    Church. The temper of the rest became more bitter and dangerous. The Puritan
169    Parliament of 1571 passed a bill to compel all persons not only to attend
170    church, but to receive the communion twice a year; and another making formal
171    reconciliation to the Church of Rome high treason both for the convert and
172    the priest who should receive him. Here we have the persecuting spirit,
173    which was as inherent in the zealous Protestant as in the zealous Catholic.
174    Attempts to excuse such legislation, as prompted by political reasons, can
175    only move the disgust of every honest-minded man. The first of these bills
176    did not receive the royal assent, though Cecil--just made Lord Burghley--had
177    strenuously pushed it through the Upper House. Elizabeth probably saw that
178    its only effect would be to enable the Protestant zealots in every parish to
179    enjoy the luxury of harassing their quiet Catholic neighbours, who attended
180    church but would scruple to take the sacrament. &lt;/p&gt;
181    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Protestant spirit of this House of Commons showed itself
182    not only in laws for strengthening the Government and persecuting the
183    Catholics, but in attempts to puritanise the Prayer-book, which much
184    displeased the Queen. Strickland, one of the Puritan leaders, was forbidden
185    to attend the House. But such was the irritation caused by this invasion of
186    its privileges, that the prohibition was removed after one day. It was in
187    this session of Parliament that the doctrines of the Church of England were
188    finally determined by the imposition on the clergy of the Thirty-nine
189    Articles, which, as every one knows, are much more Protestant than the
190    Prayer-book. Till then they had only had the sanction of Convocation. &lt;/p&gt;
191    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;During the first forty years or so, from the beginning of
192    the Reformation, Protestantism spread in most parts of Europe with great
193    rapidity. It was not merely an intellectual revolt against doctrines no
194    longer credible. The numbers of the reformers were swelled, and their force
195    intensified by the flocking in of pious souls, athirst for personal
196    holiness, and of many others who, without being high-wrought enthusiasts,
197    were by nature disposed to value whatever seemed to make for a purer
198    morality. The religion which had nurtured Bernard and À Kempis was deserted,
199    not merely as being untrue, but as incompatible with the highest spiritual
200    life--nay, as positively corrupting to society. This imagination, of course,
201    had but a short day. The return to the Bible and the doctrines of primitive
202    Christianity, the deliverance from &amp;quot;the Bishop of Rome and his detestable
203    enormities,&amp;quot; were not found to be followed by any general improvement of
204    morals in Protestant countries. He that was unjust was unjust still; he that
205    was filthy was filthy still. The repulsive contrast too often seen between
206    sanctimonious professions and unscrupulous conduct contributed to the
207    disenchantment. &lt;/p&gt;
208    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In the meanwhile a great regeneration was going on within
209    the Catholic Church itself. Signs of this can be detected quite as early as
210    the first rise of Protestantism. It is, therefore, not to be attributed to
211    Protestant teaching and example, though doubtless the rivalry of the younger
212    religion stimulated the best energies of the older. No long time elapsed
213    before this regeneration had worked its way to the highest places in the
214    Church. The Popes by whom Elizabeth was confronted were all men of pure
215    lives and single-hearted devotion to the Catholic cause. &lt;/p&gt;
216    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The last two years of the Council of Trent (1562-3) were the
217    starting-point of the modern Catholic Church. Many proposals had been made
218    for compromise with Protestantism. But the Fathers of Trent saw that the
219    only chance of survival for a Church claiming to be Catholic was to remain
220    on the old lines. By the canons and decrees of the Council, ratified by Pius
221    IV., the old doctrines and discipline were confirmed and definitely
222    formulated. One branch indeed of the Papal power was irretrievably gone.
223    Royal authority had become absolute, and the kings, including Philip II.,
224    refused to tolerate any interference with it. The Papacy had to acquiesce in
225    the loss of its power over sovereigns. But as regards the bishops and
226    clergy, and things strictly appertaining to religion, its spiritual
227    autocracy, which the great councils of the last century had aimed at
228    breaking, was re-established, and has continued. The new situation, though
229    it seemed to place the Popes on a humbler footing than in the days of
230    Gregory VII. or Innocent III., was a healthy one. It confined them to their
231    spiritual domain, and drove them to make the best of it. &lt;/p&gt;
232    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Until the decrees of the Council of Trent, the split between
233    Protestants and Catholics was not definitely and irrevocably decided. Many
234    on both sides had shrunk from admitting it. The Catholic world might seem to
235    be narrowed by the defection of the Protestant States. But all the more
236    clearly did it appear that a Church claiming to be universal is not
237    concerned with political boundaries. The resistance to the spread of heresy
238    had hitherto consisted of many local struggles, in which the repressive
239    measures had emanated from the orthodox sovereigns, and had therefore been
240    fitful and unconnected. But not long after the Tridentine reorganisation,
241    the Pope appears again as commander-in-chief of the Catholic forces,
242    surveying and directing combined operations from one end of Europe to the
243    other. Pius IV. had been with difficulty prevented by Philip from
244    excommunicating Elizabeth. Pius V had launched his bull, as we have seen, a
245    few months too late (1570); and even then it was not allowed to be published
246    in either Spain or France. The life of that Pope was wasted in earnest
247    remonstrances with the Catholic sovereigns for not executing the sentence of
248    the Church against the heretic Queen. Gregory XIII, who succeeded him just
249    before the Bartholomew Massacre, took the attack into his own hands. He was
250    a warm patron of the Jesuits, who were especially devoted to the
251    centralising system re-established at Trent. He and they had made up their
252    minds that England was the key of the Protestant position; that until
253    Elizabeth was removed no advance was to be hoped for anywhere. &lt;/p&gt;
254    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The decline of a religion may be accompanied by a positive
255    increase of earnestness and activity on the part of its remaining votaries,
256    deluding them into a belief that they are but passing through, or have
257    successfully passed through, a period of temporary depression and eclipse.
258    Among the Catholics of the latter part of the sixteenth century there was
259    all the enthusiasm of a religious revival. In no place did this show itself
260    more than at Oxford. There the weak points of popular movements have never
261    been allowed to pass without challenge, and what is really valuable or
262    beautiful in time worn faiths has been sure of receiving fair-play and
263    something more. The gloss of the Reformation was already worn off. The
264    worldly and carnal were its supporters and directors. It no longer demanded
265    enthusiasm and sacrifice. It walked in purple and fine linen. Young men of
266    quick intellect and high aspirations who, a generation earlier, would have
267    been captivated by its fair promise and have thrown themselves into its
268    current, yielded now to the eternal spell of the older Church, cleansed as
269    she was of her pollutions, and purged of her dross by the discipline of
270    adversity. &lt;/p&gt;
271    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The leader of these Oxford enthusiasts was a young fellow of
272    Oriel, William Allen. In the third year of Elizabeth, at the age of
273    twenty-eight, he resigned the Principalship of St. Mary Hall. The next eight
274    years were spent partly abroad, partly in secret missionary work in England,
275    carried on at the peril of his life. The old priests, who with more or less
276    concealment and danger continued to exercise their office among the English
277    Catholics, were gradually dying off. In order to train successors to them,
278    Allen founded an English seminary at Douai (1568). To this important step it
279    was mainly due that the Catholic religion did not become extinct in this
280    country. In the first five years of its existence the college at Douai sent
281    nearly a hundred priests to England. &lt;/p&gt;
282    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It was the aim of Allen to put an end to the practical
283    toleration allowed to Catholic laymen of the quieter sort. The Catholic who
284    began by putting in the compulsory number of attendances at his parish
285    church was likely to end by giving up his faith altogether. If he did not,
286    his son would. Allen deliberately preferred a sweeping persecution--one that
287    would make the position of Catholics intolerable, and ripen them for
288    rebellion. He wanted martyrs. The ardent young men whom he trained at Douai
289    and (after 1578) at Rheims, went back to their native land with the clear
290    understanding that of all the services they could render to the Church the
291    greatest would be to die under the hangman's knife. &lt;/p&gt;
292    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Gregory XIII hoped great things from Allen's seminary, and
293    furnished funds for its support. In 1579 Allen went to Rome, and enlisted
294    the support of Mercurian, General of the Jesuits. Two English Jesuits,
295    Robert Parsons and Edward Campion, exfellows of Balliol and St. John's, were
296    selected as missionaries. Campion was eight years younger than Allen. He had
297    had a brilliant career at Oxford, being especially distinguished for his
298    eloquence. He was at that time personally known to both Cecil and the Queen,
299    and enjoyed their favour. He took deacon's orders in 1568, but not long
300    afterwards joined Allen at Douai, and formally abjured the Anglican Church.
301    He had been six years a Jesuit when he was despatched on his dangerous
302    mission to England. &lt;/p&gt;
303    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Tired of waiting for the initiative of Philip, Gregory XIII.
304    and the Jesuits had planned a threefold attack on Elizabeth in England,
305    Scotland, and Ireland. In England a revivalist movement was to be carried on
306    among the Catholics by the missionaries. Catholic writers have been at great
307    pains to argue that this was a purely religious movement, prosecuted with
308    the single object of saving souls. The Jesuits have always known their men
309    and employed them with discrimination. Saving of souls was very likely the
310    simple object of a man of Campion's saintly and exalted nature. He himself
311    declared that he had been strictly forbidden to meddle with worldly concerns
312    or affairs of State, and nothing inconsistent with this declaration was
313    proved against him at his trial. But without laying any stress on statements
314    extracted from prisoners under torture, we cannot doubt that his employers
315    aimed at re-establishing Catholicism in England by rebellion and foreign
316    invasion. This was thoroughly understood by every missionary who crossed the
317    sea; and if Campion never alluded to it even in his most familiar
318    conversations he must have had an extraordinary control over his tongue. &lt;/p&gt;
319    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The evidence that the assassination of the Queen was a
320    recognised part of the Jesuit plan, determined by the master spirits and
321    accepted by all the subordinate agents, is perhaps not quite conclusive. If
322    proved, it would only show that they were not more scrupulous than most
323    statesmen and politicians of the time. Lax as sixteenth century notions were
324    about political murder, there were always some consciences more tender than
325    others. It is likely enough that Campion personally disapproved of such
326    projects, and that they were not thrust upon his attention. But he can
327    hardly have avoided being aware that they were contemplated by the less
328    squeamish of his brethren. &lt;/p&gt;
329    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Campion and Parsons came to England in disguise in the
330    summer of 1580. Their mission was not a success. It only served to show how
331    much more securely Elizabeth was seated on her throne than in the earlier
332    years of her reign. In his letters to Rome, Campion boasts of the welcome he
333    met with everywhere, the crowds that attended his preaching, the ardour of
334    the Catholics, and the disrepute into which Protestantism was falling. He
335    had evidently worked himself up to such a state of ecstasy that he was
336    living in a world of his own imagination, and was no competent witness of
337    facts. He crept about England in various disguises, and when he was in
338    districts where the nobles and gentry favoured the old religion, he preached
339    with a publicity which seems extraordinary to us in these days when the laws
340    are executed with prompt uniformity by means of railways, telegraphs, and a
341    well-organised police. In the sixteenth century England had nothing that can
342    be called an organised machinery for the prevention and detection of crime.
343    If an outbreak occurred the Government collected militia, and trampled it
344    out with an energy that took no account of law and feared no consequences.
345    But in ordinary times it had to depend on the local justices of the peace
346    and parish constables, and if they were remiss the laws were a dead letter.
347    There were no newspapers. The high-roads were few and bad. One parish did
348    not know what was going on in the next. Campion could be passed on from one
349    gentleman's house to another on horses quite as good as any officer of the
350    Government rode, and could travel all over England without ever using a
351    high-road or showing his face in a town. If he preached to a hundred people
352    in some Lancashire village, Lord Derby did not want to know it, and before
353    the news reached Burghley or Walsingham he would be in another county, or
354    perhaps back in London--then, as now, the safest of all hiding-places. Thus,
355    though a warrant was issued for his arrest as soon as he arrived in England,
356    it was not till July in the next year (1581) that he was taken, after an
357    unusually public and pro. tracted appearance in the neighbourhood of Oxford.
358    &lt;/p&gt;
359    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;He had little or nothing to show for his twelve months'
360    tour, and this although the Government had, as Allen hoped, allowed itself
361    to be provoked into an increase of severity which seems to have been quite
362    unnecessary. The large majority of Catholic laymen would evidently have
363    preferred that both Seminarists and Jesuits should keep away. They did not
364    want civil war. They did not want to be persecuted. They were against a
365    foreign invasion, without which they knew very well that Elizabeth could not
366    be deposed. They were even loyal to her. They were content to wait till she
367    should disappear in the course of nature and make room for the Queen of
368    Scots. Mendoza writes to Philip that &amp;quot;they place themselves in the hands of
369    God, and are willing to sacrifice life and all in the service, &lt;i&gt;but
370    scarcely with that burning zeal which they ought to show&lt;/i&gt;.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
371    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;By the bull of Pius V, Englishmen were forbidden to
372    acknowledge Elizabeth as their Queen; in other words, they were ordered to
373    expose themselves to the penalties of treason. If the Pope would be
374    satisfied with nothing less than this, it was quite certain that he would
375    alienate most of his followers in England. Gregory XIII therefore had
376    authorised the Jesuits to explain that although the Protestants, by &lt;i&gt;
377    willingly&lt;/i&gt; acknowledging the Queen, were incurring the damnation
378    pronounced by the bull, Catholics would be excused for &lt;i&gt;unwillingly&lt;/i&gt;
379    acknowledging her until some opportunity arrived for dethroning her.
380    Protestant writers have exclaimed against this distinction as treacherous.
381    It was perfectly reasonable. It represents, for instance, the attitude of
382    every Alsatian who accords an unwilling recognition to the German Emperor.
383    But the English Government intolerantly and unwisely made it the occasion
384    for harassing the consciences of men who were most of them guiltless of any
385    intention to rebel. &lt;/p&gt;
386    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Amongst other persecuting laws passed early in 1581, was one
387    which raised the fine for non-attendance at church to twenty pounds a month.
388    Such a measure was calculated to excite much more wide-spread disaffection
389    than the hanging of a few priests. It was not intended to be a &lt;i&gt;brutum
390    fulmen&lt;/i&gt;. The names of all recusants in each parish were returned to the
391    Council. They amounted to about 50,000, and the fines exacted became a not
392    inconsiderable item in the royal revenue. That number certainly formed but a
393    small portion of the Catholic population. But if all the rest had been in
394    the habit of going to church, contrary to the Pope's express injunction,
395    rather than pay a small fine, the Government ought to have seen that they
396    were not the stuff of which rebels are made. &lt;/p&gt;
397    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Campion, after being compelled by torture to disclose the
398    names of his hosts in different counties, was called on to maintain the
399    Catholic doctrines in a three days' discussion before a large audience
400    against four Protestant divines, who do not seem to have been ashamed of
401    themselves. He was offered pardon if he would attend once in church. As he
402    steadfastly refused, he was racked again till his limbs were dislocated.
403    When he had partially recovered he was put on his trial, along with several
404    of his companions, not under any of the recent anti-catholic laws but under
405    the ordinary statute of Edward III., for &amp;quot;compassing and imagining the
406    Queen's death&amp;quot;--such a horror had the Burghleys and Walsinghams of anything
407    like religious persecution! Being unable to hold up his hand to plead Not
408    Guilty, &amp;quot;two of his companions raised it for him, first kissing the broken
409    joints.&amp;quot; According to Mendoza (whom on other occasions we are invited to
410    accept as a witness of truth), his nails had been torn from his fingers.
411    Apart from his religious belief nothing treasonable was proved against him
412    in deed or word. He acknowledged Elizabeth for his rightful sovereign, as
413    the new interpretation of the papal bull permitted him to do, but he
414    declined to give any opinion about the Pope's right to depose princes. This
415    was enough for the judge and jury, and he was found guilty. At the place of
416    execution he was again offered his pardon if he would deny the papal right
417    of deposition, or even hear a Protestant sermon. He wished the Queen a long
418    and quiet reign and all prosperity, but more he would not say. At the
419    quartering &amp;quot;a drop of blood spirted on the clothes of a youth named Henry
420    Walpole, to whom it came as a divine command. Walpole, converted on the
421    spot, became a Jesuit, and soon after met the same fate on the same spot.&amp;quot;
422    &lt;/p&gt;
423    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Mr. Froude's comment is that &amp;quot;if it be lawful in defence of
424    national independence to kill open enemies in war, it is more lawful to
425    execute the secret conspirator who is teaching doctrines in the name of God
426    which are certain to be fatal to it.&amp;quot; It would perhaps be enough to remark
427    that this reasoning amply justifies some of the worst atrocities of the
428    French Revolution. Hallam and Macaulay have condemned it by anticipation in
429    language which will commend itself to all who are not swayed by religious,
430    or, what is more offensive, anti-religious bigotry.&lt;/p&gt;
431    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Cruel as the English criminal law was, and long remained, it
432    never authorised the use of torture to extract confession. The rack in the
433    Tower is said to have made its appearance, with other innovations of
434    absolute government, in the reign of Edward IV But it seems to have been
435    little used before the reign of Elizabeth, under whom it became the ordinary
436    preliminary to a political trial. For this the chief blame must rest
437    personally on Burghley. Opinions may differ as to his rank as a statesman,
438    but no one will contest his eminent talents as a minister of police. In the
439    former capacity he had sufficient sense of shame to publish a Pecksniffian
440    apology for his employment of the rack. &amp;quot;None,&amp;quot; he says, &amp;quot;of those who were
441    at any time put to the rack were asked, during their torture, any question
442    as to points of doctrine, but merely concerning their plots and
443    conspiracies, and the persons with whom they had dealings, and &lt;i&gt;what was
444    their own opinion&lt;/i&gt; as to the Pope's right to deprive the Queen of her
445    crown.&amp;quot; What was this but a point of doctrine? The wretched victim who
446    conscientiously believed it (as all Christendom once did), but wished to
447    save himself by silence, was driven either to tell a lie or to consign
448    himself to rope and knife. &amp;quot;The Queen's servants, the warders, whose office
449    and act it is to handle the rack, were ever, by those that attended the
450    examinations, specially charged to use it in so charitable a manner as such
451    a thing might be.&amp;quot; It may be hoped that there are not many who would dissent
452    from Hallam's remark that &amp;quot;such miserable excuses serve only to mingle
453    contempt with our detestation.&amp;quot; He adds: &amp;quot;It is due to Elizabeth to observe
454    that she ordered the torture to be disused.&amp;quot; I do not know what authority
455    there is for this statement. Three years later the Protestant Archbishop of
456    Dublin was puzzled how to torture the Catholic Archbishop of Cashel, because
457    there was no &amp;quot;rack or other engine&amp;quot; in Dublin. Walsingham, on being
458    consulted, suggested that his feet might be toasted against the fire, which
459    was accordingly done. Some of the Anglican bishops, as might be expected
460    from fanatics, were forward in recommending torture. But Cecil was no more
461    of a fanatic than his mistress. What both of them cared for was not a
462    particular religious belief--they bad both of them conformed to Popery under
463    Queen Mary--but the sovereign's claim to prescribe religious belief, or
464    rather religious profession, and they were provoked with the missionaries
465    for thwarting them. Provoking it was, no doubt. But everything seems to show
466    that it would have been better to pursue the earlier policy of the reign; to
467    be content with enacting severe laws which practically were not put into
468    execution. &lt;/p&gt;
469    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The English branch of the Jesuit attack was, for political
470    purposes, a dead failure. A few persons of rank, who at heart were Catholics
471    before, were formally reconciled to the Pope. Mendoza claims that among them
472    were six peers whose names he conceals. These peers, if he is to be
473    believed, were treasonable enough in their designs. But, even by his
474    account, they were determined not to stir unless a foreign army should have
475    first entered England. &lt;/p&gt;
476    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;How far Mendoza's master was from seeing his way to attack
477    England at this time was strikingly shown by his behaviour under the most
478    audacious outrage that Elizabeth had yet inflicted on him. Some twelve
479    months before (October 1580), Drake had returned from his famous voyage
480    round the world. That voyage was nothing else than a piratical expedition,
481    for which it was notorious that the funds had been mainly furnished by
482    Elizabeth and Leicester. On sea and land Drake had robbed Philip of gold,
483    silver, and precious stones to the value of at least £750,000. In vain did
484    Mendoza clamour for restitution and talk about war. Elizabeth kept the
485    booty, knighted Drake, and openly showed him every mark of confidence and
486    favour. When Mendoza told her that as she would not hear words, they must
487    come to cannon and see if she would hear them, she replied (&amp;quot;quietly in her
488    most natural voice&amp;quot;) that, if he used threats of that kind, she would throw
489    him into prison. The correspondence between the Spanish ambassador and his
490    master shows that, however big they might talk about cannon, they felt
491    themselves paralysed by Elizabeth's intimate relations with France. She had
492    managed to keep free from any offensive alliance with Henry III. But at the
493    first sound of the Spanish cannon she could have it. She was, therefore,
494    secure. Probably the whole history of diplomacy does not show another
495    instance of such a complicated balance of forces so dexterously manipulated.
496    &lt;/p&gt;
497    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Irish branch of the Papal attack, the landing of the
498    legate Sanders, the insurrection of Desmond (1579-1583), the massacre of the
499    Pope's Italian soldiers at Smerwick (1580), must be passed over here. It is
500    enough to say that, in Ireland, too, the Catholics were beaten. We turn now
501    to their attempt to get hold of Scotland (1579-1582). &lt;/p&gt;
502    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Scotland was in a state of anarchy, from which it could only
503    be rescued by an able and courageous king. The nobles, instead of becoming
504    weaker, as elsewhere, had acquired a strength and independence greater even
505    than their fathers had enjoyed. Thirty years earlier, the Church had
506    possessed quite half the land of the country, and had steadily supported the
507    crown. Almost the whole of this wealth had been seized in one form or
508    another by the nobles. And though, as compared with English noblemen, they
509    were still poor in money, they were much bigger men relatively to their
510    sovereign. The power of the crown was extensive enough in theory. What was
511    wanted was a king who should know how to convert it into a reality. That was
512    more than any regent could do. Even Moray had not succeeded. The house of
513    Douglas was one of the most powerful in Scotland, and Morton, who had been
514    looked on as its head during the minority of the Earl of Angus, was an able
515    and daring man. But he had not the large views, the public spirit, or the
516    integrity of Moray. He was feared by all, hated by many, respected by none.
517    As a mere party chief, no one would have been better able to hold his own.
518    As representing the crown, he had every man's hand against him. To subsidise
519    such a man was perfectly useless. If Elizabeth was to make his cause her
520    own, she might just as well undertake the conquest of Scotland at once. &lt;/p&gt;
521    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The essence of the good understanding between England and
522    France was that both countries should keep their hands off Scotland.
523    Elizabeth, knowing that if worst came to worst, she could always be
524    beforehand with France in the northern kingdom, could afford to respect this
525    arrangement, and she did mean to respect it, France, on the other hand,
526    being also well aware of the advantage given to England by geographical
527    situation, was always tempted to steal a march on her, and even when most
528    desirous of her alliance, never quite gave up intrigues in Scotland. This
529    was equally the case whatever party was uppermost at the French court,
530    whether its policy was being directed by the King or by the Duke of Guise.
531    &lt;/p&gt;
532    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Jesuits looked on Guise as their fighting man, who was
533    to do the work which they could not prevail on crowned heads to undertake.
534    James, though only thirteen, had been declared of age. It was too late to
535    think of deposing him. If his character was feeble, his understanding and
536    acquirements were much beyond his years, and his preferences were already a
537    force to be reckoned with in Scotch politics. His interests were evidently
538    opposed to those of his mother. But the Jesuits hoped to persuade him that
539    his seat would never be secure unless he came to a compromise with her on
540    the terms that he was to accept the crown as her gift and recognise her
541    joint-sovereignty. This would throw him entirely into the hands of the
542    Catholic nobles, and would be a virtual declaration of war against
543    Elizabeth. He would have to proclaim himself a Catholic, and call in the
544    French. It was hoped that Philip, jealous though he had always been of
545    French interference, would not object to an expedition warranted by the
546    Jesuits and commanded by Guise, who was more and more sinking into a tool of
547    Spain and Rome. A combined army of Scotch and French would pour across the
548    Border. It would be joined by the English Catholics. Elizabeth would be
549    deposed, and Mary set on the throne. &lt;/p&gt;
550    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It was a pretty scheme on paper, but certain to break down
551    in every stage of its execution. James might chaffer with his mother; but,
552    young as he was, he knew well that she meant to overreach him. He would be
553    glad enough to get rid of Morton, but he did not want to be a puppet in the
554    hands of the Marians. He did not like the Presbyterian preachers; but the
555    young pedant already valued himself on his skill in confuting the apologists
556    of Popery. He resented Elizabeth's lectures; but he knew that his succession
557    to the English crown depended on her good will, and he meant to keep on good
558    terms with her. No approval of the scheme could be obtained from Philip, and
559    if he did not peremptorily forbid the expedition, it was because he did not
560    believe it would come off. If a French army had appeared in Scotland, it
561    would have been treated as all foreigners were in that country. And finally,
562    if, &lt;i&gt;per impossibile&lt;/i&gt;, the French and Scotch had entered England, they
563    would have been overwhelmed by such an unanimous uprising of the English
564    people of all parties and creeds as had never been witnessed in our history.
565    &lt;/p&gt;
566    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Historians, who would have us believe that Elizabeth was
567    constantly bringing England to the verge of ruin by her stinginess and want
568    of spirit, represent this combination as highly formidable. It required
569    careful watching; but the only thing that could make it really dangerous was
570    rash and premature employment of force by England--the course advocated not
571    only by Burghley, but by the whole Council. Elizabeth seems to have stood
572    absolutely alone in her opinion; but here, as always, though she allowed her
573    ministers to speak their minds freely, she did not fear to act on her own
574    judgment against their unanimous advice. &lt;/p&gt;
575    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;To carry out their schemes, Guise and the Jesuits sent to
576    Scotland a nephew of the late Regent Lennox, Esmé Stuart, who had been
577    brought up in France, and bore the title of Count d'Aubigny (September
578    1579). He speedily won the heart of the King, who created him Earl, and
579    afterwards Duke of Lennox. Elizabeth soon obtained proof of his designs, and
580    urged Morton to resist them by force. But the favourite, professing to be
581    converted to Protestantism, enlisted the preachers on his side, and, by this
582    unnatural coalition, Morton was brought to the scaffold (June 1581). During
583    the interval between his arrest and execution, the English Council were
584    urgent with Elizabeth to invade Scotland, rescue the Anglophile leader, and
585    crush Lennox. She went all lengths in the way of threats. Lord Hunsdon was
586    even ordered to muster an army on the Border. But this last step at once
587    produced an energetic protest from the French ambassador; and in Scotland
588    there was a general rally of all parties against the &amp;quot;auld enemies.&amp;quot;
589    Elizabeth had never meant to make her threats good, and Morton was left to
590    his fate. She was quite right not to invade Scotland; but, that being her
591    intention, she should not have tempted Morton to treason by the promise of
592    her protection. No male statesman would have been so insensible to dishonour.
593    &lt;/p&gt;
594    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The death of the man who, next to Moray, had been the
595    mainstay of the Reformation and the scourge of the Marian party, was
596    received with a shout of exultation from Catholic Europe. Already in their
597    heated imaginations the Jesuits saw the Kirk overthrown and the vantage
598    ground gained for an attack on England. Some modern historians--with less
599    excuse, since they have the sequel before their eyes --make the same
600    blunder. The situation was really unchanged. Morton, who had the true
601    antipathy of a Scottish noble to clerics of all sorts, had plundered the
602    Kirk ministers, and tried to bring them under the episcopal yoke. He had
603    quarrelled with most of his old associates of the Congregation. It was their
604    enmity quite as much as the attack of Lennox that had pulled him down. When
605    he was out of the way they naturally reverted to an Anglophile policy. The
606    weakness of the Catholic party was plainly shown by the fact that Lennox
607    himself, the pupil of the Jesuits, never ventured to throw off the disguise
608    of a heretic. &lt;/p&gt;
609    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The further development of the Jesuit scheme met with
610    difficulties on all sides. Most even of the Catholic lords were alarmed by
611    the suggestion that James should hold the crown by the gift of his mother,
612    because it would imply that hitherto he had not been lawful King; and this
613    would invalidate their titles to all the lands they had grabbed from Church
614    and crown during the last fourteen years. It would seem therefore that, if
615    they had harassed the Government during all that time, it was from a liking
616    for anarchy rather than from attachment to Mary. Two Jesuits, Crichton and
617    Holt, who were sent in disguise to Scotland, found Lennox desponding. He was
618    obliged to confess that, greatly as he had fascinated the King, he could not
619    move him an inch in his religious opinions. On the contrary, James imagined
620    that his controversial skill had converted Lennox, and was extremely proud
621    of the feat. The only course remaining was to seize him, and send him to
622    France or Spain, Lennox in the meantime administering the Government in the
623    name of Mary. But to carry out this stroke, Lennox said he must have a
624    foreign army. In view of the mutual jealousy of France and Spain it was
625    suggested that, if Philip would furnish money underhand, the Pope might send
626    an Italian army direct to Scotland, via the Straits of Gibraltar. Crichton
627    went to Rome to arrange this precious scheme, and Holt was proceeding to
628    Madrid. But Philip forbade him to come. If Lennox could convert James, or
629    send him to Spain, well and good. But until one of these preliminaries was
630    accomplished he was to expect no help from Philip. Nor were prospects more
631    hopeful on the side of France. Mary from her prison implored Guise to
632    undertake the long-planned expedition. But he would not venture it without
633    the assent of his own sovereign and the King of Spain. While he was
634    hesitating, the Anglophiles patched up their differences and got possession
635    of the King's person (Raid of Ruthven, August 1582). His tears were
636    unavailing. &amp;quot;Better bairns greet,&amp;quot; said the Master of Glamis, &amp;quot;than bearded
637    men.&amp;quot; The favourite fled to France, where he died in the next year. &lt;/p&gt;
638    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Thus once more had it been clearly shown that if the
639    Anglophiles were left to depend on themselves they would not fail to do all
640    that was necessary to safeguard English interests. &amp;quot;Anglophiles&amp;quot; is a
641    convenient appellation. But, strictly speaking, there was no party in
642    Scotland that loved England. There was a religious party to whom it was of
643    the highest importance that Elizabeth should be safe and powerful. She was
644    therefore certain of its co-operation. This party would not be always
645    uppermost; for Scottish nobles were too selfish, too treacherous, too much
646    interested in disorder to permit any stability. But, whether in power or in
647    opposition, it would be able and it would be obliged to serve English
648    interests. There was only one way in which it could be paralyzed or
649    alienated, and that was by a recurrence on the part of England to the
650    traditions of armed interference inherited by Elizabeth's councillors from
651    Henry VIII, and the Protector Somerset. &lt;/p&gt;
652    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Such is the plain history of this Jesuit and Papal scheme
653    which we are asked to believe was so dangerous to England and so
654    inadequately handled by Elizabeth. She had not shown much concern for her
655    honour. But her coolness, her intrepidity, her correct estimate of the
656    forces with which she had to deal, her magnificent confidence in her own
657    judgment, saved England from the endless expenditure of blood and treasure
658    into which her advisers would have plunged, and prolonged the formal peace
659    with her three principal neighbours, a peace of already unexampled duration,
660    and of incalculable advantage to her country. &lt;/p&gt;
661    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The policy which Elizabeth had thus deliberately adopted
662    towards Scotland she persisted in. The successful Anglophiles clamoured for
663    pensions, and her ministers were for gratifying them. She was willing to
664    give a moderate pension to James, but not a penny to the nobles. &amp;quot;Her
665    servants and favourites,&amp;quot; she said, &amp;quot;professed to love her for her high
666    qualities, Alençon for her beauty, and the Scots for her crown; but they all
667    wanted the same thing in the end; they wanted nothing but her money, and
668    they should not have it.&amp;quot; She had ascertained that James regarded his mother
669    as his rival for the crowns of both kingdoms, and that, whatever he might
670    sometimes pretend, his real wish was that she should be kept under lock and
671    key. She had also satisfied herself that the Scottish noblemen on whom Mary
672    counted would, with very few exceptions, throw every difficulty in the way
673    of her restoration, out of regard for their own private interest--the only
674    &lt;i&gt;datum&lt;/i&gt; from which it was safe to calculate in dealing with a Scottish
675    nobleman. She therefore felt herself secure. By communicating her knowledge
676    to Mary she could show her the hopelessness of her intrigues in Scotland;
677    while a resumption of friendly negotiations for her restoration would always
678    be a cheap and effectual way of intimidating James. Thus she could look on
679    with equanimity when his new favourite Stewart, Earl of Arran, again chased
680    the Anglophiles into England ( December 1583). Arran himself urgently
681    entreated her to accept him and his young master as the genuine Anglophiles.
682    Walsingham's voice was still for war. But, with both factions at her feet
683    and suing for her favour, Elizabeth had good reason to be satisfied with her
684    policy of leaving the Scottish nobles to worry it out among themselves.&lt;/p&gt;
685    &lt;/font&gt;
686    &lt;hr&gt;
687    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;
688    Queen Elizabeth&lt;/i&gt; by Edward Spencer Beesly.&amp;nbsp; Published in London by
689    Macmillan and Co., 1892.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
690    &lt;/font&gt;
691    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
692  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
695    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
696    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;;&gt;to Chapter
697    VIII: The Protectorate of the Netherlands: 1584-1586&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
698    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
699    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;;&gt;to the Queen
700    Elizabeth I website&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; /&amp;nbsp;
701    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;;&gt;to the Mary,
702    queen of Scots website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
703    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;;&gt;
704    to Secondary Sources&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
705    &lt;/font&gt;
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