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14    <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
15    <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
16    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
17    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter II</Metadata>
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30
31&lt;table border=&quot;0&quot; cellpadding=&quot;3&quot; width=&quot;100%&quot; height=&quot;667&quot;&gt;
32  &lt;tr&gt;
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36  &lt;/tr&gt;
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44    &lt;td valign=&quot;top&quot; width=&quot;50%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;
45    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;Queen Elizabeth&lt;br&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;
46    &lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
47    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
48    &lt;img border=&quot;2&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg&quot; width=&quot;400&quot; height=&quot;478&quot; alt=&quot;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard&quot;&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
49    &lt;i&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
50    Hilliard;&lt;br&gt;from the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2feliz1-images.html&quot;&gt;Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I&lt;/a&gt; website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
51    &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
52  &lt;/tr&gt;
53&lt;/table&gt;
54&lt;blockquote&gt;
55  &lt;blockquote&gt;
56    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
57    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot;&gt;&lt;/font&gt;
58    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
59    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
60      &lt;b&gt;CHAPTER II&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
61      &lt;b&gt;THE CHANGE OF RELIGION: 1559&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
62    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;MARY died on the 17th of November 1558.
63    Parliament was then sitting, and, in communicating the event to both Houses,
64    Archbishop Heath frankly took the initiative in recognising
65    &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt;, &amp;quot;of whose most lawful right
66    and title in the succession of the Crown, thanks be to God, we need not to
67    doubt.&amp;quot; He was a staunch Catholic, and two months later refused to officiate
68    at her coronation. But he was an Englishman, and even the most convinced
69    Catholics, though looking forward with uneasiness to the religious policy of
70    the new &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Queen&lt;/font&gt;, were sincerely glad
71    that there was no danger of a disputed succession. Besides, it was by no
72    means clear that &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt; would not
73    accept the ecclesiastical constitution as established in the late reign.
74    That there would be an end of burnings, and of the harassing tyranny of the
75    bishops, every one felt certain; but it seemed quite upon the cards that
76    &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt; would continue to recognise
77    the headship of the Pope in a formal way and maintain the Mass. It must be
78    remembered that the religious changes had only begun some thirty years
79    before. All middle-aged men could remember the time when the ecclesiastical
80    fabric stood to all appearance unbroken, as it had stood for centuries. Only
81    twenty-four years had passed since the Act of Supremacy had transferred the
82    headship of the Church from the Pope to the King; only eleven since the
83    Protestant doctrine and worship had been forced on the country by the
84    Protector Somerset, to the horror and disgust of the great majority of
85    Englishmen. The nation had sorrowed for the death of Edward VI., because it
86    darkened the prospects of the succession, and seemed likely sooner or later
87    to bring on a civil war. But apart from the hot Protestant minority, chiefly
88    to be found in London, the mass of the nation was conservative, and welcomed
89    the reestablishment of the old religion as a return to order and common
90    sense after a short and bitter experience of revolutionary anarchy. There
91    was a rooted objection to restore the old meddlesome tyranny of the bishops,
92    and the nobles and squires who had got hold of the abbey lands would not
93    hear of giving them up. But the return to communion with the Catholic Church
94    and the recognition of the Pope as its head gave satisfaction to
95    three-fourths, perhaps to five-sixths, of the nation, and to a still larger
96    proportion of its most influential class, the great landed proprietors.
97    Mary's accession was the great and unique opportunity for the old Church. If
98    Mary and Pole had been coolheaded politicians instead of excitable fanatics,
99    if they had contented themselves with restoring the old worship, depriving
100    the few Protestant clergy of their benefices, and punishing only outrageous
101    attacks on the State religion, Elizabeth would not have had the power, it
102    may be doubted whether she would have had the inclination, to undo her
103    sister's work. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
104    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This great opportunity was thrown away.
105    Mary's bishops came back brooding over the long catalogue of humiliations
106    and indignities which their Church had suffered, and thirsting to avenge
107    their own wrongs. For six years they had their fling, and contrived to make
108    the country forget the period of Protestant misgovernment. England had never
109    before known what it was to be governed by clergymen. It was a sort of rule
110    as hateful to most Catholic laymen as to Protestants. Catholics therefore
111    for the most part, as well as Protestants, hailed the accession of
112    Elizabeth. At any rate there would be an end of the clerical tyranny. Nor
113    were they without hope that she would maintain the old worship. She had
114    conformed to it for the last five years, and Philip had given the word that
115    she was to be supported. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
116    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;We are now accustomed to the Papal &lt;i&gt;non
117    possumus&lt;/i&gt;. No nation or Church can hope that the smallest deviation from
118    Roman doctrine or discipline will be tolerated. But in 1558 the hard and
119    fast line had not yet been drawn. France was still pressing for such changes
120    as communion in both kinds, worship in the vulgar tongue, and marriage of
121    priests. The Council of Trent, it is true, had already in 1545 decided that
122    Catholic doctrine was contained in the Bible &lt;i&gt;and tradition&lt;/i&gt;, and in
123    1551 had defined transubstantiation and the sacraments. But in 1552 the
124    Council was prorogued, and it did not resume till 1562. Doctrine and
125    discipline therefore might be, and were still considered to be, in the
126    melting-pot, and no one could be certain what would come out. If Elizabeth
127    had contented herself with the French programme, and had joined France in
128    pressing it, the other sovereigns, who really cared for nothing but
129    uniformity, would probably have forced the Pope to compromise. The Lutheran
130    doctrine of consubstantiation might have been tolerated. The Anglican
131    formulÊ have been held by many to be compatible with a belief in the Real
132    Presence. The formal severance of England from Catholic unity might thus
133    have been postponed--possibly avoided--in the same sense that it has been
134    avoided in France. After the completion of the Council of Trent (1562-3) it
135    was too late. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
136    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Two years after her accession Elizabeth told
137    the Spanish ambassador, De Quadra, that her belief was the belief of all the
138    Catholics in the realm; and on his asking her how then she could have
139    altered religion in 1559, she said she had been compelled to act as she did,
140    and that, if he knew how she had been driven to it, she was sure he would
141    excuse her. Seven years later she made the same statement to De Silva.
142    Elizabeth was habitually so regardless of truth that her assertions can be
143    allowed little weight when they are improbable. No doubt, as a matter of
144    taste and feeling, she preferred the Catholic worship. She was not pious.
145    She was not troubled with a tender conscience or tormented by a sense of
146    sin. She did not care to cultivate close personal relations with her God. A
147    religion of form and ceremony suited her better. But her training had been
148    such as to free her from all superstitious fear or prejudice, and her
149    religious convictions were determined by her sense of what was most
150    reasonable and convenient. There is not the least evidence that she was a
151    reluctant agent in the adoption of Protestantism in 1559. Who was there to
152    coerce her? The Protestants could not have set up a Protestant competitor.
153    The great nobles, though opposed to persecution and desirous of minimising
154    the Pope's authority, would have preferred to leave worship as it was. But
155    upon one thing Elizabeth was determined. She would resume the full
156    ecclesiastical supremacy which her father had annexed to the Crown. She
157    judged, and she probably judged rightly, that the only way to assure this
158    was to make the breach with the old religion complete. If she had placed
159    herself in the hands of moderate Catholics like Paget, possessed with the
160    belief that she could only maintain herself by the protection of Philip,
161    they would have advised her to be content with the practical authority over
162    the English Church which many an English king had known how to exercise.
163    That was not enough for her. She desired a position free from all ambiguity
164    and possibility of dispute, not one which would have to be defended with
165    constant vigilance and at the cost of incessant bickering. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
166    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;From the point of view of her foreign
167    relations the moment might seem to be a dangerous one for carrying out a
168    religious revolution, and many a statesman with a deserved reputation for
169    prudence would have counselled delay. But this disadvantage was more than
170    counterbalanced by the unpopularity which the cruelties and disasters of
171    Mary's last three years had brought upon the most active Catholics. Again,
172    Elizabeth no doubt recognised that the Catholics, though at present the
173    strongest, were the declining party. The future was with the Protestants. It
174    was the young men who had fixed their hopes upon her in her sister's time,
175    and who were ready to rally round her now. By her natural disposition, and
176    by her culture, she belonged to the Renaissance rather than to the
177    Reformation. But obscurantist as Calvinism essentially was, the Calvinists,
178    as a minority struggling for freedom to think and teach what they believed,
179    represented for a time the cause of light and intellectual emancipation. Was
180    she to put herself at the head of reaction or progress? She did not love the
181    Calvinists. They were too much in earnest for her. Their narrow creed was as
182    tainted with superstition as that of Rome, and, at bottom, was less humane,
183    less favourable to progress. But whom else had she to work with? The
184    reasonable, secular-minded, tolerant sceptics are not always the best
185    fighting material; and at that time they were few in number and tending--in
186    England at least--to be ground out of existence between the upper and nether
187    millstones of the rival fanaticisms. If she broke with Catholicism she would
188    be sure of the ardent and unwavering support of one-third of the nation; so
189    sure, that she would have no need to take any further pains to please them.
190    As for the remaining two-thirds, she hoped to conciliate most of them by
191    posing as their protector against the persecution which would have been
192    pleasing to Protestant bigots. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
193    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In the policy of a complete breach with Rome,
194    Cecil was disposed to go as far as the Queen, and further. Cecil was at this
195    time thirty-eight. For forty years he continued to be the confidential and
196    faithful servant of Elizabeth. One of those new men whom the Tudors most
197    trusted, he was first employed by Henry VIII. Under Edward he rose to be
198    Secretary of State, and was a pronounced Protestant. On the fall of his
199    patron Somerset he was for a abort time sent to the Tower, but was soon in
200    office again--sooner, some thought, than was quite decent--under his
201    patron's old enemy, Northumberland. He signed the letters patent by which
202    the crown was conferred on Lady Jane Grey; but took an early opportunity of
203    going over to Mary. During her reign he conformed to the old religion, and,
204    though not holding any office, was consulted on public business, and was one
205    of the three commissioners who went to fetch Cardinal Pole to England.
206    Thoroughly capable in business, one of those to whom power naturally falls
207    because they know how to use it, a shrewd balancer of probabilities, without
208    a particle of fanaticism in his composition and detesting it in others,
209    though ready to make use of it to serve his ends, entirely believing that &amp;quot;whate'er
210    is best administered is best,&amp;quot; Cecil nevertheless had his religious
211    predilections, and they were all on the side of the Protestants. Moreover he
212    had a personal motive which, by the nature of the case, was not present to
213    the Queen. She might die prematurely; and if that event should take place
214    before the Protestant ascendancy was firmly established his power would be
215    at an end, and his very life would be in danger. A time came when he and his
216    party had so strengthened themselves, if not in absolute numerical
217    superiority, yet by the hold they had established on all departments of
218    Government from the highest to the lowest, that they were in a condition to
219    resist a Catholic claimant to the throne, if need were, sword in hand. But
220    during the early years of the reign Cecil was working with the rope round
221    his neck. Hence he could not regard the progress of events with the
222    imperturbable &lt;i&gt;sang-froid&lt;/i&gt; which Elizabeth always displayed; and all
223    his influence was employed to push the religious revolution through as
224    rapidly and completely as possible. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
225    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The story that Elizabeth was influenced in
226    her attitude to Rome by an arrogant reply from Pope Paul IV. to her official
227    notification of her accession, though refuted by Lingard and Hallam in their
228    later editions, has been repeated by recent historians. Her accession was
229    notified to every friendly sovereign except the Pope. He was studiously
230    ignored from the first. Equally unsupported by facts are all attempts to
231    show that during the early weeks of her reign she had not made up her mind
232    as to the course she would take about religion. All preaching, it is true,
233    was suspended by proclamation; and it was ordered that the established
234    worship should go on &amp;quot;until consultation might be had in Parliament by the
235    Queen and the three Estates.&amp;quot; In the meantime she had herself crowned
236    according to the ancient ritual by the Catholic Bishop of Carlisle. But this
237    is only what might have been expected from a strong ruler who was not
238    disposed to let important alterations be initiated by popular commotion or
239    the presumptuous forwardness of individual clergymen. The impending change
240    was quite sufficiently marked from the first by the removal of the most
241    bigoted Catholics from the Council and by the appointment of Cecil and Bacon
242    to the offices of Secretary and of Lord Keeper. The new Parliament,
243    Protestant candidates for which had been recommended by the Government, met
244    as soon as possible (25 January 1559). When it rose (8 May) the great change
245    had been legally and decisively accomplished. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
246    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The government, worship, and doctrine of the
247    Established Church are the most abiding marks left by Elizabeth on the
248    national life of England. Logically it might have been expected that the
249    settlement of doctrine would precede that of government and worship. It is
250    characteristic of a State Church that the inverse order should have been
251    followed. For the Queen the most important question was Church government;
252    for the people, worship. Both these matters were disposed of with great
253    promptitude at the beginning of 1559. Doctrine might interest the clergy;
254    but it could wait. The Thirty-nine Articles were not adopted by Convocation
255    till 1563, and were not sanctioned by Parliament till 1571. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
256    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The government of the Church was settled by
257    the &lt;i&gt;Act of Supremacy (April 1559)&lt;/i&gt;. It revived the Act of Henry VIII.,
258    except that the Queen was styled Supreme Governor of the Church instead of
259    Supreme Head, although the nature of the supremacy was precisely the same.
260    The penalties were relaxed. Henry's oath of supremacy might be tendered to
261    any subject, and to decline it was high treason; Elizabeth's oath was to be
262    obligatory only on persons holding spiritual or temporal office under the
263    Crown, and the penalty for declining was the loss of such office. Those who
264    chose to attack the supremacy were still liable to the penalties of treason
265    on the third offence. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
266    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Worship was settled with equal expedition by
267    the &lt;i&gt;Act of Uniformity (April 1559)&lt;/i&gt;, which imposed the second or more
268    Protestant Prayer-book of Edward VI., but with a few very important
269    alterations. A deprecation in the Litany of &amp;quot;the tyranny of the Bishop of
270    Rome and all his detestable enormities,&amp;quot; and a rubric which declared that by
271    kneeling at the Communion no adoration was intended to any real and
272    essential presence of Christ, were expunged. The words of administration in
273    the present communion service consist of two sentences. The first sentence,
274    implying real presence, belonged to Edward's first Prayer-book; the second,
275    implying mere commemoration, belonged to his second Prayer-book. The
276    Prayerbook of 1559 simply pieced the two together, with a view to satisfy
277    both Catholics and Protestants. Lastly, the vestments prescribed in Edward's
278    first Prayer-book were retained till further notice. These alterations of
279    Edward's second Prayer-book, all of them designed to propitiate the
280    Catholics, were dictated by Elizabeth herself. In all this legislation
281    Convocation was entirely ignored. Both its houses showed themselves strongly
282    Catholic. But their opinion was not asked, and no notice was taken of their
283    remonstrances. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
284    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;While determining that England should have a
285    purely national Church, and for that reason casting in her lot with the
286    Protestants, Elizabeth, as we have seen, made very considerable sacrifices
287    of logic and consistency in order to induce Catholics to conform. Like a
288    strong and wise statesman, she did not allow herself to be driven into one
289    concession after another, but went at once as far as she intended to go. At
290    the same time the coercion applied to the Catholics, while sufficient to
291    influence the worldly-minded majority, was, during the early part of her
292    reign, very mild for those times. She wished no one to be molested who did
293    not go out of his way to invite it. Outward conformity was all she wanted.
294    And of this mere attendance at church was accepted as sufficient evidence.
295    The principal difficulty, of course, was with the clergy. From them more
296    than a mere passive conformity had to be exacted. To sign declarations, take
297    oaths, and officiate in church was a severer strain on the conscience. It is
298    said that less than 200 out of 9400 sacrificed their benefices rather than
299    conform, and that of these about 100 were dignitaries. The number must be
300    under-stated; for the chief difficulty of the new bishops, for a long time,
301    was to find clergymen for the parish churches. But we cannot doubt that the
302    large majority of the parish clergy stuck to their livings, remaining
303    Catholics at heart, and avoiding, where they could, and as long as they
304    could, compliance with the new regulations. It must not be supposed that the
305    enactment of religious changes by Parliament was equivalent, as it would be
306    at the present day, to their immediate enforcement throughout the country;
307    especially in the north where the great proprietors and justices of the
308    peace did not carry out the law. A certain number of the ejected priests
309    continued to celebrate the ancient rites privately in the houses of the more
310    earnest Catholics; for which they were not unfrequently punished by
311    imprisonment. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
312    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Of course this was persecution. But according
313    to the ideas of that day it was a very mild kind of persecution; and where
314    it occurred it seems to have been due to the zeal of some of the bishops,
315    and to private busybodies who set the law in motion, rather than to any
316    systematic action on the part of the Government.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
317    &lt;/font&gt;
318    &lt;hr&gt;
319    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;
320    Queen Elizabeth&lt;/i&gt; by Edward Spencer Beesly.&amp;nbsp; Published in London by
321    Macmillan and Co., 1892.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
322    &lt;/font&gt;
323    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
324  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
325&lt;/blockquote&gt;
326
327    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
328    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fbeeslychapterthree.html&quot;&gt;to Chapter
329    III: Foreign Relations: 1559-1563&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
330    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
331    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2feliz1.html&quot;&gt;to the Queen
332    Elizabeth I website&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; /&amp;nbsp;
333    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2frelative%2fmaryqos.html&quot;&gt;to the Mary,
334    queen of Scots website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
335    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
336    to Secondary Sources&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
337    &lt;/font&gt;
338 
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