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14    <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
15    <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
16    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
17    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter IV</Metadata>
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21    <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Others</Metadata>
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31
32&lt;table border=&quot;0&quot; cellpadding=&quot;3&quot; width=&quot;100%&quot; height=&quot;667&quot;&gt;
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46    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;Queen Elizabeth&lt;br&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;
47    &lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
48    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
49    &lt;img border=&quot;2&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg&quot; width=&quot;400&quot; height=&quot;478&quot; alt=&quot;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard&quot;&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
50    &lt;i&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
51    Hilliard;&lt;br&gt;from the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2feliz1-images.html&quot;&gt;Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I&lt;/a&gt; website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
52    &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
53  &lt;/tr&gt;
54&lt;/table&gt;
55&lt;blockquote&gt;
56  &lt;blockquote&gt;
57    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
58    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
59      &lt;b&gt;CHAPTER IV&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
60      &lt;b&gt;ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART: 1559-1568&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
61    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;WHEN Elizabeth mounted the throne, it was
62    taken for granted that she was to marry, and marry with the least possible
63    delay. This was expected of her, not merely because in the event of her
64    dying without issue there would be a dispute whether the claim of Mary
65    Stuart or that of Catherine Grey was to prevail, but for a more general
66    reason. The rule of an unmarried woman, except provisionally during such
67    short interval as might be necessary to provide her with a husband, was
68    regarded as quite out of the question. It was the custom for the husbands of
69    heiresses to step into the property of their wives and stand in the shoes,
70    so to speak, of the last male proprietor, in order to perform those duties
71    which could not be efficiently performed by a woman. Elizabeth's sister,
72    while a subject, had no thought of marrying. But her accession was
73    considered by herself and every one else to involve marriage. If the nobles
74    of England could have foreseen that Elizabeth would elude this obligation,
75    she would probably never have been allowed to mount the throne. Her marriage
76    was thought to be as much a matter of course, and as necessary, as her
77    coronation. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
78    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Accordingly the House of Commons, which met a
79    month after her accession, immediately requested her to select a husband
80    without delay. Her declaration that she had no desire to change her state
81    was supposed to indicate only the real or affected coyness to be expected
82    from a young lady. There was no lack of suitors, foreign or English. The
83    Archduke Charles, son of the Emperor and cousin of Philip, would have been
84    welcomed by all Catholics and acquiesced in by political Protestants like
85    Cecil. The ardent Protestants were eager for Arran, and Cecil, till he saw
86    it was useless, worked his best for him, regardless of the personal
87    sacrifice his mistress must make in wedding a man who was not always quite
88    sane and eventually became a confirmed lunatic. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
89    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Not many months of the new reign had passed
90    before it began to be suspected that Elizabeth's partiality for Lord Robert
91    Dudley had something to do with her evident distaste for all her suitors. To
92    her Ministers and the public this partiality for a married man became a
93    cause of great disquietude. They not unnaturally feared that with a young
94    woman who had no relations to advise and keep watch over her, it might lead
95    to some disastrous scandal incompatible with her continuance on the throne.
96    Marriage with Dudley at this time was out of the question. But within four
97    months of her accession, the Spanish ambassador mentions a report that
98    Dudley's wife had a cancer, and that the Queen was only waiting for her
99    death to marry him. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
100    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;About the humble extraction of Elizabeth's
101    favourite much nonsense was talked in his lifetime by his ill-wishers, and
102    has been duly repeated since. He was as well born as most of the peerage of
103    that time; very few of whom could show nobility of any antiquity in the male
104    line. The Duke of Norfolk being the only Duke at Elizabeth's accession, and
105    in possession of an ancient title, was looked on as the head of his order.
106    Yet it was only seventy-five years since a Howard had first reached the
107    peerage in consequence of having had the good fortune to marry the heiress
108    of the Mowbrays. Edmund Dudley, Minister of Henry VII. and father of
109    Northumberland, was grandson of John, fourth Lord Dudley; and
110    Northumberland, by his mother's side, was sole heir and representative of
111    the ancient barony of De L'Isle, which title he bore before he received his
112    earldom and dukedom. In point of wealth and influence, indeed, the favourite
113    might be called an upstart. The younger son of an attainted father, he had
114    not an acre of land or a farthing of money which he did not owe either to
115    his wife or to the generosity of Elizabeth. This it was that moved the
116    sneers and ill-will of a people with whom nobility has always been a
117    composite idea implying, not only birth and title, but territorial wealth.
118    Moreover his grandfather, though of good extraction, was a simple esquire,
119    and had risen by helping Henry VII. to trample on the old nobility. After
120    his fall his son had climbed to power under Henry VIII. and Edward VI. in
121    the same way. Lord Robert Dudley, again, had to begin at the bottom of the
122    ladder. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
123    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;No one will claim for Elizabeth's favourite
124    that he was a man of distinguished ability or high character. He had a fine
125    figure and a handsome face. He bore himself well in manly exercises. His
126    manners were attractive when he wished to please. To these qualities he
127    first owed his favour with Elizabeth, who was never at any pains to conceal
128    her liking for good-looking men and her dislike of ugly ones. Finding
129    himself in favour, and inheriting to the full the pushing audacity of his
130    father and grandfather, he professed for the Queen a love which he certainly
131    did not feel, in order to serve his soaring ambition. Elizabeth, it is my
132    firm conviction, never loved Dudley or any other man, in any sense of the
133    word, high or low. She had neither a tender heart nor a sensual temperament.
134    But she had a more than feminine appetite for admiration; and the more she
135    was, unhappily for herself, a stranger to the emotion of love, the more
136    restlessly did she desire to be thought capable of inspiring it. She was
137    therefore easily taken in by Dudley's professions, and, though she did not
138    care for him enough to marry him, she liked to have him as well as several
139    other handsome men, dangling about her, &amp;quot;like her lap-dog,&amp;quot; to use her own
140    expression. Further she believed--and here came in the mischief --that his
141    devotion to her person would make him a specially faithful servant. &lt;/font&gt;
142    &lt;/p&gt;
143    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;We know, though Elizabeth did not, that in
144    1561, Dudley was promising the Spanish ambassador to be Philip's humble
145    vassal, and to do his best for Catholicism, if Philip would promote his
146    marriage with the Queen; that, in the same year, he was offering his
147    services to the French Huguenots for the same consideration; that at one
148    time he posed as the protector of the Puritans, while at another he was
149    intriguing with the captive Queen of Scots; whom, again, later on, he had a
150    chief share in bringing to the block. But we must remember that very few
151    statesmen, English or foreign, in the sixteenth century could have shown a
152    record free from similar blots. Those who, like Elizabeth and Cecil, were
153    undeniably actuated on the whole by public spirit, or by any principle more
154    respectable than pure selfishness, never hesitated to lie or play a double
155    game when it seemed to serve their turn. William of Orange is the only
156    eminent statesman, as far as I know, against whom this charge cannot be
157    made. When this was the standard of honour for consistent politicians and
158    real patriots, what was to be expected of lower natures? Dudley's conduct on
159    several occasions was bad and contemptible; and he must be judged with the
160    more severity, because he sinned not only against the code of duty binding
161    on the ordinary man and citizen, but against his professions of a tender
162    sentiment by means of which he had acquired his special influence. I have
163    said that he was not a man of great ability. But neither was he the
164    empty-headed incapable trifler that some writers have depicted him. He was
165    not so judged by his contemporaries. That Elizabeth, because she liked him,
166    would have selected a man of notorious incapacity to command her armies,
167    both in the Netherlands and when the Armada was expected, is one of those
168    hypotheses that do not become more credible by being often repeated. Cecil
169    himself, when it was not a question of the marriage--of which he was a
170    determined opponent--regarded him as a useful servant of the Queen. I do not
171    doubt that Elizabeth estimated his capacity at about its right value. What
172    she over-estimated was his affection for on, he had a chief share in
173    bringing to the block. But we must remember that very few statesmen, English
174    or foreign, in the sixteenth century could have shown a record free from
175    similar blots. Those who, like Elizabeth and Cecil, were undeniably actuated
176    on the whole by public spirit, or by any principle more respectable than
177    pure selfishness, never hesitated to lie or play a double game when it
178    seemed to serve their turn. William of Orange is the only eminent statesman,
179    as far as I know, against whom this charge cannot be made. When this was the
180    standard of honour for consistent politicians and real patriots, what was to
181    be expected of lower natures? Dudley's conduct on several occasions was bad
182    and contemptible; and he must be judged with the more severity, because he
183    sinned not only against the code of duty binding on the ordinary man and
184    citizen, but against his professions of a tender sentiment by means of which
185    he had acquired his special influence. I have said that he was not a man of
186    great ability. But neither was he the empty-headed incapable trifler that
187    some writers have depicted him. He was not so judged by his contemporaries.
188    That Elizabeth, because she liked him, would have selected a man of
189    notorious incapacity to command her armies, both in the Netherlands and when
190    the Armada was expected, is one of those hypotheses that do not become more
191    credible by being often repeated. Cecil himself, when it was not a question
192    of the marriage--of which he was a determined opponent--regarded him as a
193    useful servant of the Queen. I do not doubt that Elizabeth estimated his
194    capacity at about its right value. What she over-estimated was his affection
195    for herself, and consequently his trustworthiness. Sovereigns--and
196    others--often place a near relative in an important post, not as being the
197    most capable person they know, but as most likely to be true to them.
198    Elizabeth had no near relatives. If we grant--as we must grant--that she
199    believed in Dudley's love, we cannot wonder that she employed him in
200    positions of trust. A female ruler will always be liable to make these
201    mistakes, unless her Ministers and captains are to be of her own sex. &lt;/font&gt;
202    &lt;/p&gt;
203    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;On the 3rd of September 1560, two months
204    after the Treaty of Leith, Elizabeth told De Quadra that she had made up her
205    mind to marry the Archduke Charles. On the 8th, Lady Robert Dudley died at
206    Cumnor Hall. On the 11th, Elizabeth told De Quadra that she had changed her
207    mind. Dudley neglected his wife, and never brought her to court. We cannot
208    doubt that he fretted under a tie which stood in the way of his ambition.
209    Her death had been predicted. It is not strange, therefore, that he should
210    have been suspected of having caused it. Nevertheless, not a particle of
211    evidence pointing in that direction has ever been produced, and it seems
212    most probable that the poor deserted creature committed suicide. A coroner's
213    jury investigated the case diligently, and, it would seem, with some animus
214    against Foster, the owner of Cumnor Hall, but returned a verdict of
215    accidental death. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
216    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Anyhow, Dudley was now free. The Scotch
217    Estates were eagerly pressing Arran's suit, and the English Protestants were
218    as eagerly backing them. The opportunity was certainly unique. Though
219    nothing was said about deposing Mary, yet nothing could be more certain than
220    that, if this marriage took place, the Queen of France would never reign in
221    Scotland. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
222    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;At her wits' end how to escape a match so
223    desirable for the Queen, so repulsive to the woman, Elizabeth had announced
224    her willingness to espouse the Archduke in order to gain a short
225    breathing-time. Vienna was at least further than Edinburgh, and difficulties
226    were sure to arise when details began to be discussed. At this moment, by
227    the sudden death of his wife, Dudley became marriageable. If Elizabeth had
228    been free to marry or not, as she pleased, it seems to me in the highest
229    degree improbable that she would ever have thought of taking Dudley. But
230    believing that a husband was inevitable, and expecting that she would be
231    forced to take some one who was either unknown to her or positively
232    distasteful, it was most natural that she should ask herself whether it was
233    not the least of evils to put this cruel persecution to an end by choosing a
234    man whom at least she admired and liked, who loved her, as she thought, for
235    her own sake, and would be as obedient &amp;quot;as her lap-dog.&amp;quot; When nations are
236    ruled by women, and marriageable women, feelings and motives which belong to
237    the sphere of private life, and should be confined to it, are apt to invade
238    the domain of politics. If Elizabeth's subjects expected their sovereign to
239    suppress all personal feelings in choosing a consort, they ought to have
240    established the Salic law. No woman, queen or not queen, can be expected
241    voluntarily to make such a sacrifice. Her happiness is too deeply involved.
242    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
243    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In the autumn, then, of 1560, when Elizabeth
244    had been not quite two years on the throne, she seriously thought of
245    marrying Dudley. It is difficult to say how long she continued to think of
246    it seriously. With him, as with other suitors, she went on coquetting when
247    she had perfectly made up her mind that nothing was to come of it. Perhaps
248    we shall be right in saying that, as long as there was any question of the
249    Archduke Charles, she looked to Dudley as a possible refuge. This would be
250    till about the beginning of 1568. It seems to be always assumed, as a matter
251    of course, that Cecil played the part of Elizabeth's good genius in
252    persistently dissuading her from marrying Dudley. I am not so sure of this.
253    If she had been a wife and a mother many of her difficulties would have at
254    once disappeared, and the weakest points in her character would have no
255    longer been brought out. It ended in her not marrying at all. I am inclined
256    to think that another enemy of Dudley, the Earl of Sussex, showed more good
257    sense and truer patriotism when he wrote in October 1560:-- &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
258    &lt;blockquote&gt;
259      &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;I wish not her Majesty to linger this
260      matter of so great importance, but to choose speedily; and therein to
261      follow so much her own affection as [that], by the looking upon him whom
262      she should choose, omnes ejus sensus titillarentur; which shall be the
263      readiest way, with the help of God, to bring us a blessed prince which
264      shall redeem us out of thraldom. If I knew that England had other rightful
265      inheritors I would then advise otherwise, and seek to serve the time by a
266      husband's choice [seek for an advantageous political alliance]. But seeing
267      that she is ultimum refugium, and that no riches, friendship, foreign
268      alliance, or any other present commodity that might come by a husband, can
269      serve our turn, without issue of her body, if the Queen will love anybody,
270      let her love where and whom she lists, so much thirst I to see her love.
271      And whomsoever she shall love and choose, him will I love, honour, and
272      serve to the uttermost.&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
273    &lt;/blockquote&gt;
274    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Perhaps I may be excused for expressing the
275    opinion that the ideal husband for Elizabeth, if it had been possible, would
276    have been Lord James Stuart, afterwards Earl of Moray. Of sufficient
277    capacity, kindly heart, undaunted resolution, and unswerving rectitude of
278    purpose, he would have supplied just those elements that were wanting to
279    correct her defects. King of Scotland he perhaps could not be. Regent of
280    Scotland he did become. If he could, at the same time, have been Elizabeth's
281    husband, the two crowns might have, in the next generation, been worn by a
282    Stuart of a nobler stock than the son of Mary and Darnley. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
283    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;When Mary Stuart, on the death of her husband
284    Francis II., returned to her own kingdom (August 1561), she found the
285    Scotch nobles sore at the rejection of Arran's suit. Bent on giving a
286    sovereign to England, in one way or another, they were now ready,
287    Protestants as well as Catholics, to back Mary's demand that she should be
288    recognised as Elizabeth's heir-presumptive. To this the English. Queen could
289    not consent, for the very sufficient reason, that not only would the
290    Catholic party be encouraged to hold together and give trouble, but the more
291    bigoted and desperate members of it would certainly attempt her life, lest
292    she should disappoint Mary's hopes by marrying. &amp;quot;She was not so foolish,&amp;quot;
293    she said, &amp;quot;as to hang a winding-sheet before her eyes or make a funeral
294    feast whilst she was alive,&amp;quot; but she promised that she would neither do
295    anything nor allow anything to be done by Parliament to prejudice Mary's
296    title. To this undertaking she adhered long after Mary's hostile conduct had
297    given ample justification for treating her as an enemy. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
298    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Openly Mary was claiming nothing but the
299    succession. In reality she cared little for a prospect so remote and
300    uncertain. What she was scheming for was to hurl Elizabeth from her throne.
301    This was an object for which she never ceased to work till her head was off
302    her shoulders. Her aims were more sharply defined than those of Elizabeth,
303    and she was remarkably free from that indecision which too often marred the
304    action of the English Queen. In ability and information she was not at all
305    inferior to Elizabeth; in promptitude and energy she was her superior. These
306    masculine qualities might have given her the victory in the bitter duel, but
307    that, in the all-important domain of feeling, her sex indomitably asserted
308    itself, and weighted her too heavily to match the superb self-control of
309    Elizabeth. She could love and she could hate; Elizabeth had only likes and
310    dislikes, and therefore played the cooler game. When Mary really loved,
311    which was only once, all selfish calculations were flung to the winds; she
312    was ready to sacrifice everything, and not count the cost--body and soul,
313    crown and life, interest and honour. When she hated, which was often,
314    rancour was apt to get the better of prudence. And so at the fatal
315    turning-point of her career, when mad hate and madder love possessed her
316    soul, she went down before her great rival never to rise again. Here was a
317    woman indeed. And if, for that reason, she lost the battle in life, for that
318    reason too she still disputes it from the tomb. She has always had, and
319    always will have, the ardent sympathy of a host of champions, to whom the
320    &amp;quot;fair vestal throned by the west&amp;quot; is a mere politician, sexless, coldblooded,
321    and repulsive. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
322    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In 1564 Mary, as yet fancy-free, was seeking
323    to match herself on purely political grounds. She was not so fastidious as
324    Elizabeth, for she does not seem to have troubled herself at all about
325    personal qualities, if a match seemed otherwise eligible. The Hamiltons
326    pressed Arran upon her. But he was a Protestant. He was not heir to any
327    throne but that of Scotland; and, though a powerful family in Scotland, the
328    Hamiltons could give her no help elsewhere. Philip, who, now that the Guises
329    had become his protégés, was less jealous of her designs, wished her to
330    marry his cousin, the Archduke Charles of Austria. But this prince, whom
331    Elizabeth professed to find too much of a Catholic, was, in the eyes of
332    'Mary and her more bigoted co-religionists, too nearly a Lutheran; and she
333    doubted whether Philip cared enough for him to risk a war for establishing
334    him and herself upon the English throne. For this reason the husband on whom
335    she had set her heart was Don Carlos, Philip's own son, a sort of wild
336    beast. But Philip received her overtures doubtfully; the fact being that he
337    could not trust Don Carlos, whom he eventually put to death. Catherine de'
338    Medici loved Mary as little as she did the other Guises, but the prospect of
339    the Spanish match filled her with such terror that she proposed to make the
340    Scottish Queen her daughter-in-law a second time by a marriage with Charles
341    IX., a lad under thirteen, if she would wait two years for him. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
342    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;On the other hand, Elizabeth impressed upon
343    Mary that, unless she married a member of some Reformed Church, the English
344    Parliament would certainly demand that her title to the succession, whatever
345    it was, should be declared invalid. The House of Commons was strongly
346    Protestant, and had with difficulty been prevented from addressing the Queen
347    in favour of the succession of Lady Catherine Grey. Apart from religion
348    there was deep irritation against the whole Scotch nation. Sir Ralph Sadler,
349    who had been much employed in Scotland, denounced them as &amp;quot;false, beggarly,
350    and perjured, whom the very stones in the English streets would rise
351    against.&amp;quot; When Elizabeth was dangerously ill in October 1562, the Council
352    discussed whom they should proclaim in the event of her death. Some were for
353    the will of Henry VIII. and Catherine Grey. Others, sick of female rulers,
354    were for taking the Earl of Huntingdon, a descendant of the Duke of
355    Clarence. None were for Mary or Darnley. Mary's chief friends--Montagu,
356    Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Derby--were not on the Council. &lt;/font&gt;
357    &lt;/p&gt;
358    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Parliament and the Council being against her,
359    Mary could not afford to quarrel with the Queen. Elizabeth told her that she
360    would regard a marriage with any Spanish, Austrian, or French prince as a
361    declaration of war. Help from those quarters was far away, and at the mercy
362    of winds and waves: the Border fortresses were near, and their garrisons
363    always ready to march. Besides, whichever of the two she might
364    obtain--Charles IX. or the Archduke--she drove the other into the arms of
365    Elizabeth. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
366    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;But there was another possible husband who
367    had crossed her mind from time to time; not a prince indeed, yet of royal
368    extraction in the female line, and, what was more, not without pretensions
369    to that very succession which she coveted. Henry Lord Darnley, son of
370    Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, was, by his father's side, of the royal
371    family of Scotland, while his mother was the daughter of Margaret Tudor,
372    sister of Henry VIII., by her second husband, the Earl of Angus. Born and
373    brought up in England, where his father had been long an exile, he was
374    reckoned as an Englishman, which, in the opinion of many lawyers, was
375    essential as a qualification for the crown. He was also a Catholic, and if
376    Elizabeth had died at this time, it was perhaps Darnley, rather than Mary,
377    whom the Catholics would have tried to place on the throne. Elizabeth had
378    promised that, if Mary would marry an English nobleman, she would do her
379    best to get Mary's title recognised by Parliament. To Elizabeth, therefore,
380    Mary now turned, with the request that she would point out such a nobleman,
381    not without a hope that she would name Darnley (March 1564). But, to Mary's
382    mortification, she formally recommended Lord Robert Dudley. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
383    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This recommendation has often been treated as
384    if it was a sorry joke perpetrated by Elizabeth, who had never any intention
385    of furthering, or even permitting, such a match. But nothing is more certain
386    than that Elizabeth was most anxious to bring it about; and it affords a
387    decisive proof that her feeling for Dudley, whatever name she herself may
388    have put to it, was not what is usually called love. Cecil and all her most
389    intimate advisers entertained no doubt that she was sincere. She undertook,
390    if Mary would accept Dudley, to make him a duke; and, in the meantime, she
391    created him Earl of Leicester. She regarded him, so she told Mary's envoy
392    Melville, as her brother and her friend; if he was Mary's husband she would
393    have no suspicion or fear of any usurpation before her death, being assured
394    that he was so loving and trusty that he would never permit anything to be
395    attempted during her time. &amp;quot;But,&amp;quot; she said, pointing to Darnley, who was
396    present, &amp;quot;you like better yonder long lad.&amp;quot; Her suspicion was correct.
397    Melville had secret instructions to procure permission for Darnley to go to
398    Scotland. However, he answered discreetly that &amp;quot;no woman of spirit could
399    choose such an one who more resembled a woman than a man.&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
400    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;How was Elizabeth to be persuaded to let
401    Darnley leave England? There was only one way to disarm suspicion: Mary
402    declared herself ready to marry Leicester (January 1565). Darnley
403    immediately obtained leave of absence for three months ostensibly to recover
404    the forfeited Lennox property. In Scotland the purpose of his coming was not
405    mistaken, and it roused the Protestants to fury. The Queen's chapel, the
406    only place in the Lowlands where mass was said, was beset. Her priests were
407    mobbed and maltreated. Moray, who till lately had supported his sister with
408    such loyalty and energy that Knox had quarrelled with him, prepared, with
409    the other Lords of the Congregation, for resistance. Elizabeth, and Cecil
410    also, had been completely overreached. A prudent player sometimes gets into
411    difficulties by attributing equal prudence to a daring and reckless
412    antagonist. Elizabeth, as a patriotic ruler, desired nothing but peace and
413    security for her own kingdom. If she could have that, she had no wish to
414    meddle with Scotland. Mary, caring nothing for the interests of her
415    subjects, was facing civil war with a light heart; and, for the chance of
416    obtaining the more brilliant throne, was ready to risk her own. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
417    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Undeterred by Elizabeth's threats, Mary
418    married Darnley (29 July 1565). Moray and Argyll, having obtained a
419    promise of assistance from England, took arms; but most of the Lords of the
420    Congregation showed themselves even more powerless or perfidious than they
421    had been five years before. Morton, Ruthven, and Lindsay, stoutest of
422    Protestants, were related to Darnley, and were gratified by the elevation of
423    their kinsman. Moray failed to elicit a spark of spirit out of the
424    priest-baiting citizens of Edinburgh, and the Queen, riding steel cap on
425    head and pistols at saddle-bow, chased him into England. Lord Bedford, who
426    was in command at Berwick, could have stepped across the Border and
427    scattered her undisciplined array without difficulty. He implored Elizabeth
428    to let him do it; offered to do it on his own responsibility, and be
429    disavowed. But he found, to his mortification, that she had been playing a
430    game of brag. She had hoped that a threatening attitude would stop the
431    marriage. But as it was an accomplished fact she was not going to draw the
432    sword. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
433    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This was shabby treatment of Moray and his
434    friends, and to some of her councillors it seemed not only shameful but
435    dangerous to show the white feather. But judging from the course of events,
436    Elizabeth's policy was the safe one. The English Catholics--some of them at
437    all events, as will be explained presently--were becoming more discontented
438    and dangerous. The northern earls were known to be disaffected. Mary
439    believed that in every country in England the Catholics had their
440    organisation and their leaders, and that, if she chose, she could march to
441    London. No doubt she was much deceived. In reluctance to resort to violence
442    and respect for constituted authority, England, even north of the Humber,
443    was at least two centuries ahead of Scotland, and, if she had come attended
444    by a horde of savage Highlanders and Border ruffians, &amp;quot;the very stones in
445    the streets would have risen against them.&amp;quot; It was Elizabeth's rule--and a
446    very good rule too--never to engage in a war if she could avoid it. From
447    this rule she could not be drawn to swerve either by passion or ambition, or
448    that most fertile source of fighting, a regard for honour. All the old
449    objections to an invasion of Scotland still subsisted in full strength, and
450    were reinforced by others. It was better to wait for an attack which might
451    never come than go half-way to meet it. An invasion of Scotland might drive
452    the northern earls to declare for Mary, which, unless compelled to choose
453    sides, they might never do. Some people are more perturbed by the
454    expectation and uncertainty of danger than by its declared presence. Not so
455    Elizabeth. Smouldering treason she could take coolly as long as it only
456    smouldered. As for the betrayal of the Scotch refugees, Elizabeth never
457    allowed the private interests of her own subjects, much less those of
458    foreigners, to weigh against the interests of England. Moray, one of the
459    most magnanimous and self-sacrificing of statesmen, evidently felt that
460    Elizabeth's course was wise, if not exactly chivalrous. He submitted to her
461    public rebuke without publicly contradicting her, and waited patiently in
462    exile till it should be convenient for her to help him and his cause. Mary,
463    too, though elated by her success, and never abandoning her intention to
464    push it further, found it best to halt for a while. Philip wrote to her that
465    he would help her secretly with money if Elizabeth attacked her, but not
466    otherwise, and warned her against any premature clutch at the English crown.
467    Elizabeth's seeming tameness could hardly have received a more complete
468    justification. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
469    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Mary had determined to espouse Darnley,
470    before she had set eyes on him, for purely political reasons. There is no
471    reason to suppose she ever cared for him. It is more likely, as Mr. Froude
472    suggests, that for a great political purpose she was doing an act which in
473    itself she loathed. A woman of twenty-two, already a widow, mature beyond
474    her years, exceptionally able, absorbed in the great game of politics, and
475    accustomed to admiration, was not likely to care for a raw lad of nineteen,
476    foolish, ignorant, ill-conditioned, vicious, and without a single manly
477    quality. One man we know she did love later on--loved passionately and
478    devotedly, no slim girl-faced youngster, but the fierce, stout-limbed,
479    dare-devil Bothwell; and Bothwell gradually made his way to her heart by his
480    readiness to undertake every desperate service she required of him. What
481    Mary admired, nay envied, in the other sex was the stout heart and the
482    strong arm. She loved herself to rough it on the war-path. She surprised
483    Randolph by her spirit:--&amp;quot;Never thought I that stomach to be in her that I
484    find. She repented nothing but, when the Lords and others came in the
485    morning from the watches, that she was not a man, to know what life it was
486    to lie all night in the fields or to walk upon the causeway with a jack and
487    a knapscap, a Glasgow buckler and a broadsword.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;She desires much,&amp;quot; says
488    Knollys, &amp;quot;to hear of hardiness and valiancy, commending by name all approved
489    hardy men of her country, although they be her enemies; and she concealeth
490    no cowardice even in her friends.&amp;quot; Valuable to Mary as a man of action,
491    Bothwell was not worth much as an adviser. For advice she looked to the
492    Italian Rizzio, in whom she confided because, with the detachment of a
493    foreigner, he regarded Scotch ambitions, animosities, and intrigues only as
494    so much material to be utilised for the purpose of the combined onslaught on
495    Protestantism which the Pope was trying to organise. Bothwell was at this
496    time thirty, and Rizzio, according to Lesley, fifty. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
497    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In spite of all the prurient suggestions of
498    writers who have fastened on the story of Mary's life as on a savoury
499    morsel, there is no reason whatever for thinking that she was a woman of a
500    licentious disposition, and there is strong evidence to the contrary. There
501    was never anything to her discredit in France. Her behaviour in the affair
502    of Chastelard was irreproachable. The charge of adultery with Rizzio is
503    dismissed as unworthy of belief even by Mr. Froude, the severest of her
504    judges. Bothwell indeed she loved, and, like many another woman who does not
505    deserve to be called licentious, she sacrificed her reputation to the man
506    she loved. But the most conclusive proof that she was no slave to appetite
507    is afforded by her nineteen years' residence in England, which began when
508    she was only twenty-five. During almost the whole of that time she was
509    mixing freely in the society of the other sex, with the fullest opportunity
510    for misconduct had she been so inclined. It is not to be supposed that she
511    was fettered by any scruples of religion or morality. Yet no charge of
512    unchastity is made against her. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
513    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;When Darnley found that his wife, though she
514    conferred on him the title of King, did not procure for him the crown
515    matrimonial or allow him the smallest authority, he gave free vent to his
516    anger. No less angry were his kinsmen, Morton, Ruthven, and Lindsay. They
517    had deserted the Congregation in the expectation that when Darnley was King
518    they would be all-powerful. Instead of this they found themselves neglected;
519    while the Queen's confidence was given to Catholics and to Bothwell, who,
520    though nominally a Protestant, always acted with the Catholics. The
521    Protestant seceders had in fact fallen between two stools. It was against
522    Rizzio that their rage burnt fiercest. Bothwell was only a bull-headed,
523    blundering swordsman. Rizzio was doubly detestable to them as the brain of
524    the Queen's clique and as a low-born foreigner. Rizzio, therefore, they
525    determined to remove in the time-honoured Scottish fashion. Notice of the
526    day fixed for the murder was sent to the banished noblemen in England, so
527    that they might appear in Edinburgh immediately it was accomplished. &lt;/font&gt;
528    &lt;/p&gt;
529    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Randolph, the English ambassador, and
530    Bedford, who commanded on the Border, were also taken into the secret, and
531    they communicated it to Cecil and Leicester. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
532    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;It is unnecessary here to repeat the
533    well-known story of the murder of Rizzio. It was part of a large scheme for
534    bringing back the exiled Protestant lords, closing the split in the
535    Protestant party, and securing the ascendancy of the Protestant religion. At
536    first it appeared to have succeeded. Bedford wrote to Cecil that &amp;quot;everything
537    would now go well.&amp;quot; But Mary, by simulating a return of wifely fondness,
538    managed to detach her weak husband from his confederates. By his aid she
539    escaped from their hands. Bothwell and her Catholic friends gathered round
540    her in arms. In a few days she re-entered Edinburgh in triumph, and Rizzio's
541    murderers had to take refuge in England. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
542    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;But if the Protestant stroke had failed, Mary
543    was obliged to recognise that her plan for re-establishing the Catholic
544    ascendancy in Scotland could not be rushed in the high-handed way she had
545    proposed as a mere preliminary to the more important subjugation of England.
546    At the very moment when she seemed to stand victorious over all opposition,
547    the ground had yawned under her feet, and, while she was dreaming of
548    dethroning Elizabeth, she had found herself a helpless captive in the hands
549    of her own subjects. The lesson was a valuable one, and if she could profit
550    by it her prospects had never been so good. The barbarous outrage of which,
551    in the sixth month of pregnancy, she had been the object could not but
552    arouse widespread sympathy for her. She had extricated herself from her
553    difficulties with splendid courage and clever-ness. The loss of such an
554    adviser as Rizzio was really a stroke of luck for her. All she had to do was
555    to abandon, or at all events postpone, her design of reestablishing the
556    Catholic religion in Scotland, and to discontinue her intrigues against
557    Elizabeth. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
558    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Her prospects in England were still further
559    improved when she gave birth to a son (19 June 1566). Once more there was
560    an heir-male to the old royal line, and, as Elizabeth continued to evade
561    marriage, most people who were not fierce Protestants began to think it
562    would be more reasonable and safe to abide by the rule of primogeniture than
563    by the will of Henry VIII., sanctioned though it was by Act of Parliament.
564    There can be no doubt that this was the opinion and intention of Elizabeth,
565    though she strongly objected to having anything settled during her own
566    lifetime. But she had herself gone a long way towards settling it by her
567    treatment of Mary's only serious competitor. Catherine Grey had contracted a
568    secret marriage with the Earl of Hertford, son of the Protector Somerset.
569    Her pregnancy necessitated an avowal. The clergyman who had married them was
570    not forthcoming, and Hertford's sister, the only witness, was dead.
571    Elizabeth chose to disbelieve their story, though she would not have been
572    able to prove when, where, or by whom her own father and mother had been
573    married. She had a right to be angry; but when she sent the unhappy couple
574    to the Tower, and caused her tool, Archbishop Parker, to pronounce the union
575    invalid and its offspring illegitimate, she was playing Mary's game. The
576    House of Commons elected in 1563 was still undissolved. It was strongly
577    Protestant, and it favoured Catherine's title even after her disgrace. In
578    its second session, in the autumn of 1566, it made a determined effort to
579    compel Elizabeth to marry, and in the meanwhile to recognise Catherine as
580    the heirpresumptive. The zealous Protestants knew well that the Peers were
581    in favour of the Stuart title, and they feared that a new House of Commons
582    might agree with the Peers. To get rid of their pertinacity Elizabeth
583    dissolved Parliament, not without strong expressions of displeasure (2 January 1567). Cecil himself earned the thanks of Mary for his attitude on this
584    occasion. It cannot be doubted that he dreaded her succession; but he saw
585    which way the tide was running, and he thought it prudent to swim with it.
586    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
587    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;It was at this moment that Mary flung away
588    all her advantage, and entered oh the fatal course which led to her ruin.
589    Her loathing for Darnley, her fierce desire to avenge on him the insults and
590    outrage she had suffered, left no room in heart or mind for considerations
591    of policy. She would have been glad to obtain a divorce. But the Catholic
592    Church does not grant divorce for misconduct after marriage. Some pretext
593    must be found for alleging that the marriage was null from the beginning.
594    This did not suit Mary. It would have made her son illegitimate, and would
595    have placed her in exactly the position of Catherine Grey. A mere separation
596    a toro would not have suited her any better, for it would not have enabled
597    her to contract another marriage. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
598    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;When Mary's reliance on Bothwell grew into
599    attachment, when her attachment warmed into love, it is impossible to fix
600    with any exactness. Her infatuation presented itself to him as a grand
601    opening for his daring ambition. A notorious profligate, he loved her--if
602    the word is to be so degraded--as much or as little as he had loved twenty
603    other women. What, however, he desired in her case, was marriage. A more
604    sensible man would have foreseen that marriage would mean certain ruin for
605    himself and the Queen. But he was accustomed to despise all difficulties in
606    his path, being intellectually incapable of measuring them, and believing in
607    nothing but audacity and brute force. Husband of the Queen, why should he
608    not be master of the kingdom? Why not King? When such an idea had once
609    occurred to Bothwell, Darnley's expectancy of life would be much the same as
610    that of a calf in the presence of the butcher. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
611    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The wretched victim had alienated all his
612    friends among the nobility. Some owed him a deadly grudge for his treachery.
613    Others had been offended by his insolence. To all he was an encumbrance and
614    a nuisance. Several, therefore, of the leading personages were more or less
615    engaged in the compact for putting him out of the way. Moray, Argyll, and
616    Maitland offered to assist in ridding Mary of her husband by way of a
617    Protestant sentence of divorce, on condition that Morton and his friends in
618    exile should be pardoned and recalled. The bargain was struck, and Mary
619    assented to it. Nothing was said about murder. No one had any interest in
620    murder except Mary and Bothwell, whose project of marriage was as yet
621    unsuspected. At the same time, if Bothwell liked to kill Darnley on his own
622    responsibility, as no doubt he made it pretty plain that he would--why, so
623    much the better. It relieved the other lords of all trouble. It was a
624    simple, thorough, old-fashioned expedient, which had never been attended
625    with any discredit in Scotland, and had only one inconvenience --that it
626    usually saddled the murderer with a blood feud. In the present case Lennox
627    was the only peer who would feel the least aggrieved; and he was in no
628    condition to wage blood-feuds. Anyhow, that was Bothwell's look-out. &lt;/font&gt;
629    &lt;/p&gt;
630    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;So obvious was all this that it was hardly
631    worth while to observe secrecy except as to the exact occasion and mode of
632    execution. Many persons were more or less aware of what was going to be
633    done; but none cared to interfere. Moray was an honourable and conscientious
634    man, if judged by the standard of his environment--the only fair way of
635    estimating character. But Moray chose to leave Edinburgh the morning before
636    the deed; and thought it sufficient to be able to say afterwards that &amp;quot;if
637    any man said he was present when purposes [talk] were held in his audience
638    tending to any unlawful or dishonourable end, he spoke wickedly and
639    untruly.&amp;quot; The inner circle of the plot consisted of Bothwell, Argyll, Huntly,
640    Maitland, and Sir James Balfour. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
641    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;That Darnley was murdered by Bothwell is not
642    disputed. That Mary was cognisant of the plot, and lured him to the
643    shambles, has been doubted by few investigators at once competent and
644    unbiassed. She lent herself to this part not without compunction. Bothwell
645    had the advantage over her that the loved has over the lover; and he used it
646    mercilessly for his headlong ambition, hardly taking the trouble to pretend
647    that he cared for the unhappy woman who was sacrificing everything for him.
648    He in fact cared more for his lawful wife, whom he was preparing to divorce,
649    and to whom he had been married only six months. Mary was tormented by
650    jealousy of her after the divorce as well as before. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
651    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The murder of Darnley (10 February 1567) was
652    universally ascribed to Mary at the time by Catholics as well as Protestants
653    at home and abroad, and it fatally damaged her cause in England and the rest
654    of Europe. In Scotland itself--such was the backward and barbarous state of
655    the country--it would probably not have shaken her throne if she had
656    followed it up with firm and prudent government. She might even have
657    indulged her illicit passion for Bothwell, with little pretence of
658    concealment, if she had not advanced him in place and power above his
659    equals. There was probably not a noble in Scotland, from Moray downwards,
660    who would have scrupled to be her Minister. The Protestant commonalty
661    indeed, who with all the national laxity as to the observance of the sixth
662    commandment, were shocked by any trifling with the seventh, would no doubt
663    have made their bark heard. But their bite had not yet become formidable;
664    and in any case they were not to be propitiated. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
665    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;What brought sudden and irretrievable ruin on
666    Mary was not the murder of Darnley, but the infatuation which made her the
667    passive instrument of Bothwell's presumptuous ambition. The lords, Catholic
668    and Protestant alike, allowed the murder to pass uncondemned and unpunished;
669    but they were furious when they found that Darnley had only been removed to
670    make room for Bothwell, and that they were to have for their master a noble
671    of by no means the highest lineage, bankrupt in fortune, and generally
672    disliked for his arrogant and bullying demeanour. The project of marriage
673    was not disclosed till ten weeks after the murder (19 April 1567). Five
674    days later, Bothwell, fearing lest he should be frustrated by public
675    indignation or interference from England, carried off the Queen, as had been
676    previously arranged between them. His idea was that, when Mary had been thus
677    publicly outraged, it would be recognised as impossible that she should
678    marry any one but the ravisher. In this coarse expedient, as in the clumsy
679    means employed for disposing of Darnley, we see the blundering foolhardiness
680    of the man. The marriage ceremony was performed as soon as Bothwell's
681    divorce could be managed (15 May). Just a month later Mary surrendered to
682    the insurgent lords at Carberry Hill, and Bothwell, flying for his life,
683    disappears from history. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
684    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The feelings with which Elizabeth had
685    contemplated the course of events in Scotland during the last six months
686    were no doubt of a mixed nature. At the beginning of 1567, her seven-years'
687    duel with Mary appeared to be ending in defeat. The last bold thrust, aimed
688    in her interest if not by her hand --the murder of Rizzio--had not improved
689    her position. It seemed that she would soon be obliged to make her choice
690    between two equally dreaded alternatives: she must either recognise Mary as
691    her heir or take a husband. From this unpleasant dilemma she was released by
692    the headlong descent of her rival in the first six months of 1567. But all
693    other feelings were soon swallowed up in alarm and indignation at the
694    spectacle of subjects in revolt against their sovereign. As tidings came in
695    rapid succession of Mary's surrender at Carberry Hill, of her return to
696    Edinburgh amidst the insults and threats of the Calvinist mob, of her
697    imprisonment at Loch Leven, of the proposal to try and execute her,
698    Elizabeth's anger waxed hotter, and she told the Scotch lords in her most
699    imperious tones that she could not, and would not, permit them to use force
700    with their sovereign. If they deposed or punished her, she would revenge it
701    upon them. If they could not prevail on her to do what was right, they must
702    &amp;quot;remit themselves to Almighty God, in whose hands only princes' hearts
703    remain.&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
704    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This language, addressed as it was to the
705    only men in Scotland who were disposed to support the English interest, was
706    imprudent. In her fellow-feeling for a sister sovereign, and her keen
707    perception of the revolutionary tendencies of the time, Elizabeth spoilt an
708    unique opportunity of placing her relations with Scotland on a footing of
709    permanent security, of providing for the English succession in a way at once
710    advantageous to the nation and free from risk to her own life, and lastly,
711    of escaping from the constant worry about her own marriage. She had seen
712    clearly enough what might be made of the situation. Throgmorton had been
713    despatched to Scotland with instructions to do his best to get the infant
714    Prince confided to her care. Once in England, she would virtually have
715    adopted him. She would have possessed a son and heir without the
716    inconvenience of marriage. To a Parliamentary recognition, indeed, of his
717    title she would assuredly not have consented. It would have made him
718    independent and dangerous. But if he behaved well to her, his succession
719    would be more certain than any Act of Parliament could make it. Mary, if
720    released and restored to power, would no longer be formidable. If she were
721    deposed or put to death, Elizabeth would indirectly govern Scotland, at all
722    events, till James should be of age. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
723    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This splendid opportunity Elizabeth lost by
724    her peremptory and domineering language. The old Scotch pride took fire. The
725    Anglophile lords, who would have been glad enough to send the young Prince
726    to England, could not afford to appear less patriotic than the Francophiles.
727    Throgmorton's attempt to get hold of James was as unsuccessful as that of
728    the Protector Somerset to get hold of James's mother had been twenty years
729    before. He was told that, before the Prince could be sent to England, his
730    title to the English succession must be recognised; a condition which
731    Elizabeth could not grant. Her claim that Mary should be restored without
732    conditions was equally unacceptable to the Anglophile lords. They might have
733    been induced to release her if she would have consented to give up Bothwell,
734    or if they could have caught and hanged him. But such was her devotion to
735    him, that no threats or promises availed to shake it. It was in vain that
736    they offered to produce letters of his to the divorced Lady Bothwell, in
737    which he assured her that he regarded her still as his lawful wife, and Mary
738    only as his concubine. The unhappy Queen had been aware even before her
739    marriage--as a pathetic letter to Bothwell shows--that her passionate love
740    was not returned. Two days after the marriage, his unkindness had driven her
741    to think of suicide. But nothing they could say could shake her constancy.
742    &amp;quot;She would not consent by any persuasion to abandon the Lord Bothwell for
743    her husband. She would live and die with him. If it were put to her choice
744    to relinquish her crown and kingdom or the Lord Bothwell, she would leave
745    her kingdom and dignity to go as a simple damsel with him; and she will
746    never consent that he shall fare worse or have more harm than herself. Let
747    them put Bothwell and herself on board ship to go wherever fortune might
748    carry them.&amp;quot; This temper made it difficult for the Anglophile lords to know
749    what to do with the prisoner of Loch Leven. They were disappointed and angry
750    that Elizabeth, instead of approving their enterprise, and sending the money
751    for which, as usual, they were begging, should treat them as rebels, and
752    even secretly urge the Hamiltons to rescue Mary by force. The Hamiltons were
753    in arms at Dumbarton. They wanted either that the Prince should be
754    proclaimed King, with the Duke of Chatelherault for Regent, or that Mary
755    should be divorced from Bothwell and married to Lord John Hamilton, the
756    Duke's second son, and, in default of the crazy Arran, his destined
757    successor. With Argyll, too, disgust at Mary's crime was tempered by a
758    desire to marry her to his brother. Lady Douglas of Loch Leven herself, for
759    whom Sir Walter Scott has invented such magnificent tirades, desired nothing
760    better than to be her mother-in-law. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
761    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The prompt action of the confederate lords
762    foiled these schemes. By the threat of a public trial on the charge of
763    complicity in her husband's murder, or, as her advocates believe, by the
764    fear of instant death, Mary was compelled to abdicate in favour of her son,
765    and to nominate Moray Regent (29 July 1567). Elizabeth would not recognise
766    him; partly from a natural fear lest she should be suspected of having been
767    in collusion with him all along, partly from genuine abhorrence of such
768    revolutionary proceedings. The French Government, on the other hand, casting
769    principle and sentiment alike to the winds, courted his alliance. He might
770    keep his sister in prison, or put her to death, or send her to be immured in
771    a French convent: only let him embrace the French interests, and an army
772    should be sent to support him --a Huguenot army if he did not like
773    Catholics. But Moray turned a deaf ear to these solicitations, and waited
774    patiently till Elizabeth's ill-humour should give way to more statesmanlike
775    considerations. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
776    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The escape of Mary from Loch Leven (2 May
777    1568), and the rising of the Hamiltons in her favour, were largely due to
778    the unfriendly attitude assumed by Elizabeth to the Regent's government.
779    After the defeat of Langside (13 May) it would perhaps have been difficult
780    for the fugitive Queen to make her way to France or Spain. But it was not
781    the difficulty which deterred her from making the attempt. Both Catherine
782    and Philip, later on, were disposed to befriend her, or, rather, to make use
783    of her; but at the time of her escape from Scotland, she had nothing to
784    expect from them but severity. Elizabeth was the only sovereign who had
785    tried to help her. Moreover, Mary had always laboured under the delusion
786    that because most Englishmen regarded her as the next heir to the crown, and
787    a great many preferred the old religion to the new, she had as good a party
788    in England as Elizabeth herself, if not a better. During her prosperity, she
789    had made repeated applications to be allowed to visit the southern kingdom.
790    She was convinced that, if she once appeared on English ground, Elizabeth's
791    throne would be shaken; and Elizabeth's unwillingness to receive the visit
792    had confirmed her in her belief. If she now crossed the Solway without
793    waiting for the permission which she had requested by letter, it was not
794    because she was hard pressed. The Regent had gone to Edinburgh after the
795    battle. At Dundrennan, among the Catholic Maxwells, Lord Herries guaranteed
796    her safety for forty days; and, at an hour's notice, a boat would place, her
797    beyond pursuit. Her haste was rather prompted by the expectation that
798    Elizabeth, alarmed by her application, would refuse to receive her. To
799    Elizabeth the arrival of the Scottish Queen was, indeed, as unwelcome as it
800    was unexpected. For ten years she had governed successfully, because she had
801    managed to hold an even course between conflicting principles and parties,
802    and to avoid taking up a decisive attitude on the most burning questions.
803    The very indecision, which was the weak spot in her character, and which so
804    fretted her Ministers, had, it must be confessed, contributed something to
805    the result. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
806    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Cecil might groan over a policy of letting
807    things drift. But it may be doubted whether they had not often drifted
808    better than Cecil would have steered them if he might have had his way. To
809    do nothing is not, indeed, the golden rule of statesmanship. But at that
810    time, England's peculiar position between France and Spain, and between
811    Calvinism and Catholicism, enabled her ruler to play a waiting game. This
812    was the general rule applicable to the situation. Elizabeth apprehended it
813    more clearly than her Ministers did, and she fell back on it again and
814    again, when they flattered themselves that they had committed her to a
815    forward policy. It was safe. It was cheap. It required coolness and
816    intrepidity--qualities with which Elizabeth was well furnished by nature.
817    But it was not spirited: it was not showy. Hence it has not found favour
818    with historians, who insist that it ought to have ended in disaster. As a
819    matter of fact, England was carried safely through unparalleled
820    difficulties; and, when all is said, Elizabeth is entitled to be judged by
821    the general result of her long reign. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
822    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Mary's arrival was unwelcome to Elizabeth,
823    because it seemed likely to force her hand. To do nothing would be no longer
824    possible. The Catholic nobles and gentry of the north flocked to Carlisle to
825    pay court to the heiress of the English crown. It was not that they believed
826    her innocent of her husband's murder. The suspicion of her complicity was at
827    that time universal. But they supposed that it would never amount to more
828    than a suspicion. They did not expect that the charge would ever be formally
829    made. They were not aware that it could be supported by overwhelming
830    evidence. Later on, when the proofs were produced, they had already
831    committed themselves to her cause, and were bound not to be convinced.
832    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
833    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;If the attitude of these Catholics be thought
834    to indicate some moral callousness, it may be fairly argued that it was less
835    cynical than that of Elizabeth herself, who, while not unwilling that Mary
836    should be suspected, would not allow her to be convicted. Steady to her main
837    purpose, though hesitating, and even vacillating, in the means she adopted,
838    she still adhered, notwithstanding all that had lately taken place, to her
839    intention that Mary, if her survivor, should be her successor. Like all the
840    greatest statesmen of her time, she placed secular interests before
841    religious opinions. She was persuaded that the maintenance of the principle
842    of authority was all-important. Nothing else could hold society together or
843    prevent the rival fanaticisms from tearing each other to pieces. For
844    authority there was no other basis left than the principle of hereditary
845    succession by primogeniture. This principle must, therefore, be treated as
846    something sacred--not to be set aside or tampered with in a short-sighted
847    grasping at any seeming immediate utility. To allow it to be called in
848    question was to shake her own title. Already, in France, the Jesuits were
849    preaching that orthodoxy and the will of the people were the only legitimate
850    foundation of sovereignty. Few English Catholics had learned that doctrine;
851    but they would not be slow to learn it if the hereditary claim of Mary was
852    to be set aside. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
853    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;If Mary had been content to claim what
854    primogeniture gave her--the right to the succession--there would have been
855    no quarrel between her and Elizabeth. But it was notorious that she had all
856    along been plotting to substitute herself for Elizabeth. Never had she
857    cherished that dream with more confidence than when the Percys and Nevilles
858    crowded round her at Carlisle. In her sanguine imagination, she already saw
859    herself mistress of a finer kingdom than that which had just expelled her,
860    and marching, at the head of her new subjects, to wreak vengeance on her old
861    ones. She seemed likely to be no less dangerous as an exile in England than
862    as a Queen in Scotland. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
863    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
864    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
865    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Elizabeth had now reason to regret the
866    unnecessary warmth with which she had espoused Mary's cause. To suppose that
867    she had any sentimental feelings for one whom she knew to be her deadly
868    enemy is, in my judgment, ridiculous. Elizabeth was not a generous
869    woman--especially towards other women; and in this case generosity would
870    have been folly, and culpable folly. She did not hate Mary--she was too cool
871    and self-reliant to hate an enemy--but she disliked her. She was jealous,
872    with a small feminine jealousy, of her beauty and fascinations. The
873    consciousness of this unworthy feeling made her all the more anxious not to
874    betray it. And so, at a time when she did not expect to have Mary on her
875    hands, she had been tempted to use language implying a pity, sympathy, and
876    affection which assuredly she did not feel, and which it would not have been
877    creditable to her to feel. Petty insincerities of this kind have usually to
878    be paid for sooner or later. She had now to exchange the language of
879    sympathy for the language of business with what grace she could; and she has
880    not escaped the charge, certainly undeserved, of deliberate treachery. It
881    was awkward, after such exaggerated professions of sympathy, to be obliged
882    to hold the fugitive at arm's-length, and even to put restraint on her
883    movements. But no other course was possible. No sovereign, at any time in
884    history, has allowed a pretender to the crown to move about freely in his
885    dominions and make a party among his subjects. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
886    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Wince as she might, and did, under the
887    reproach of treachery, Elizabeth was not going to allow her unwise words to
888    tie her to unwise action. Only one arrangement appeared to her to be at once
889    admissible in principle and prudent in practice. Mary must be restored to
890    the Scottish throne; but in such a way that she should thenceforth be
891    powerless for mischief. She must be content with the title of Queen. The
892    real government must be in the hands of Moray. Thus the principle of
893    legitimacy and the sacredness of royalty would be saved, and the English
894    Catholics would be content to bide their time. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
895    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Cecil, for his part, was also anxious to see
896    Mary back in Scotland; but not as Queen. Though regarded in Catholic circles
897    as a desperate heretic, he was really a &lt;i&gt;politique&lt;/i&gt;, a worldly-minded
898    man--I mean the epithet to be laudatory--and he would probably have admitted
899    in the abstract the wisdom of Elizabeth's opinion--that it was of more
900    importance to England to have a legitimate sovereign than a gospel religion.
901    But he was not prepared to submit frankly to the application of this
902    principle. His personal prospects were too deeply concerned. It was all very
903    well for Elizabeth to lay down a principle in which she might be said to
904    have a life-interest. She was thirteen years his junior; but she might
905    easily predecease him; and, with Mary on the throne, his power would
906    certainly go, and, not improbably, his head with it. It was not in human
907    nature, therefore, that he should cherish the principle of primogeniture as
908    his mistress did; and, as far as his dread of her displeasure would allow
909    him, he was always casting about for some means of defeating Mary's
910    reversion. Her sudden plunge into crime was to him a turn of good fortune
911    beyond his dreams. If he could have had his will she would have been
912    promptly handed over to the Regent on the understanding that she was to be
913    consigned to perpetual imprisonment, or, still better, to the scaffold.
914    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
915    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In order to carry out her plan, Elizabeth
916    called on Mary and the Regent to submit their respective cases to a
917    Commission, consisting of the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, and Sir
918    Ralph Sadler. Mary was extremely reluctant, as she well might be, to face
919    any investigation; but she was told that, until her character was formally
920    cleared, she could not be admitted to Elizabeth's presence; and she was at
921    the same time privately assured that her restoration should, in any case, be
922    managed without any damage to her honour. Moray received an equally positive
923    assurance that if his sister was proved guilty, she should not be restored.
924    The two statements were not absolutely irreconcilable, because Elizabeth
925    intended to prevent the worst charges from being openly proved. Her sole
926    object--and we can hardly blame her--was to obtain security for herself and
927    her own kingdom. She did not wish the Queen of Scots to be proved a
928    murderess in open court; but she did desire that the charge should be made,
929    and also that the Commissioners should see the originals of the casket
930    letters. Any public disclosure of the evidence might be prevented, and some
931    sort of ambiguous acquittal pronounced, on grounds which all the world would
932    see to be nugatory: such, for instance, as the culprit's own solemn denial
933    of the charge; which was, in fact, the only answer Mary intended to make.
934    What was known to the Commissioners would come to be more or less known to
935    all persons of influence in England, and would surely discredit Mary to such
936    a degree that even her warmest partisans would cease to conspire in her
937    favour. Mary herself (so Elizabeth hoped), when made aware that this
938    terrible weapon was in reserve, and could at any moment be used against her,
939    would be permanently humbled and crippled, and would be glad to accept such
940    terms as Elizabeth would impose. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
941    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The Commissioners opened their court at York
942    (October 1568). But they had not been sitting long before Elizabeth
943    discovered that Norfolk was scheming to marry Mary, and that the project was
944    approved by many of the English nobility. Their purpose was not, as yet,
945    disloyal. They thought that, married to the head of the English peerage, and
946    residing in England, Mary would have to give up her plots with France, while
947    her presence would strengthen the Conservative party, which desired to keep
948    up the old alliance with Spain, and looked for the re-establishment sooner
949    or later of the old religion. This scheme, though not disloyal, was
950    extremely alarming to Elizabeth. Norfolk was nominally a Protestant. But she
951    had placed him on the Commission as a representative of the Conservative
952    party, believing that, while he would lend himself to hushing up Mary's
953    guilt, his eyes would be opened to her real character. Yet here he was, like
954    the Hamiltons, Campbells, and Douglases, ready to take her with her smirched
955    reputation, simply for the chance of her two crowns. It was not a case of
956    love, for he had never seen her. He seems to have been staggered for a
957    moment by the sight of the casket letters, and to have doubted whether it
958    was for his honour or even his safety to marry such a woman. But in the end,
959    as we shall see, he swallowed his scruples. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
960    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;On discovering Norfolk's intrigue, Elizabeth
961    hastily revoked the Commission, and ordered another investigation to be held
962    by the most important peers and statesmen of England. The casket letters and
963    the depositions were submitted to them. Mary's able and zealous advocate,
964    the Bishop of Ross, could say nothing except that his mistress had sent him
965    on the supposition that Moray was to be the defendant: let her appear in
966    person before the Queen, and she would give reasons why Moray ought not to
967    be allowed to advance any charges against her. To make no better answer than
968    this was virtually to admit that the charges against her were unanswerable.
969    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
970    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;It was thought that she was now sufficiently
971    frightened to be ready to accept Elizabeth's terms, and they were
972    unofficially communicated to her. Her return to Scotland was no longer
973    contemplated, for Moray had absolutely declined to charge her openly with
974    the murder or produce the letters unless she were detained in England. But
975    in order to get rid of the revolutionary proceedings at Loch Leven she
976    herself, as it were of her own free will, and on the ground that she was
977    weary of government, was to confer the crown on her son and the regency on
978    Moray. James was to be educated in England. She herself was to reside in
979    England as long as Elizabeth should find it convenient. It was not mentioned
980    in the communication, but it was probably intended, that she should marry
981    some Englishman of no political importance, in order to produce more
982    children who would succeed James if, as was likely enough, he should die in
983    his infancy. If she would accept these conditions the charges against her
984    should be &amp;quot;committed to perpetual silence;&amp;quot; if not, the trial must go on,
985    and the verdict could not be doubtful (December 1568). &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
986    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;A woman less daring and less keen-sighted
987    than Mary would assuredly, at this point, have given up the game, and
988    thankfully accepted the conditions offered. They would not have prevented
989    her from ascending the English throne if she had outlived Elizabeth. But
990    that was a delay which she had always scouted as intolerable, and she was
991    one to whom life was worth nothing if it meant defeat, retirement, even for
992    a time, from the public scene, and the abandonment of long-cherished
993    ambitions. Moreover her quick wit had divined that Elizabeth was using a
994    threat which she did not mean to put into execution. There would be no
995    verdict--not even any publication to the world of the evidence. Guilty
996    therefore as she was, and aware that her guilt could be proved, she coolly
997    faced &amp;quot;the great extremities&amp;quot; at which Elizabeth had hinted, and rejected
998    the conditions. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
999    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Perhaps even Mary's daring would have
1000    flinched from this bold game but for a quarrel between Elizabeth and Philip,
1001    to be mentioned presently. Hitherto Philip, much to his credit, had declined
1002    to interfere in Mary's behalf. To him, as to every one else, Catholic as
1003    well as Protestant, her guilt seemed evident. She had been only a scandal
1004    and embarrassment to the Catholic cause. But if there was to be war with
1005    England, every enemy of Elizabeth was a weapon to be used. Accordingly he
1006    now began, though reluctantly, to think of helping the Queen of Scots, and
1007    even of marrying her to his brother Don John of Austria. With the prospect
1008    of such backing it was not wonderful that she declined to own herself
1009    beaten. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
1010    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Elizabeth's calculations, though reasonable,
1011    were thus disappointed. The inquiry was dropped without any decision. The
1012    Regent was sent home with a small sum of money, and Mary remained in England
1013    (January 1569). &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
1014    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;hr&gt;
1015    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;
1016    Queen Elizabeth&lt;/i&gt; by Edward Spencer Beesly.&amp;nbsp; Published in London by
1017    Macmillan and Co., 1892.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
1018    &lt;/font&gt;
1019    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
1020  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
1021&lt;/blockquote&gt;
1022
1023    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
1024    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fbeeslychapterfive.html&quot;&gt;to Chapter
1025    V: Aristocratic Plots: 1568-1572&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
1026    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
1027    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2feliz1.html&quot;&gt;to the Queen
1028    Elizabeth I website&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; /&amp;nbsp;
1029    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2frelative%2fmaryqos.html&quot;&gt;to the Mary,
1030    queen of Scots website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
1031    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
1032    to Secondary Sources&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
1033    &lt;/font&gt;
1034 
1035
1036
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1039</Content>
1040</Section>
1041</Archive>
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