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14    <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
15    <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
16    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
17    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter II</Metadata>
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21    <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Others</Metadata>
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31
32&lt;table border=&quot;0&quot; cellpadding=&quot;3&quot; width=&quot;100%&quot; height=&quot;667&quot;&gt;
33  &lt;tr&gt;
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37  &lt;/tr&gt;
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45    &lt;td valign=&quot;top&quot; width=&quot;50%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;
46    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;Queen Elizabeth&lt;br&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;
47    &lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
48    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
49    &lt;img border=&quot;2&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg&quot; width=&quot;400&quot; height=&quot;478&quot; alt=&quot;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard&quot;&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
50    &lt;i&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
51    Hilliard;&lt;br&gt;from the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2feliz1-images.html&quot;&gt;Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I&lt;/a&gt; website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
52    &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
53  &lt;/tr&gt;
54&lt;/table&gt;
55&lt;blockquote&gt;
56  &lt;blockquote&gt;
57    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
58    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot;&gt;&lt;/font&gt;
59    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
60    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
61      &lt;b&gt;CHAPTER II&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
62      &lt;b&gt;THE CHANGE OF RELIGION: 1559&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
63    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;MARY died on the 17th of November 1558.
64    Parliament was then sitting, and, in communicating the event to both Houses,
65    Archbishop Heath frankly took the initiative in recognising
66    &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt;, &amp;quot;of whose most lawful right
67    and title in the succession of the Crown, thanks be to God, we need not to
68    doubt.&amp;quot; He was a staunch Catholic, and two months later refused to officiate
69    at her coronation. But he was an Englishman, and even the most convinced
70    Catholics, though looking forward with uneasiness to the religious policy of
71    the new &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Queen&lt;/font&gt;, were sincerely glad
72    that there was no danger of a disputed succession. Besides, it was by no
73    means clear that &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt; would not
74    accept the ecclesiastical constitution as established in the late reign.
75    That there would be an end of burnings, and of the harassing tyranny of the
76    bishops, every one felt certain; but it seemed quite upon the cards that
77    &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt; would continue to recognise
78    the headship of the Pope in a formal way and maintain the Mass. It must be
79    remembered that the religious changes had only begun some thirty years
80    before. All middle-aged men could remember the time when the ecclesiastical
81    fabric stood to all appearance unbroken, as it had stood for centuries. Only
82    twenty-four years had passed since the Act of Supremacy had transferred the
83    headship of the Church from the Pope to the King; only eleven since the
84    Protestant doctrine and worship had been forced on the country by the
85    Protector Somerset, to the horror and disgust of the great majority of
86    Englishmen. The nation had sorrowed for the death of Edward VI., because it
87    darkened the prospects of the succession, and seemed likely sooner or later
88    to bring on a civil war. But apart from the hot Protestant minority, chiefly
89    to be found in London, the mass of the nation was conservative, and welcomed
90    the reestablishment of the old religion as a return to order and common
91    sense after a short and bitter experience of revolutionary anarchy. There
92    was a rooted objection to restore the old meddlesome tyranny of the bishops,
93    and the nobles and squires who had got hold of the abbey lands would not
94    hear of giving them up. But the return to communion with the Catholic Church
95    and the recognition of the Pope as its head gave satisfaction to
96    three-fourths, perhaps to five-sixths, of the nation, and to a still larger
97    proportion of its most influential class, the great landed proprietors.
98    Mary's accession was the great and unique opportunity for the old Church. If
99    Mary and Pole had been coolheaded politicians instead of excitable fanatics,
100    if they had contented themselves with restoring the old worship, depriving
101    the few Protestant clergy of their benefices, and punishing only outrageous
102    attacks on the State religion, Elizabeth would not have had the power, it
103    may be doubted whether she would have had the inclination, to undo her
104    sister's work. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
105    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This great opportunity was thrown away.
106    Mary's bishops came back brooding over the long catalogue of humiliations
107    and indignities which their Church had suffered, and thirsting to avenge
108    their own wrongs. For six years they had their fling, and contrived to make
109    the country forget the period of Protestant misgovernment. England had never
110    before known what it was to be governed by clergymen. It was a sort of rule
111    as hateful to most Catholic laymen as to Protestants. Catholics therefore
112    for the most part, as well as Protestants, hailed the accession of
113    Elizabeth. At any rate there would be an end of the clerical tyranny. Nor
114    were they without hope that she would maintain the old worship. She had
115    conformed to it for the last five years, and Philip had given the word that
116    she was to be supported. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
117    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;We are now accustomed to the Papal &lt;i&gt;non
118    possumus&lt;/i&gt;. No nation or Church can hope that the smallest deviation from
119    Roman doctrine or discipline will be tolerated. But in 1558 the hard and
120    fast line had not yet been drawn. France was still pressing for such changes
121    as communion in both kinds, worship in the vulgar tongue, and marriage of
122    priests. The Council of Trent, it is true, had already in 1545 decided that
123    Catholic doctrine was contained in the Bible &lt;i&gt;and tradition&lt;/i&gt;, and in
124    1551 had defined transubstantiation and the sacraments. But in 1552 the
125    Council was prorogued, and it did not resume till 1562. Doctrine and
126    discipline therefore might be, and were still considered to be, in the
127    melting-pot, and no one could be certain what would come out. If Elizabeth
128    had contented herself with the French programme, and had joined France in
129    pressing it, the other sovereigns, who really cared for nothing but
130    uniformity, would probably have forced the Pope to compromise. The Lutheran
131    doctrine of consubstantiation might have been tolerated. The Anglican
132    formulÊ have been held by many to be compatible with a belief in the Real
133    Presence. The formal severance of England from Catholic unity might thus
134    have been postponed--possibly avoided--in the same sense that it has been
135    avoided in France. After the completion of the Council of Trent (1562-3) it
136    was too late. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
137    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Two years after her accession Elizabeth told
138    the Spanish ambassador, De Quadra, that her belief was the belief of all the
139    Catholics in the realm; and on his asking her how then she could have
140    altered religion in 1559, she said she had been compelled to act as she did,
141    and that, if he knew how she had been driven to it, she was sure he would
142    excuse her. Seven years later she made the same statement to De Silva.
143    Elizabeth was habitually so regardless of truth that her assertions can be
144    allowed little weight when they are improbable. No doubt, as a matter of
145    taste and feeling, she preferred the Catholic worship. She was not pious.
146    She was not troubled with a tender conscience or tormented by a sense of
147    sin. She did not care to cultivate close personal relations with her God. A
148    religion of form and ceremony suited her better. But her training had been
149    such as to free her from all superstitious fear or prejudice, and her
150    religious convictions were determined by her sense of what was most
151    reasonable and convenient. There is not the least evidence that she was a
152    reluctant agent in the adoption of Protestantism in 1559. Who was there to
153    coerce her? The Protestants could not have set up a Protestant competitor.
154    The great nobles, though opposed to persecution and desirous of minimising
155    the Pope's authority, would have preferred to leave worship as it was. But
156    upon one thing Elizabeth was determined. She would resume the full
157    ecclesiastical supremacy which her father had annexed to the Crown. She
158    judged, and she probably judged rightly, that the only way to assure this
159    was to make the breach with the old religion complete. If she had placed
160    herself in the hands of moderate Catholics like Paget, possessed with the
161    belief that she could only maintain herself by the protection of Philip,
162    they would have advised her to be content with the practical authority over
163    the English Church which many an English king had known how to exercise.
164    That was not enough for her. She desired a position free from all ambiguity
165    and possibility of dispute, not one which would have to be defended with
166    constant vigilance and at the cost of incessant bickering. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
167    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;From the point of view of her foreign
168    relations the moment might seem to be a dangerous one for carrying out a
169    religious revolution, and many a statesman with a deserved reputation for
170    prudence would have counselled delay. But this disadvantage was more than
171    counterbalanced by the unpopularity which the cruelties and disasters of
172    Mary's last three years had brought upon the most active Catholics. Again,
173    Elizabeth no doubt recognised that the Catholics, though at present the
174    strongest, were the declining party. The future was with the Protestants. It
175    was the young men who had fixed their hopes upon her in her sister's time,
176    and who were ready to rally round her now. By her natural disposition, and
177    by her culture, she belonged to the Renaissance rather than to the
178    Reformation. But obscurantist as Calvinism essentially was, the Calvinists,
179    as a minority struggling for freedom to think and teach what they believed,
180    represented for a time the cause of light and intellectual emancipation. Was
181    she to put herself at the head of reaction or progress? She did not love the
182    Calvinists. They were too much in earnest for her. Their narrow creed was as
183    tainted with superstition as that of Rome, and, at bottom, was less humane,
184    less favourable to progress. But whom else had she to work with? The
185    reasonable, secular-minded, tolerant sceptics are not always the best
186    fighting material; and at that time they were few in number and tending--in
187    England at least--to be ground out of existence between the upper and nether
188    millstones of the rival fanaticisms. If she broke with Catholicism she would
189    be sure of the ardent and unwavering support of one-third of the nation; so
190    sure, that she would have no need to take any further pains to please them.
191    As for the remaining two-thirds, she hoped to conciliate most of them by
192    posing as their protector against the persecution which would have been
193    pleasing to Protestant bigots. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
194    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In the policy of a complete breach with Rome,
195    Cecil was disposed to go as far as the Queen, and further. Cecil was at this
196    time thirty-eight. For forty years he continued to be the confidential and
197    faithful servant of Elizabeth. One of those new men whom the Tudors most
198    trusted, he was first employed by Henry VIII. Under Edward he rose to be
199    Secretary of State, and was a pronounced Protestant. On the fall of his
200    patron Somerset he was for a abort time sent to the Tower, but was soon in
201    office again--sooner, some thought, than was quite decent--under his
202    patron's old enemy, Northumberland. He signed the letters patent by which
203    the crown was conferred on Lady Jane Grey; but took an early opportunity of
204    going over to Mary. During her reign he conformed to the old religion, and,
205    though not holding any office, was consulted on public business, and was one
206    of the three commissioners who went to fetch Cardinal Pole to England.
207    Thoroughly capable in business, one of those to whom power naturally falls
208    because they know how to use it, a shrewd balancer of probabilities, without
209    a particle of fanaticism in his composition and detesting it in others,
210    though ready to make use of it to serve his ends, entirely believing that &amp;quot;whate'er
211    is best administered is best,&amp;quot; Cecil nevertheless had his religious
212    predilections, and they were all on the side of the Protestants. Moreover he
213    had a personal motive which, by the nature of the case, was not present to
214    the Queen. She might die prematurely; and if that event should take place
215    before the Protestant ascendancy was firmly established his power would be
216    at an end, and his very life would be in danger. A time came when he and his
217    party had so strengthened themselves, if not in absolute numerical
218    superiority, yet by the hold they had established on all departments of
219    Government from the highest to the lowest, that they were in a condition to
220    resist a Catholic claimant to the throne, if need were, sword in hand. But
221    during the early years of the reign Cecil was working with the rope round
222    his neck. Hence he could not regard the progress of events with the
223    imperturbable &lt;i&gt;sang-froid&lt;/i&gt; which Elizabeth always displayed; and all
224    his influence was employed to push the religious revolution through as
225    rapidly and completely as possible. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
226    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The story that Elizabeth was influenced in
227    her attitude to Rome by an arrogant reply from Pope Paul IV. to her official
228    notification of her accession, though refuted by Lingard and Hallam in their
229    later editions, has been repeated by recent historians. Her accession was
230    notified to every friendly sovereign except the Pope. He was studiously
231    ignored from the first. Equally unsupported by facts are all attempts to
232    show that during the early weeks of her reign she had not made up her mind
233    as to the course she would take about religion. All preaching, it is true,
234    was suspended by proclamation; and it was ordered that the established
235    worship should go on &amp;quot;until consultation might be had in Parliament by the
236    Queen and the three Estates.&amp;quot; In the meantime she had herself crowned
237    according to the ancient ritual by the Catholic Bishop of Carlisle. But this
238    is only what might have been expected from a strong ruler who was not
239    disposed to let important alterations be initiated by popular commotion or
240    the presumptuous forwardness of individual clergymen. The impending change
241    was quite sufficiently marked from the first by the removal of the most
242    bigoted Catholics from the Council and by the appointment of Cecil and Bacon
243    to the offices of Secretary and of Lord Keeper. The new Parliament,
244    Protestant candidates for which had been recommended by the Government, met
245    as soon as possible (25 January 1559). When it rose (8 May) the great change
246    had been legally and decisively accomplished. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
247    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The government, worship, and doctrine of the
248    Established Church are the most abiding marks left by Elizabeth on the
249    national life of England. Logically it might have been expected that the
250    settlement of doctrine would precede that of government and worship. It is
251    characteristic of a State Church that the inverse order should have been
252    followed. For the Queen the most important question was Church government;
253    for the people, worship. Both these matters were disposed of with great
254    promptitude at the beginning of 1559. Doctrine might interest the clergy;
255    but it could wait. The Thirty-nine Articles were not adopted by Convocation
256    till 1563, and were not sanctioned by Parliament till 1571. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
257    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The government of the Church was settled by
258    the &lt;i&gt;Act of Supremacy (April 1559)&lt;/i&gt;. It revived the Act of Henry VIII.,
259    except that the Queen was styled Supreme Governor of the Church instead of
260    Supreme Head, although the nature of the supremacy was precisely the same.
261    The penalties were relaxed. Henry's oath of supremacy might be tendered to
262    any subject, and to decline it was high treason; Elizabeth's oath was to be
263    obligatory only on persons holding spiritual or temporal office under the
264    Crown, and the penalty for declining was the loss of such office. Those who
265    chose to attack the supremacy were still liable to the penalties of treason
266    on the third offence. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
267    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Worship was settled with equal expedition by
268    the &lt;i&gt;Act of Uniformity (April 1559)&lt;/i&gt;, which imposed the second or more
269    Protestant Prayer-book of Edward VI., but with a few very important
270    alterations. A deprecation in the Litany of &amp;quot;the tyranny of the Bishop of
271    Rome and all his detestable enormities,&amp;quot; and a rubric which declared that by
272    kneeling at the Communion no adoration was intended to any real and
273    essential presence of Christ, were expunged. The words of administration in
274    the present communion service consist of two sentences. The first sentence,
275    implying real presence, belonged to Edward's first Prayer-book; the second,
276    implying mere commemoration, belonged to his second Prayer-book. The
277    Prayerbook of 1559 simply pieced the two together, with a view to satisfy
278    both Catholics and Protestants. Lastly, the vestments prescribed in Edward's
279    first Prayer-book were retained till further notice. These alterations of
280    Edward's second Prayer-book, all of them designed to propitiate the
281    Catholics, were dictated by Elizabeth herself. In all this legislation
282    Convocation was entirely ignored. Both its houses showed themselves strongly
283    Catholic. But their opinion was not asked, and no notice was taken of their
284    remonstrances. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
285    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;While determining that England should have a
286    purely national Church, and for that reason casting in her lot with the
287    Protestants, Elizabeth, as we have seen, made very considerable sacrifices
288    of logic and consistency in order to induce Catholics to conform. Like a
289    strong and wise statesman, she did not allow herself to be driven into one
290    concession after another, but went at once as far as she intended to go. At
291    the same time the coercion applied to the Catholics, while sufficient to
292    influence the worldly-minded majority, was, during the early part of her
293    reign, very mild for those times. She wished no one to be molested who did
294    not go out of his way to invite it. Outward conformity was all she wanted.
295    And of this mere attendance at church was accepted as sufficient evidence.
296    The principal difficulty, of course, was with the clergy. From them more
297    than a mere passive conformity had to be exacted. To sign declarations, take
298    oaths, and officiate in church was a severer strain on the conscience. It is
299    said that less than 200 out of 9400 sacrificed their benefices rather than
300    conform, and that of these about 100 were dignitaries. The number must be
301    under-stated; for the chief difficulty of the new bishops, for a long time,
302    was to find clergymen for the parish churches. But we cannot doubt that the
303    large majority of the parish clergy stuck to their livings, remaining
304    Catholics at heart, and avoiding, where they could, and as long as they
305    could, compliance with the new regulations. It must not be supposed that the
306    enactment of religious changes by Parliament was equivalent, as it would be
307    at the present day, to their immediate enforcement throughout the country;
308    especially in the north where the great proprietors and justices of the
309    peace did not carry out the law. A certain number of the ejected priests
310    continued to celebrate the ancient rites privately in the houses of the more
311    earnest Catholics; for which they were not unfrequently punished by
312    imprisonment. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
313    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Of course this was persecution. But according
314    to the ideas of that day it was a very mild kind of persecution; and where
315    it occurred it seems to have been due to the zeal of some of the bishops,
316    and to private busybodies who set the law in motion, rather than to any
317    systematic action on the part of the Government.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
318    &lt;/font&gt;
319    &lt;hr&gt;
320    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;
321    Queen Elizabeth&lt;/i&gt; by Edward Spencer Beesly.&amp;nbsp; Published in London by
322    Macmillan and Co., 1892.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
323    &lt;/font&gt;
324    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
325  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
326&lt;/blockquote&gt;
327
328    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
329    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fbeeslychapterthree.html&quot;&gt;to Chapter
330    III: Foreign Relations: 1559-1563&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
331    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
332    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2feliz1.html&quot;&gt;to the Queen
333    Elizabeth I website&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; /&amp;nbsp;
334    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2frelative%2fmaryqos.html&quot;&gt;to the Mary,
335    queen of Scots website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
336    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
337    to Secondary Sources&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
338    &lt;/font&gt;
339 
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