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5 <Description>
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16 <Metadata name="Content">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter One</Metadata>
17 <Metadata name="Page_topic">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter One</Metadata>
18 <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
19 <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter Three</Metadata>
20 <Metadata name="FileFormat">HTML</Metadata>
21 <Metadata name="URL">http://englishhistory.net/tudor/froudethree.html</Metadata>
22 <Metadata name="UTF8URL">http://englishhistory.net/tudor/froudethree.html</Metadata>
23 <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Others</Metadata>
24 <Metadata name="Identifier">HASH1a0746c297f32e02b8bc63</Metadata>
25 <Metadata name="lastmodified">1601256680</Metadata>
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33
34&lt;table border=&quot;0&quot; cellpadding=&quot;3&quot; width=&quot;100%&quot; height=&quot;667&quot;&gt;
35 &lt;tr&gt;
36 &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;29&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
37 &lt;td valign=&quot;top&quot; width=&quot;50%&quot; height=&quot;29&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/td&gt;
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39 &lt;/tr&gt;
40 &lt;tr&gt;
41 &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
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44 &lt;/tr&gt;
45 &lt;tr&gt;
46 &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
47 &lt;td valign=&quot;top&quot; width=&quot;50%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;
48 &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
49 &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;The Divorce of&lt;br&gt;Catherine of Aragon&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
50 &lt;font size=&quot;5&quot;&gt;by
51 JA Froude, 1891&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
52 &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
53 &lt;img border=&quot;0&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/aragon-new1.jpg&quot; alt=&quot;miniature portrait of Katharine of Aragon by Lucas Horenbout&quot; width=&quot;325&quot; height=&quot;321&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
54 &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
55 &lt;/tr&gt;
56&lt;/table&gt;
57&lt;blockquote&gt;
58 &lt;blockquote&gt;
59 &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
60 &lt;/font&gt;&lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
61 &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
62 &lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;CHAPTER THREE&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
63 &lt;blockquote&gt;
64 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;Anxiety of the Pope to satisfy the King --
65 Fears of the Emperor -Proposed alternatives -- France and England declare
66 war in the Pope's defence -- Campeggio to be sent to England -- The King's
67 account of the Pope's conduct -- The Pope's distress and alarm -The secret
68 decretal -- Instructions to Campeggio. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
69 &lt;/blockquote&gt;
70 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;THE story returns to Orvieto. The dispensation was promised
71 on condition that it should not be immediately acted on. Catherine having
72 refused to acquiesce in a private arrangement, Wolsey again pressed the Pope
73 for a commission to decide the cause in England, and to bind himself at the
74 same time not to revoke it, but to confirm any judgment which he might
75 himself give. &amp;quot;There were secret causes,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;which could not be
76 committed to writing which made such a concession imperative: certain
77 diseases in the Queen defying all remedy, for which, as for other causes,
78 the King would never again live with her as his wife.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
79 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Pope, smarting from ill-treatment and grateful for the
80 help of France and England, professed himself earnestly anxious to do what
81 Henry desired. But he was still virtually a prisoner. He had been obliged by
82 the General of the Observants, when in St. Angelo, to promise to do nothing
83 &amp;quot;whereby the King's divorce might be judged in his own dominions.&amp;quot; He
84 pleaded for time. He promised a commission of some kind, but he said he was
85 undone if action was taken upon it while the Germans and Spaniards remained
86 in Italy. He saw evident ruin before him, he said, but he professed to be
87 willing to run the hazard rather than that Wolsey should suspect him of
88 ingratitude. He implored the Cardinal, &lt;i&gt;cum suspiriis et lacrymis,&lt;/i&gt; not
89 to precipitate him for ever, and precipitated he would be if, on receiving
90 the commission, the Cardinal at once began the process. A fortnight later
91 Casalis described a long conversation with the Pope and Cardinals on the
92 course to be pursued. Henry bad desired that a second Legate should be sent
93 from Rome to act with Wolsey. To consent to this would directly compromise
94 the Papal Court. Clement had no objection to the going forward with the
95 cause, but he did not wish to be himself responsible. He signed an imperfect
96 commission not inconsistent with his promise to the General of the
97 Observants. On this Wolsey might act or, if he preferred it, might proceed
98 on his own Legatine authority. For himself, instead of engaging to confirm
99 Wolsey's sentence, he said that no doctor could better resolve the point at
100 issue than the King himself. If he was resolved, said the Pope, let him
101 commit his cause to the Legate, marry again, follow up the trial, and then
102 let a public application be made for a Legate to be sent from the
103 Consistory. If the Queen was cited first, she would put in no answer, save
104 to protest against the place and judges. The Imperialists would demand a
105 prohibition, and then the King could not marry, or, if he did, the offspring
106 would be illegitimate. They would also demand a commission for the cause to
107 be heard at Rome, which the Pope would be unable to refuse. But the King
108 being actually married again, they could not ask for a prohibition. They
109 could only ask that the cause should be re-examined at Rome, when the Pope
110 would give sentence and a judgment could be passed which would satisfy the
111 whole world. This was the Pope's own advice, but he did not wish it to be
112 known that it had come from himself. Casalis might select the Legate to
113 England after the first steps had been taken. Campeggio he thought the
114 fittest, being already an English bishop. At any rate, the Pope bade Casalis
115 say he would do his best to satisfy the King, though he knew that the
116 Emperor would never forgive him. &lt;/p&gt;
117 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It is not certain what would have followed had Henry acted
118 on the Pope's suggestion. The judgment which Clement promised might have
119 been in his favour. Clement evidently wished him to think that it would. But
120 he might, after all, have found himself required to take Catherine back.
121 Either alternative was possible. At any rate he did not mean, if he could
122 help it, to have recourse to violent methods. Charles himself, though he
123 intended to prevent, if he could, a legal decision against his aunt, had
124 hinted at the possibility and even desirableness of a private arrangement,
125 if Catherine would agree. Catherine, unfortunately, would agree to nothing,
126 but stood resolutely upon her rights, and Charles was forced to stand by
127 her. Henry was equally obstinate, and the Pope was between the rock and the
128 whirlpool. &lt;/p&gt;
129 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Pope had promised, however, and had promised with
130 apparent sincerity. The Papal states remaining occupied by the Imperial
131 troops, Henry carried out his own part of the engagement by joining France
132 in a declaration of war against the Emperor. Toison d'or and Clarencieulx
133 appeared before Charles at Burgos on the 22nd of January, Charles sitting on
134 his throne to receive their defiance. Toison d'or said that the Emperor had
135 opened Christendom to the Turks, had imprisoned the Pope, had allowed his
136 armies to sack Rome and plunder churches and monasteries, had insulted the
137 holy relics, slain or robbed princes of the Church, cardinals, patriarchs,
138 archbishops, outraged nunneries and convents, had encouraged Lutheran
139 heretics in committing these atrocities, &amp;amp;c. For these reasons France
140 declared open war with the Emperor. The English herald -- he was accused
141 afterwards of having exceeded his instructions -- was almost as peremptory.
142 Henry, in earlier times, had lent Charles large sums of money, which had not
143 been repaid. Clarencieulx said that, unless the Pope was released and the
144 debt settled, the King of England must make common cause with his brother of
145 France. Six weeks' interval was allowed for the Emperor to consider his
146 answer before hostilities on the side of England should commence. &lt;/p&gt;
147 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Emperor replied with calmness and dignity. War with
148 France was inevitable. As to England, he felt like Cicero, when doubting
149 whether he should quarrel with CÊsar, that it was inconvenient to be in debt
150 to an enemy. If England attacked him he said he would defend himself, but he
151 declined to accept the defiance. Mendoza was not recalled from London. At
152 the end of the six weeks the situation was prolonged by successive truces
153 till the peace of Cambray. But Henry had kept his word to the Pope. England
154 appeared by the side of France in the lists as the armed champion of the
155 Papacy, and the Pope was expected to fulfil his promises without disguise or
156 subterfuge. &lt;/p&gt;
157 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Clement's method of proceeding with the divorce was
158 rejected. The dispensation and commission which had been amended with a view
159 to it were rejected also as worthless. Dr. Fox and Stephen Gardiner were
160 despatched to Orvieto with fuller powers and with a message peremptory and
161 even menacing. They were again to impress on the Pope the danger of a
162 disputed succession. They were to hint that, if relief was refused in
163 deference to the Emperor, England might decline from obedience to the Holy
164 See. The Pope must, therefore, pass the commission and the dispensation in
165 the form in which it had been sent from England. If he objected that it was
166 unusual, they were to announce that the cause was of great moment. The King
167 would not be defrauded of his expectation through fear of the Emperor. If he
168 could not obtain justice from the Pope, he would be compelled to seek it
169 elsewhere.&lt;/p&gt;
170 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The language of these instructions shows that the King and
171 Wolsey understood the Proteus that they were dealing with, and the necessity
172 of binding his hands if he was not to slip from them. It was not now the
173 fountain of justice, the august head of Christendom, that they were
174 addressing, but a shifty old man, clad by circumstances with the robe of
175 authority, but whose will was the will of the power which happened to be
176 strongest in Italy. It was not tolerable that the Emperor should dictate on
177 a question which touched the vital interests of an independent kingdom. &lt;/p&gt;
178 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Spanish diplomatists had afterwards to excuse and explain
179 away Clement's concessions on the ground that they were signed when he was
180 angry at his imprisonment, had been extorted by threats, and were therefore
181 of no validity. He struggled hard to avoid committing himself. The unwelcome
182 documents were recast into various forms. The dispensation was not signed
183 after all, but in the place of it other briefs were signed of even graver
184 importance. The Pope yielded to the demand to send a second Legate to try
185 the cause with Wolsey in England, where it was assumed as a matter of course
186 that judgment would be given for the King. The Legate chosen was Campeggio,
187 who was himself, as was said, an English bishop. The Pope also did express
188 in writing his own opinion on the cause as favourable to the King's plea.
189 What passed at Orvieto was thus afterwards compendiously related by Henry in
190 a published statement of his case. &lt;/p&gt;
191 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;On his first scruple the King sent to the Bishop of Rome,
192 as Christ's Vicar, who had the keys of knowledge, to dissolve his doubts.
193 The said Bishop refused to take any knowledge of it and desired the King to
194 apply for a commission to be sent into the realm, authorised to determine
195 the cause, thus pretending that it might no wise be entreated at Rome, but
196 only within the King's own realm. He delegated his whole powers to Campeggio
197 and Wolsey, giving them also a special commission in form of a decretal,
198 wherein he declared the King's marriage null and empowered him to marry
199 again. In the open commission also he gave them full authority to give
200 sentence for the King. Secretly he gave them instructions to burn the
201 commission decretal and not proceed upon it; (but) at the time of sending
202 the commission he also sent the King a brief, written in his own hand,
203 admitting the justice of his cause and promising &lt;i&gt;sanctissime sub&lt;/i&gt; &lt;i&gt;
204 verbo Pontificis&lt;/i&gt; that he would never advocate it to Rome.&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
205 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Engagements which he intended to keep or break according to
206 the turns of the war between Francis and Charles did not press very heavily
207 perhaps on Clement's conscience, but they were not extorted from him without
208 many agonies. &amp;quot;He has granted the commission,&amp;quot; Casalis wrote. &amp;quot;He is not
209 unwilling to please the King and Wolsey, but fears the Spaniards more than
210 ever he did. The Friar-General has forbidden him in the Emperor's name to
211 grant the King's request. He fears for his life from the Imperialists if the
212 Emperor knows of it. Before he would grant the brief he said, weeping, that
213 it would be his utter ruin. The Venetians and Florentines desired his
214 destruction. His sole hope of life was from the Emperor. He asked me to
215 swear whether the King would desert him or not. Satisfied on this point, he
216 granted the brief, saying that he placed himself in the King's arms, as he
217 would be drawn into perpetual war with the Emperor. Wolsey might dispose of
218 him and the Papacy as if he were Pope himself.&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
219 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Emperor had insisted, at Catherine's desire, that the
220 cause should not be heard in England. The Pope had agreed that it should be
221 heard in England. Consent had been wrung from him, but his consent had been
222 given, and Campeggio was to go and make the best of it. His open commission
223 was as ample as words could make it. He and Wolsey were to hear the cause
224 and decide it. The secret &amp;quot;decretal&amp;quot; which he had wept over while he signed
225 it declared, before the cause was heard, the sentence which was to be given,
226 and he had pledged his solemn word not to revoke the hearing to Rome. All
227 that Clement could do was to instruct the Legate before he started to waste
228 time on his way, and, on his arrival in England, to use his skill to
229 &amp;quot;accommodate matters,&amp;quot; and to persuade the Queen -- if he found her
230 persuadeable -- to save him from his embarrassments by taking the veil. This
231 was a course which Charles himself in his private mind would have
232 recommended, but was too honourable to advise it. The fatal decretal was to
233 be seen only by a very few persons, and then, as Henry said, Campeggio was
234 to burn it. He was instructed also to pass no sentence without first
235 referring back to Rome, and, if driven to extremity, was to find an excuse
236 for postponing a decision; very natural conduct on the part of a weak,
237 frightened mortal -- conduct not unlike that of his predecessor, Alexander
238 III., in the quarrel between Becket and Henry II. -- but in both cases
239 purely human, not such as might have been looked for in a divinely guided
240 Vicar of Christ. &lt;/p&gt;
241 &lt;/font&gt;
242 &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
243 &lt;hr&gt;
244 &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon:
245 The Story as Told by the Imperial Ambassadors Resident at the Court of Henry
246 VIII&lt;/i&gt; by J.A. Froude.&amp;nbsp; Published in New York by C. Scribner's Sons,
247 1891.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
248 &lt;/blockquote&gt;
249&lt;/blockquote&gt;
250
251&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
252&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2ffroudefour.html&quot;&gt;to Chapter Four&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
253&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
254&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;to Secondary Sources&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
255&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
256&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2faragon.html&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;to
257Katharine of Aragon website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
258 &lt;/font&gt;
259&lt;blockquote&gt;
260 &lt;blockquote&gt;
261 &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
262 &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
263 &lt;/font&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
264 &lt;/font&gt;
265 &lt;p class=&quot;3text&quot; align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
266 &lt;/font&gt;
267 &lt;/blockquote&gt;
268&lt;/blockquote&gt;
269
270
271
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274</Content>
275</Section>
276</Archive>
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