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    <Metadata name="Content">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter One</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Page_topic">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter One</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter Four</Metadata>
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    <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Others</Metadata>
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    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;The Divorce of&lt;br&gt;Catherine of Aragon&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
    &lt;font size=&quot;5&quot;&gt;by 
    JA Froude, 1891&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;img border=&quot;0&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/aragon-new1.jpg&quot; alt=&quot;miniature portrait of Katharine of Aragon by Lucas Horenbout&quot; width=&quot;325&quot; height=&quot;321&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
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  &lt;blockquote&gt;
    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
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    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
      &lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;CHAPTER FOUR&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
    &lt;blockquote&gt;
      &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;Anne Boleyn -- Letters to her from the
      &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;King&lt;/font&gt; -- The Convent at Wilton -- The 
      Divorce -- The Pope's promises -- Arrival of Campeggio in England -- 
      Reception at the Bridewell Palace -- Proposal to Catherine to take the 
      veil -- Her refusal -- Uncertainty of the succession -- A singular 
      expedient -- Alarms of Wolsey -- The true issue -Speech of the
      &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;King&lt;/font&gt; in the City -- Threats of the 
      Emperor -- Defects in the Bull of Pope Julius -- Alleged discovery of a 
      brief supplying them -- Distress of Clement. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/blockquote&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;THE marriage with Anne Boleyn was now a fixed 
    idea in &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Henry&lt;/font&gt;'s mind. He had become 
    passionately attached to her, though not perhaps she to him. The evidence of 
    his feeling remains in a series of letters to her -- how preserved for 
    public inspection no one knows. Some of them were said to have been stolen 
    by Campeggio. Perhaps they were sold to him; at any rate, they survive. A 
    critic in the &amp;quot;&lt;i&gt;Edinburgh Review&lt;/i&gt;&amp;quot; described them as such as &amp;quot;might 
    have been written by a pot-boy to his girl.&amp;quot; The pot-boy must have been a 
    singular specimen of his kind. One, at any rate, remains to show that, 
    though &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Henry&lt;/font&gt; was in love, he did not 
    allow his love to blind him to his duty as a prince. The lady, though 
    obliged to wait for the full gratification of her ambition, had been using 
    her influence to advance her friends, while Wolsey brought upon himself the 
    rebuke of his master by insufficient care in the distribution of Church 
    patronage. The correspondence throws an unexpected light upon the
    &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;King&lt;/font&gt;'s character. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The Abbess of Wilton had died. The situation 
    was a pleasant one. Among the sisters who aspired to the vacant office was a 
    certain Eleanor Carey, a near connection of Anne, and a favourite with her. 
    The appointment rested virtually with the Crown. The Lady Anne spoke to the 
    King. The King deputed Wolsey to inquire into the fitness of the various 
    candidates, with a favourable recommendation of Eleanor Carey's claims. The 
    inquiry was made, and the result gives us a glimpse into the habits of the 
    devout recluses in these sacred institutions.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;As for the matter of Wilton,&amp;quot; wrote Henry to 
    Anne, &amp;quot;my Lord Cardinal here had the nuns before him, and examined them in 
    the presence of Master Bell, who assures me that she whom we would have had 
    Abbess has confessed herself to have had two children by two different 
    priests, and has since been kept not long ago by a servant of Lord Broke 
    that was. Wherefore I would not for all the gold in the world clog your 
    conscience nor mine, to make her ruler of a house which is of so ungodly 
    demeanour, nor I trust you would not that, neither for brother nor sister, I 
    should so distain mine honour or conscience. And as touching the Prioress 
    [Isabella Jordan] or Dame Eleanor's elder sister, though there is not any 
    evident cause proved against them, and the Prioress is so old that of many 
    years she could not be as she was named, yet notwithstanding, to do you 
    pleasure I have done that neither of them shall have it, but that some other 
    good and well-disposed woman shall have it, whereby the house shall be 
    better reformed, whereof I assure you it hath much need, and God much the 
    better served.&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This letter is followed by another to the 
    Cardinal. Wolsey, in whose hands the King had left the matter, in a second 
    letter which is lost, instead of looking out for the &amp;quot;good and well-disposed 
    woman,&amp;quot; though IsaBella Jordan's reputation was doubtful, yet chose to 
    appoint her, and the King's observations upon this action of his are worth 
    attending to, as addressed by such a person as Henry is supposed to have 
    been to a Cardinal Archbishop and Legate of the Holy See. Many of the 
    letters signed by the King were the composition of his ministers and 
    secretaries. This to Wolsey was his own. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;The great affection and love I bear you, 
    causeth me, using the doctrine of my Master, &lt;i&gt;quem diligo castigo,&lt;/i&gt; 
    thus plainly as now ensueth to break to you my mind, ensuring you that 
    neither sinister report, affection to my own pleasure, interest, nor 
    mediation of any other body beareth part in this case, wherefore whatsoever 
    I do say, I pray you think it spoken of no displeasure, but of him that 
    would you as much good both of body and soul as you would yourself. &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;Methinks it is not the right train of a 
    trusty loving friend and servant when the matter is put by the master's 
    consent into his arbitre and judgement -especially in a matter wherein his 
    master hath both royalty and interest, to elect and choose a person who was 
    by him defended. And yet another thing which displeaseth me more. That is to 
    cloke your offence made by ignorance of my pleasure, saying that you 
    expressly knew not my determinate mind in that behalf. Alas, my lord, what 
    can be more evident or plainer than these words, specially to a wise man 
    -'His Grace careth not who, but referreth it all to you, so that none of 
    those who either be or have been spotted with incontinence, like as by 
    report the Prioress hath been in her youth, have it;' and also in another 
    place in the letter, 'And therefore his Highness thinketh her not meet for 
    that purpose;' thirdly, in another place in the same letter by these words, 
    'And though his Grace speaketh not of it so openly, yet meseemeth his 
    pleasure is that in no wise the Prioress have it, nor yet Dame Eleanor's 
    eldest sister, for many considerations the which your Grace can and will 
    best consider.' &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;Ah, my Lord, it is a double offence both to 
    do ill and to colour it too; but with men that have wit it cannot be 
    accepted so. Wherefore, good my Lord, use no more that way with me, for 
    there is no man living that more hateth it. These things having been thus 
    committed, either I must have reserved them &lt;i&gt;in pectore,&lt;/i&gt; whereby more 
    displeasure might happen to breed, or else thus soundly and plainly to 
    declare them to you, because I do think that &lt;i&gt;cum amico et familiari 
    sincere semper est agendum,&lt;/i&gt; and especially the master to his best 
    beloved servant and friend, for in so doing the one shall be more 
    circumspect in his doing, the other shall declare and show the lothness that 
    is in him to have any occasion to be displeased with him. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;And as touching the redress of Religion 
    [convent discipline], if it be observed and continued, undoubtedly it is a 
    gracious act. Notwithstanding, if all reports be true, &lt;i&gt;ab imbecillis 
    imbecilla expectantur.&lt;/i&gt; How be it, Mr. Bell hath informed me that the 
    Prioress's age, personage and manner, &lt;i&gt;prÊ se fert gravitatem.&lt;/i&gt; I pray 
    God it be so indeed, seeing she is preferred to that room. I understand 
    furthermore, which is greatly to my comfort, that you have ordered yourself 
    to Godward as religiously and virtuously as any Prelate or father of 
    Christ's Church can do, where in so doing and persevering there can be 
    nothing more acceptable to God, more honour to yourself, nor more desired of 
    your friends, among the which I reckon myself not the least. . . . &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;I pray you, my Lord, think it not that it is 
    upon any displeasure that I write this unto you. For surely it is for my 
    discharge before God, being in the room that I am in, and secondly for the 
    great zeal I bear unto you, not undeserved in your behalf. Wherefore I pray 
    you take it so; and I assure you, your fault acknowledged, there shall 
    remain in me no spark of displeasure, trusting hereafter you shall 
    recompense that with a thing much more acceptable to me. And thus fare you 
    well; advertising you that, thanked be God, I and all my folk be, and have 
    been since we came to Ampthill, which was on Saturday last, July 11, in 
    marvellous good health and clearness of air. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;Written with the hand of him that is, and 
    shall be your loving Sovereign Lord and friend, -- Henry R.&amp;quot;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Campeggio meanwhile was loitering on his way 
    as he had been directed, pretending illness, pretending difficulties of the 
    road. In sending him at all the Pope had broken his promise to Charles. He 
    engaged, however, that no sentence should be given which had not been 
    submitted first to Charles's approval. The Emperor, anxious to avoid a 
    complete rupture with England, let the Legate go forward, but he directed 
    Mendoza to inform Wolsey that he must defend his aunt's honour; her cause 
    was his and he would hold it as such. Wolsey, though afraid of the 
    consequence of opposing the divorce to himself and the Church, yet at heart 
    had ceased to desire it. Mendoza reported that English opinion was still 
    unfavourable, and that he did not believe that the commission would have any 
    result. The Pope would interpose delays. Wolsey would allow and recognise 
    them. Both Legates would agree privately to keep the matter in suspense. The 
    English Cardinal appeared to be against the Queen, but every one knew that 
    secretly he was now on her side. Catherine only was seriously frightened. 
    She had doubtless been informed of the secret decretal by which the Pope 
    appeared to have prejudged her cause. She supposed that the Pope meant it, 
    and did not understand how lightly such engagements sate upon him. The same 
    Clement, when Benvenuto Cellini reproached him for breaking his word, 
    replied, smiling, that the Pope had power to bind and to loose. Catherine 
    came before long to know him better and to understand the bearings of this 
    singular privilege; but as yet she thought that words meant what they seemed 
    to say. When she heard that Campeggio was actually coming, she wrote 
    passionately to the Emperor, flinging herself upon him for protection. 
    Charles calmed her alarm. She was not, he said, to be condemned without a 
    hearing. The Pope had assured him that the Legates should determine nothing 
    to her detriment. The case should be decided at Rome, as she had desired. 
    Campeggio's orders were to advise that it should be dropped. Apart from his 
    present infatuation, the King was a good Christian and would act as one. If 
    he persisted, she might rely on the Pope's protection. She must consent to 
    nothing which would imply the dissolution of her marriage. If the worst 
    came, the King would be made conscious of his duties.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;a onclick=&quot;return pageTxt_href_onClick(this,true);&quot; href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2ffroudefour.html#1&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In the middle of October the Legate arrived. 
    He had been ill in earnest from gout and was still suffering. He had to rest 
    two days in Calais before he could face the Channel. The passage was wild. A 
    deputation of Peers and Bishops waited to receive him at Dover. Respectful 
    demonstrations had been prepared at the towns through which he was to pass, 
    and a state ceremonial was to accompany his entrance into London. But he 
    was, or pretended to be, too sick to allow himself to be seen. He was eight 
    days on the road from the coast, and on reaching his destination he was 
    carried privately in a state barge to the house provided for his residence. 
    Wolsey called the next morning. The King was absent, but returned two days 
    later to the Bridewell palace. There Campeggio waited on him, accompanied by 
    Wolsey. The weather continued to frown. &amp;quot;I wish,&amp;quot; wrote Gerardo Molza to the 
    Marchioness of Mantua, &amp;quot;that you could have seen the two Cardinals abreast, 
    one on his mule, the other carried in his chair, the rain falling fast so 
    that we were all drenched.&amp;quot; The King, simple man, believed that the 
    documents which he held secured him. The Pope in sending the Legate had 
    acted in the teeth of the Emperor's prohibition, and no one guessed how the 
    affair had been soothed down. The farce was well played, and the language 
    used was what Henry expected. Messer Floriano, one of Campeggio's suit, made 
    a grand oration, setting out the storming of Rome, the perils of the Church, 
    and the misery of Italy, with moving eloquence. The crowd was so dense in 
    the hall of audience that some of the Italians lost their shoes, and had to 
    step back barefoot to their lodgings through the wet streets. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The Legate was exhausted by the exertion, but 
    he was not allowed to rest, and the serious part of the business began at 
    once behind the scenes. He had hoped, as the Emperor said, that the case 
    might be dropped. He found Henry immoveable. &amp;quot;An angel from heaven,&amp;quot; he 
    wrote on the 17th of October, &amp;quot;would not be able to persuade the King that 
    his marriage was not invalid. The matter had come to such a pass that it 
    could no longer be borne with. The Cardinal of York and the whole kingdom 
    insisted that the question must be settled in some way.&amp;quot; One road out of the 
    difficulty alone presented itself. The Emperor had insisted that the 
    marriage should not be dissolved by Catherine's consent, objecting 
    reasonably that a judgment invalidating it would shake other royal marriages 
    besides hers. But no such judgment would be necessary if Catherine could be 
    induced to enter &amp;quot;lax religion,&amp;quot; to take vows of chastity which, at her age 
    and under her conditions of health, would be a mere form. The Pope could 
    then allow Henry to take another wife without offence to any one. The 
    legitimacy of the Princess would not be touched, and the King undertook that 
    the succession should be settled upon her if he had no male heir. The Queen 
    in consenting would lose nothing, for the King had for two years lived apart 
    from her, and would never return to cohabitation. The Emperor would be 
    delivered from an obligation infinitely inconvenient to him, and his own 
    honour and the honour of Spain would be equally untouched. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;These arguments were laid before the Queen by 
    both the Legates, and urged with all their eloquence. In the interests of 
    the realm, in the interests of Europe, in the interests of the Church, in 
    her own and her daughter's interest as well, it would have been wiser if she 
    had complied. Perhaps she would have complied had the King's plea been 
    confined, as at first, to the political exigencies of the succession. But 
    the open and premature choice of the lady who was to take her place was an 
    indignity not to be borne. She had the pride of her race. Her obstinacy was 
    a match for her husband's. She was shaken for a moment by the impassioned 
    entreaties of Campeggio, and she did not at once absolutely refuse. The 
    Legate postponed the opening of his court. He referred to Rome for further 
    instructions, complaining of the responsibility which was thrown upon him. 
    Being on the spot he was able to measure the danger of disappointing the 
    King after the secret commission, the secret decretal, and the Pope's 
    private letter telling Henry that he was right. Campeggio wrote to Salviati, 
    after his first interview with Catherine, that he did not yet despair. 
    Something might be done if the Emperor would advise her to comply. He asked 
    Fisher to help him, and Fisher seemed not wholly unwilling; but, after a few 
    days' reflection, Catherine told him that before she would consent she would 
    be torn limb from limb; she would have an authoritative sentence from the 
    Pope, and would accept nothing else; nothing should make her alter her 
    opinion, and if after death she could return to life, she would die over 
    again rather than change it.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Wolsey was in equal anxiety. He had set the 
    stone rolling, but he could not stop it. If Clement failed the King now, 
    after all that he had promised, he might not only bring ruin on Wolsey 
    himself, but might bring on the overthrow of the temporal power of the 
    Church of England. Catherine was personally popular; but in the middle 
    classes of the laity, among the peers and gentlemen of England, the 
    exactions of the Church courts, the Pope's agents and collectors, the 
    despotic tyranny of the Bishops, had created a resentment the extent of 
    which none knew better than he. The entire gigantic system of clerical 
    dominion, of which Wolsey was himself the pillar and representative, was 
    tottering to its fall. If the King was driven to bay, the favour of a 
    good-natured people for a suffering woman would be a poor shelter either for 
    the Church or for him. Campeggio turned to Wolsey for advice on Catherine's 
    final refusal. The Pope, he said, had hoped that Wolsey would advise the 
    King to yield. Wolsey had advised. He told Cavendish that he had gone on his 
    knees to the King, but he could only say to Campeggio that &amp;quot;the King -- 
    fortified and justified by reasons, writings, and counsels of many learned 
    men who feared God -- would never yield.&amp;quot; If he was to find that the Pope 
    had been playing with him, and the succession was to be left undetermined, 
    &amp;quot;the Church would be ruined and the realm would be in infinite peril.&amp;quot;
    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;How great, how real, was the dread of a 
    disputed succession, appears from an extraordinary expedient which had 
    suggested itself to Campeggio himself, and which he declares that some 
    perplexed politicians had seriously contemplated. &amp;quot;They have thought,&amp;quot; he 
    wrote on the 28th of October, &amp;quot;of marrying the Princess Mary to the King's 
    natural son [the Duke of Richmond] if it could be done by dispensation from 
    His Holiness.&amp;quot; The Legate said that at first he had himself thought of this 
    as a means of establishing the succession; but he did not believe it would 
    satisfy the King's desire. If anything could be more astonishing than a 
    proposal for the marriage of a brother and sister, it was the reception 
    which the suggestion met with at Rome. The Pope's secretary replied that 
    &amp;quot;with regard to the dispensation for marrying the son to the daughter of the 
    King, if on the succession being so established the King would abandon the 
    divorce, the Pope would be much more inclined to grant it.&amp;quot;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;a onclick=&quot;return pageTxt_href_onClick(this,true);&quot; href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2ffroudefour.html#2&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Clement's estimate of the extent of the 
    dispensing power was large. But the situation was desperate. He had 
    entangled himself in the meshes. He had promised what he had no intention of 
    performing. He was finding that he had been trifling with a lion, and that 
    the lion was beginning to rouse himself. Again and again Wolsey urged the 
    dangers upon him. He wrote on the 1st of November to Casalis that &amp;quot;the 
    King's honour was touched, having been so great a benefactor to the Holy 
    See. The Pope would alienate all faith and devotion to the Apostolic See. 
    The sparks of opposition which had been extinguished with such care and 
    vigilance would blaze out to the utmost anger of all, both in England and 
    elsewhere.&amp;quot;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2ffroudefour.html#3&quot;&gt; &lt;/a&gt;Clement and his Cardinals heard, but 
    imperfectly believed. &amp;quot;He tells us,&amp;quot; wrote Sanga, &amp;quot;that if the divorce is 
    not granted the authority of the Apostolic See in England will be 
    annihilated; he is eager to save it because his own greatness is bound up 
    with ours.&amp;quot; The Curia was incredulous, and thought that Wolsey was only 
    alarmed for himself. Wolsey, however, was right. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Although opinions might have varied on the 
    merits of the King's request, people were beginning to ask what value as a 
    supreme judge a Pope could have, who could not decide on a point of canon 
    law. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The excitement was growing. Certain knowledge 
    of what was going on was confined to the few who had access to the secret 
    correspondence, and they knew only what was meant for their own eyes. All 
    parties, English and Imperial alike, distrusted the Pope. He had impartially 
    lied to both, and could be depended on by neither, except so far as they 
    could influence his fears. Catherine was still the favourite with the London 
    citizens. She had been seen accidentally in a gallery of the Palace, and had 
    been enthusiastically cheered. The King found it necessary to explain 
    himself. On the 8th of November he summoned the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, the 
    Privy Council, and a body of Peers, and laid the situation before them from 
    his own point of view. He spoke of his long friendship with the Emperor, and 
    of his hope that it would not be broken, and again of his alliance with 
    France, and of his desire to be at peace with all the world. &amp;quot;He had 
    wished,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;to attach France more closely to him by marrying his 
    daughter to a French prince, and the French Ambassador, in considering the 
    proposal, had raised the question of her legitimacy. His own mind had long 
    misgiven him on the lawfulness of his marriage. M. de Tarbes' words had 
    added to his uneasiness. The succession to the crown was uncertain; he had 
    consulted his bishops and lawyers, and they had assured him that he had been 
    living in mortal sin. . . . He meant only to do what was right, and he 
    warned his subjects to be careful of forming hasty judgments on their 
    Prince's actions.&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Apart from the present question the King was 
    extremely popular, and reports arriving from Spain touched the national 
    pride. There was a talk of calling Parliament. Mendoza and Catherine again 
    urged Charles to speak plainly. The Pope must inhibit Parliament from 
    interfering. The Nuncio in London would present the order, and Parliament, 
    they thought, would submit. They were mistaking the national temper. 
    Mendoza's letters had persuaded the Spanish Council that the whole of 
    England was in opposition to the King. The Spanish Chancellor had said 
    publicly that if the cause was proceeded with there would be war, and &amp;quot;the 
    King would be dethroned by his own subjects.&amp;quot; The words were reported to 
    Wolsey, and were confirmed by an English agent, Sylvester Darius, who had 
    been sent to Valladolid on business connected with the truce. Darius had 
    spoken to the Chancellor on the probability of England taking active part 
    with France. &amp;quot;Why do you talk of the King of England?&amp;quot; the Chancellor had 
    answered; &amp;quot;if we wished, we could expel him from his kingdom in three 
    months. What force had the King? his own subjects would expel him. He knew 
    how matters were.&amp;quot; It was one thing for a free people to hold independent 
    opinions on the arrangements of their own royal family. It was another to be 
    threatened with civil war at the instigation of a foreign sovereign. Wolsey 
    quoted the dangerous language at a public meeting in London; and a voice 
    answered, &amp;quot;The Emperor has lost the hearts of a hundred thousand 
    Englishmen.&amp;quot; A fresh firebrand was thrown into the flames immediately after. 
    The national pride was touched on a side where it was already sensitive from 
    interest. There were 15,000 Flemish artisans in London. English workmen had 
    been jealous of their skill, and had long looked askance at them. The cry 
    rose that they had an army of traitors in their midst who must be instantly 
    expelled. The Flemings' houses were searched for arms, and watched by a 
    guard, and the working city population, traders, shopkeepers, mechanics, 
    apprentices, came over to the King's side, and remained there. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Meantime the cause itself hung fire. A new 
    feature had been introduced to enable Campeggio to decline to proceed and 
    the Pope to withdraw decently from his promises. The original Bull of Pope 
    Julius permitting the marriage had been found to contain irregularities of 
    form which were supposed fatal to it. The validity of the objection was not 
    denied, but was met by the production of a brief alleged to have been found 
    in Spain, and bearing the same date with the Bull, which exactly met that 
    objection. No trace of such a brief could be found in the Vatican Register. 
    It had informalities of its own, and its genuineness was justly suspected, 
    but it answered the purpose of a new circumstance. A copy only was sent to 
    England, which was shown by Catherine in triumph to Henry, but the original 
    was detained. It would be sent to Rome, but not to London; without it 
    Campeggio could pretend inability to move, and meanwhile he could refuse to 
    proceed on his commission. Subterfuges which answer for the moment revenge 
    themselves in the end. Having been once raised, it was absolutely necessary 
    that a question immediately affecting the succession should be settled in 
    some way, and many of the peers who had been hitherto cool began to back the 
    King's demands. An address was drawn up, having among others the Duke of 
    Norfolk's signature, telling the Pope that the divorce must be conceded, and 
    complaints were sent through Casalis againt Campeggio's dilatoriness. The 
    King, he was to say, would not submit to be deluded. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Casalis delivered his message, and describes 
    the effect which it produced. &amp;quot;The Pope,&amp;quot; he wrote, &amp;quot;very angry, laid his 
    hand on my arm and forbade me to proceed, saying there was but too good 
    ground for complaint, and he was deluded by his own councillors. He had 
    granted the decretal only to be shown to the King, and then burnt. Wolsey 
    now wished to divulge it. He saw what would follow, and would gladly recall 
    what had been done, even with the loss of one of his fingers.&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Casalis replied that Wolsey wished only to 
    show it to a few persons whose secrecy might be depended on. Was it not 
    demanded for that purpose? Why had the Pope changed his mind? The Pope, only 
    the more excited, said he saw the Bull would be the ruin of him, and he 
    would make no more concessions. Casalis prayed him to consider. Waving his 
    arms violently, Clement said, &amp;quot;I do consider. I consider the ruin which is 
    hanging over me. I repent what I have done. If heresies arise, is it my 
    fault? I will not violate my conscience. Let them, if they like, send the 
    Legate back, because he will not proceed. They can do as they please, 
    provided they do not make me responsible.&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Did the Pope mean, then, Casalis asked, that 
    the commission should not proceed? The Pope could not say as much as that; 
    he had told Campeggio, he said, to dissuade the King and persuade the Queen.
    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;What harm could there be,&amp;quot; Casalis inquired, 
    &amp;quot;in showing the decretal, under oath, to a few of the Privy Council?&amp;quot; &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The Pope said the decretal ought to have been 
    burnt, and refused to discuss the matter further.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
    &lt;hr&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon: 
    The Story as Told by the Imperial Ambassadors Resident at the Court of Henry 
    VIII&lt;/i&gt; by J.A. Froude.&amp;nbsp; Published in New York by C. Scribner's Sons, 
    1891.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
&lt;/blockquote&gt;

&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;to Chapter Five&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;to Secondary Sources&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2faragon.html&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;to 
Katharine of Aragon website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
&lt;blockquote&gt;
  &lt;blockquote&gt;
    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;p class=&quot;3text&quot; align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
&lt;/blockquote&gt;



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