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| 11 | <title>Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892:
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| 12 | Chapter II</title>
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| 30 | <td width="50%" height="3"><font size="3"></font></td>
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| 34 | <td width="25%" height="610"></td>
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| 35 | <td valign="top" width="50%" height="610">
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| 36 | <p align="center"><b><font size="7">Queen Elizabeth<br></font></b>
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| 37 | <font size="4">by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</font></p>
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| 38 | <p align="center">
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| 39 | <img border="2" src="eliz1-ermine.jpg" width="400" height="478" alt="'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard"><p align="center">
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| 40 | <i><font size="2">'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
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| 41 | Hilliard;<br>from the <a href="http://www.marileecody.com/eliz1-images.html">Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I</a> website</font></i></td>
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| 42 | <td width="25%" height="610"></td>
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| 43 | </tr>
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| 44 | </table>
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| 45 | <blockquote>
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| 46 | <blockquote>
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| 47 | <font style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">
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| 49 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman">
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| 50 | <div align="left">
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| 51 | <b>CHAPTER II</b><br>
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| 52 | <b>THE CHANGE OF RELIGION: 1559</b></div>
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| 53 | <p align="left"><font size="3">MARY died on the 17th of November 1558.
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| 54 | Parliament was then sitting, and, in communicating the event to both Houses,
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| 55 | Archbishop Heath frankly took the initiative in recognising
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| 56 | <font class="highlight_yellow">Elizabeth</font>, "of whose most lawful right
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| 57 | and title in the succession of the Crown, thanks be to God, we need not to
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| 58 | doubt." He was a staunch Catholic, and two months later refused to officiate
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| 59 | at her coronation. But he was an Englishman, and even the most convinced
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| 60 | Catholics, though looking forward with uneasiness to the religious policy of
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| 61 | the new <font class="highlight_yellow">Queen</font>, were sincerely glad
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| 62 | that there was no danger of a disputed succession. Besides, it was by no
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| 63 | means clear that <font class="highlight_yellow">Elizabeth</font> would not
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| 64 | accept the ecclesiastical constitution as established in the late reign.
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| 65 | That there would be an end of burnings, and of the harassing tyranny of the
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| 66 | bishops, every one felt certain; but it seemed quite upon the cards that
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| 67 | <font class="highlight_yellow">Elizabeth</font> would continue to recognise
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| 68 | the headship of the Pope in a formal way and maintain the Mass. It must be
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| 69 | remembered that the religious changes had only begun some thirty years
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| 70 | before. All middle-aged men could remember the time when the ecclesiastical
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| 71 | fabric stood to all appearance unbroken, as it had stood for centuries. Only
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| 72 | twenty-four years had passed since the Act of Supremacy had transferred the
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| 73 | headship of the Church from the Pope to the King; only eleven since the
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| 74 | Protestant doctrine and worship had been forced on the country by the
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| 75 | Protector Somerset, to the horror and disgust of the great majority of
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| 76 | Englishmen. The nation had sorrowed for the death of Edward VI., because it
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| 77 | darkened the prospects of the succession, and seemed likely sooner or later
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| 78 | to bring on a civil war. But apart from the hot Protestant minority, chiefly
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| 79 | to be found in London, the mass of the nation was conservative, and welcomed
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| 80 | the reestablishment of the old religion as a return to order and common
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| 81 | sense after a short and bitter experience of revolutionary anarchy. There
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| 82 | was a rooted objection to restore the old meddlesome tyranny of the bishops,
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| 83 | and the nobles and squires who had got hold of the abbey lands would not
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| 84 | hear of giving them up. But the return to communion with the Catholic Church
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| 85 | and the recognition of the Pope as its head gave satisfaction to
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| 86 | three-fourths, perhaps to five-sixths, of the nation, and to a still larger
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| 87 | proportion of its most influential class, the great landed proprietors.
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| 88 | Mary's accession was the great and unique opportunity for the old Church. If
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| 89 | Mary and Pole had been coolheaded politicians instead of excitable fanatics,
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| 90 | if they had contented themselves with restoring the old worship, depriving
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| 91 | the few Protestant clergy of their benefices, and punishing only outrageous
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| 92 | attacks on the State religion, Elizabeth would not have had the power, it
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| 93 | may be doubted whether she would have had the inclination, to undo her
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| 94 | sister's work. </font></p>
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| 95 | <p align="left"><font size="3">This great opportunity was thrown away.
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| 96 | Mary's bishops came back brooding over the long catalogue of humiliations
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| 97 | and indignities which their Church had suffered, and thirsting to avenge
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| 98 | their own wrongs. For six years they had their fling, and contrived to make
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| 99 | the country forget the period of Protestant misgovernment. England had never
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| 100 | before known what it was to be governed by clergymen. It was a sort of rule
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| 101 | as hateful to most Catholic laymen as to Protestants. Catholics therefore
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| 102 | for the most part, as well as Protestants, hailed the accession of
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| 103 | Elizabeth. At any rate there would be an end of the clerical tyranny. Nor
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| 104 | were they without hope that she would maintain the old worship. She had
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| 105 | conformed to it for the last five years, and Philip had given the word that
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| 106 | she was to be supported. </font></p>
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| 107 | <p align="left"><font size="3">We are now accustomed to the Papal <i>non
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| 108 | possumus</i>. No nation or Church can hope that the smallest deviation from
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| 109 | Roman doctrine or discipline will be tolerated. But in 1558 the hard and
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| 110 | fast line had not yet been drawn. France was still pressing for such changes
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| 111 | as communion in both kinds, worship in the vulgar tongue, and marriage of
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| 112 | priests. The Council of Trent, it is true, had already in 1545 decided that
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| 113 | Catholic doctrine was contained in the Bible <i>and tradition</i>, and in
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| 114 | 1551 had defined transubstantiation and the sacraments. But in 1552 the
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| 115 | Council was prorogued, and it did not resume till 1562. Doctrine and
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| 116 | discipline therefore might be, and were still considered to be, in the
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| 117 | melting-pot, and no one could be certain what would come out. If Elizabeth
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| 118 | had contented herself with the French programme, and had joined France in
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| 119 | pressing it, the other sovereigns, who really cared for nothing but
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| 120 | uniformity, would probably have forced the Pope to compromise. The Lutheran
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| 121 | doctrine of consubstantiation might have been tolerated. The Anglican
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| 122 | formulæ have been held by many to be compatible with a belief in the Real
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| 123 | Presence. The formal severance of England from Catholic unity might thus
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| 124 | have been postponed--possibly avoided--in the same sense that it has been
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| 125 | avoided in France. After the completion of the Council of Trent (1562-3) it
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| 126 | was too late. </font></p>
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| 127 | <p align="left"><font size="3">Two years after her accession Elizabeth told
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| 128 | the Spanish ambassador, De Quadra, that her belief was the belief of all the
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| 129 | Catholics in the realm; and on his asking her how then she could have
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| 130 | altered religion in 1559, she said she had been compelled to act as she did,
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| 131 | and that, if he knew how she had been driven to it, she was sure he would
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| 132 | excuse her. Seven years later she made the same statement to De Silva.
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| 133 | Elizabeth was habitually so regardless of truth that her assertions can be
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| 134 | allowed little weight when they are improbable. No doubt, as a matter of
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| 135 | taste and feeling, she preferred the Catholic worship. She was not pious.
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| 136 | She was not troubled with a tender conscience or tormented by a sense of
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| 137 | sin. She did not care to cultivate close personal relations with her God. A
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| 138 | religion of form and ceremony suited her better. But her training had been
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| 139 | such as to free her from all superstitious fear or prejudice, and her
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| 140 | religious convictions were determined by her sense of what was most
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| 141 | reasonable and convenient. There is not the least evidence that she was a
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| 142 | reluctant agent in the adoption of Protestantism in 1559. Who was there to
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| 143 | coerce her? The Protestants could not have set up a Protestant competitor.
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| 144 | The great nobles, though opposed to persecution and desirous of minimising
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| 145 | the Pope's authority, would have preferred to leave worship as it was. But
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| 146 | upon one thing Elizabeth was determined. She would resume the full
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| 147 | ecclesiastical supremacy which her father had annexed to the Crown. She
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| 148 | judged, and she probably judged rightly, that the only way to assure this
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| 149 | was to make the breach with the old religion complete. If she had placed
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| 150 | herself in the hands of moderate Catholics like Paget, possessed with the
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| 151 | belief that she could only maintain herself by the protection of Philip,
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| 152 | they would have advised her to be content with the practical authority over
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| 153 | the English Church which many an English king had known how to exercise.
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| 154 | That was not enough for her. She desired a position free from all ambiguity
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| 155 | and possibility of dispute, not one which would have to be defended with
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| 156 | constant vigilance and at the cost of incessant bickering. </font></p>
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| 157 | <p align="left"><font size="3">From the point of view of her foreign
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| 158 | relations the moment might seem to be a dangerous one for carrying out a
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| 159 | religious revolution, and many a statesman with a deserved reputation for
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| 160 | prudence would have counselled delay. But this disadvantage was more than
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| 161 | counterbalanced by the unpopularity which the cruelties and disasters of
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| 162 | Mary's last three years had brought upon the most active Catholics. Again,
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| 163 | Elizabeth no doubt recognised that the Catholics, though at present the
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| 164 | strongest, were the declining party. The future was with the Protestants. It
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| 165 | was the young men who had fixed their hopes upon her in her sister's time,
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| 166 | and who were ready to rally round her now. By her natural disposition, and
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| 167 | by her culture, she belonged to the Renaissance rather than to the
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| 168 | Reformation. But obscurantist as Calvinism essentially was, the Calvinists,
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| 169 | as a minority struggling for freedom to think and teach what they believed,
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| 170 | represented for a time the cause of light and intellectual emancipation. Was
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| 171 | she to put herself at the head of reaction or progress? She did not love the
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| 172 | Calvinists. They were too much in earnest for her. Their narrow creed was as
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| 173 | tainted with superstition as that of Rome, and, at bottom, was less humane,
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| 174 | less favourable to progress. But whom else had she to work with? The
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| 175 | reasonable, secular-minded, tolerant sceptics are not always the best
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| 176 | fighting material; and at that time they were few in number and tending--in
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| 177 | England at least--to be ground out of existence between the upper and nether
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| 178 | millstones of the rival fanaticisms. If she broke with Catholicism she would
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| 179 | be sure of the ardent and unwavering support of one-third of the nation; so
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| 180 | sure, that she would have no need to take any further pains to please them.
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| 181 | As for the remaining two-thirds, she hoped to conciliate most of them by
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| 182 | posing as their protector against the persecution which would have been
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| 183 | pleasing to Protestant bigots. </font></p>
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| 184 | <p align="left"><font size="3">In the policy of a complete breach with Rome,
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| 185 | Cecil was disposed to go as far as the Queen, and further. Cecil was at this
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| 186 | time thirty-eight. For forty years he continued to be the confidential and
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| 187 | faithful servant of Elizabeth. One of those new men whom the Tudors most
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| 188 | trusted, he was first employed by Henry VIII. Under Edward he rose to be
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| 189 | Secretary of State, and was a pronounced Protestant. On the fall of his
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| 190 | patron Somerset he was for a abort time sent to the Tower, but was soon in
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| 191 | office again--sooner, some thought, than was quite decent--under his
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| 192 | patron's old enemy, Northumberland. He signed the letters patent by which
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| 193 | the crown was conferred on Lady Jane Grey; but took an early opportunity of
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| 194 | going over to Mary. During her reign he conformed to the old religion, and,
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| 195 | though not holding any office, was consulted on public business, and was one
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| 196 | of the three commissioners who went to fetch Cardinal Pole to England.
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| 197 | Thoroughly capable in business, one of those to whom power naturally falls
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| 198 | because they know how to use it, a shrewd balancer of probabilities, without
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| 199 | a particle of fanaticism in his composition and detesting it in others,
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| 200 | though ready to make use of it to serve his ends, entirely believing that "whate'er
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| 201 | is best administered is best," Cecil nevertheless had his religious
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| 202 | predilections, and they were all on the side of the Protestants. Moreover he
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| 203 | had a personal motive which, by the nature of the case, was not present to
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| 204 | the Queen. She might die prematurely; and if that event should take place
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| 205 | before the Protestant ascendancy was firmly established his power would be
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| 206 | at an end, and his very life would be in danger. A time came when he and his
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| 207 | party had so strengthened themselves, if not in absolute numerical
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| 208 | superiority, yet by the hold they had established on all departments of
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| 209 | Government from the highest to the lowest, that they were in a condition to
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| 210 | resist a Catholic claimant to the throne, if need were, sword in hand. But
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| 211 | during the early years of the reign Cecil was working with the rope round
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| 212 | his neck. Hence he could not regard the progress of events with the
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| 213 | imperturbable <i>sang-froid</i> which Elizabeth always displayed; and all
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| 214 | his influence was employed to push the religious revolution through as
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| 215 | rapidly and completely as possible. </font></p>
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| 216 | <p align="left"><font size="3">The story that Elizabeth was influenced in
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| 217 | her attitude to Rome by an arrogant reply from Pope Paul IV. to her official
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| 218 | notification of her accession, though refuted by Lingard and Hallam in their
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| 219 | later editions, has been repeated by recent historians. Her accession was
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| 220 | notified to every friendly sovereign except the Pope. He was studiously
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| 221 | ignored from the first. Equally unsupported by facts are all attempts to
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| 222 | show that during the early weeks of her reign she had not made up her mind
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| 223 | as to the course she would take about religion. All preaching, it is true,
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| 224 | was suspended by proclamation; and it was ordered that the established
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| 225 | worship should go on "until consultation might be had in Parliament by the
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| 226 | Queen and the three Estates." In the meantime she had herself crowned
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| 227 | according to the ancient ritual by the Catholic Bishop of Carlisle. But this
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| 228 | is only what might have been expected from a strong ruler who was not
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| 229 | disposed to let important alterations be initiated by popular commotion or
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| 230 | the presumptuous forwardness of individual clergymen. The impending change
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| 231 | was quite sufficiently marked from the first by the removal of the most
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| 232 | bigoted Catholics from the Council and by the appointment of Cecil and Bacon
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| 233 | to the offices of Secretary and of Lord Keeper. The new Parliament,
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| 234 | Protestant candidates for which had been recommended by the Government, met
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| 235 | as soon as possible (25 January 1559). When it rose (8 May) the great change
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| 236 | had been legally and decisively accomplished. </font></p>
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| 237 | <p align="left"><font size="3">The government, worship, and doctrine of the
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| 238 | Established Church are the most abiding marks left by Elizabeth on the
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| 239 | national life of England. Logically it might have been expected that the
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| 240 | settlement of doctrine would precede that of government and worship. It is
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| 241 | characteristic of a State Church that the inverse order should have been
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| 242 | followed. For the Queen the most important question was Church government;
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| 243 | for the people, worship. Both these matters were disposed of with great
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| 244 | promptitude at the beginning of 1559. Doctrine might interest the clergy;
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| 245 | but it could wait. The Thirty-nine Articles were not adopted by Convocation
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| 246 | till 1563, and were not sanctioned by Parliament till 1571. </font></p>
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| 247 | <p align="left"><font size="3">The government of the Church was settled by
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| 248 | the <i>Act of Supremacy (April 1559)</i>. It revived the Act of Henry VIII.,
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| 249 | except that the Queen was styled Supreme Governor of the Church instead of
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| 250 | Supreme Head, although the nature of the supremacy was precisely the same.
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| 251 | The penalties were relaxed. Henry's oath of supremacy might be tendered to
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| 252 | any subject, and to decline it was high treason; Elizabeth's oath was to be
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| 253 | obligatory only on persons holding spiritual or temporal office under the
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| 254 | Crown, and the penalty for declining was the loss of such office. Those who
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| 255 | chose to attack the supremacy were still liable to the penalties of treason
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| 256 | on the third offence. </font></p>
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| 257 | <p align="left"><font size="3">Worship was settled with equal expedition by
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| 258 | the <i>Act of Uniformity (April 1559)</i>, which imposed the second or more
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| 259 | Protestant Prayer-book of Edward VI., but with a few very important
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| 260 | alterations. A deprecation in the Litany of "the tyranny of the Bishop of
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| 261 | Rome and all his detestable enormities," and a rubric which declared that by
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| 262 | kneeling at the Communion no adoration was intended to any real and
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| 263 | essential presence of Christ, were expunged. The words of administration in
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| 264 | the present communion service consist of two sentences. The first sentence,
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| 265 | implying real presence, belonged to Edward's first Prayer-book; the second,
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| 266 | implying mere commemoration, belonged to his second Prayer-book. The
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| 267 | Prayerbook of 1559 simply pieced the two together, with a view to satisfy
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| 268 | both Catholics and Protestants. Lastly, the vestments prescribed in Edward's
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| 269 | first Prayer-book were retained till further notice. These alterations of
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| 270 | Edward's second Prayer-book, all of them designed to propitiate the
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| 271 | Catholics, were dictated by Elizabeth herself. In all this legislation
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| 272 | Convocation was entirely ignored. Both its houses showed themselves strongly
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| 273 | Catholic. But their opinion was not asked, and no notice was taken of their
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| 274 | remonstrances. </font></p>
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| 275 | <p align="left"><font size="3">While determining that England should have a
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| 276 | purely national Church, and for that reason casting in her lot with the
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| 277 | Protestants, Elizabeth, as we have seen, made very considerable sacrifices
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| 278 | of logic and consistency in order to induce Catholics to conform. Like a
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| 279 | strong and wise statesman, she did not allow herself to be driven into one
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| 280 | concession after another, but went at once as far as she intended to go. At
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| 281 | the same time the coercion applied to the Catholics, while sufficient to
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| 282 | influence the worldly-minded majority, was, during the early part of her
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| 283 | reign, very mild for those times. She wished no one to be molested who did
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| 284 | not go out of his way to invite it. Outward conformity was all she wanted.
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| 285 | And of this mere attendance at church was accepted as sufficient evidence.
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| 286 | The principal difficulty, of course, was with the clergy. From them more
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| 287 | than a mere passive conformity had to be exacted. To sign declarations, take
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| 288 | oaths, and officiate in church was a severer strain on the conscience. It is
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| 289 | said that less than 200 out of 9400 sacrificed their benefices rather than
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| 290 | conform, and that of these about 100 were dignitaries. The number must be
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| 291 | under-stated; for the chief difficulty of the new bishops, for a long time,
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| 292 | was to find clergymen for the parish churches. But we cannot doubt that the
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| 293 | large majority of the parish clergy stuck to their livings, remaining
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| 294 | Catholics at heart, and avoiding, where they could, and as long as they
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| 295 | could, compliance with the new regulations. It must not be supposed that the
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| 296 | enactment of religious changes by Parliament was equivalent, as it would be
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| 297 | at the present day, to their immediate enforcement throughout the country;
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| 298 | especially in the north where the great proprietors and justices of the
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| 299 | peace did not carry out the law. A certain number of the ejected priests
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| 300 | continued to celebrate the ancient rites privately in the houses of the more
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| 301 | earnest Catholics; for which they were not unfrequently punished by
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| 302 | imprisonment. </font></p>
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| 303 | <p align="left"><font size="3">Of course this was persecution. But according
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| 304 | to the ideas of that day it was a very mild kind of persecution; and where
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| 305 | it occurred it seems to have been due to the zeal of some of the bishops,
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| 306 | and to private busybodies who set the law in motion, rather than to any
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| 307 | systematic action on the part of the Government.</font></p>
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| 308 | </font>
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| 309 | <hr>
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| 310 | <p align="left"><font style="font-family: Times New Roman" size="2">From <i>
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| 311 | Queen Elizabeth</i> by Edward Spencer Beesly. Published in London by
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| 312 | Macmillan and Co., 1892.</font></p>
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| 313 | </font>
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| 314 | <font face="Times New Roman" size="2">
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| 315 | </blockquote>
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| 316 | </blockquote>
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| 317 |
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| 318 | <p align="center">
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| 319 | <a href="beeslychapterthree.html">to Chapter
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| 320 | III: Foreign Relations: 1559-1563</a></p>
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| 321 | <p align="center">
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| 322 | <a href="monarchs/eliz1.html">to the Queen
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| 323 | Elizabeth I website</a> /
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| 324 | <a href="relative/maryqos.html">to the Mary,
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| 325 | queen of Scots website</a></p>
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| 326 | <p align="center"><a href="secondary.html">
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| 327 | to Secondary Sources</a></p>
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| 328 | </font>
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| 329 |
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| 330 | </body>
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| 331 |
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