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    <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter III</Metadata>
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    <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Others</Metadata>
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    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;Queen Elizabeth&lt;br&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;
    &lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;img border=&quot;2&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg&quot; width=&quot;400&quot; height=&quot;478&quot; alt=&quot;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard&quot;&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;i&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas 
    Hilliard;&lt;br&gt;from the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2feliz1-images.html&quot;&gt;Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I&lt;/a&gt; website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
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      &lt;b&gt;CHAPTER III&lt;br&gt;FOREIGN RELATIONS: 1559-1563&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;THE successful wars waged by Edward III and Henry V are 
    apt to cause an exaggerated estimate of the strength of England under the 
    Tudors. The population--Wales included--was probably not much more than four 
    millions. That of France was perhaps four times as large, and the 
    superiority in wealth was even greater. Before the reign of Louis XI., 
    France, weakened by feudal disunion, had been an easy prey to her smaller 
    but better-organised neighbour. The work of concentration effected by the 
    greatest of French kings towards the close of the fifteenth century, and the 
    simultaneous rise of the great Spanish empire, caused England to fall at 
    once into the rank of a second-rate power. Such she really was under Henry 
    VIII., notwithstanding the rather showy figure he managed to make by 
    adhering alternately to Charles v. and Francis I. Under the bad government 
    of Edward and Mary the fighting strength of England declined not only 
    relatively, but absolutely, until in the last year of Mary it touched the 
    lowest point in our history. Although we were at war with France, there were 
    no soldiers, no officers, no arms, no fortresses that could resist 
    artillery, few ships, a heavy debt, and deep discouragement. The loss of 
    Calais, which had been held for 200 years, was the simple and natural 
    consequence of this prostration. Justice will not be done to the great 
    recovery under Elizabeth unless we understand how low the country had sunk 
    when she came to the throne. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;During the early years of her reign, it was the universal 
    opinion at home and abroad that without Spanish protection she could not 
    preserve her throne against a French invasion in the interests of Mary 
    Stuart. Henry II. meant that, by the marriage of the Dauphin Francis with 
    Mary, the kingdoms of England and Scotland should be united to one another 
    and eventually to France. Philip would thus lose the command of the sea 
    route to the Netherlands, and the hereditary duel with the House of Austria 
    would be decided. This scheme could not seem fantastic in a century which 
    had seen such immense agglomerations of territory effected by political 
    marriages. Philip, on the other hand, made sure that the danger from France 
    must necessarily throw Elizabeth and England into his arms. Notwithstanding 
    the warnings he received from his ambassador Feria that Elizabeth was a 
    heretic, he felt certain that she would not venture to alter religion at the 
    risk of offending him. The only question with him was whether he should 
    marry her himself or bestow her on some sure friend of his house. That she 
    would refuse both himself and his nominee was a contingency he never 
    contemplated. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Elizabeth, from the first, made up her mind that the cards 
    in her hand could be played to more advantage than Philip supposed. England, 
    no doubt, needed his protection for the present. But could he please himself 
    about granting it? Her bold calculation was that his own interests would 
    compel him, in any case, to prevent the execution of the Stuart-Valois 
    scheme, and that consequently she might settle religion without reference to 
    his wishes. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The offer of marriage came in January 1559. In his letter to 
    Feria, Philip spoke as if Elizabeth would of course jump at it. After 
    dwelling on its many inconveniences, he said he had decided to make the 
    sacrifice on condition that Elizabeth would uphold the Catholic religion; 
    but she must not expect him to remain long with her; he would visit England 
    occasionally. Feria foolishly allowed this letter to be seen, and the 
    contents were reported to Elizabeth. She was as much amused as piqued. Their 
    ages were not unsuitable. Philip was thirty-two, and Elizabeth was 
    twenty-five. But she was as fastidious about men as her father was about 
    women; and for no political consideration would she have tied herself to her 
    ugly, disagreeable, little brother-in-law. After some fencing, she replied 
    that she did not mean to marry, and that she was not afraid of France. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Before the death of Mary, negotiations for a peace between 
    France, Spain, and England had already begun. Calais was almost the only 
    difficulty remaining to be settled. Our countrymen have never been able &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;to understand how their possession of a fortress within the 
    natural boundaries of another country can be disagreeable to its 
    inhabitants. Elizabeth shared the national feeling, and she wanted Philip to 
    insist on the restitution of Calais. He would have done so if she had 
    pleased him as to other matters. Even as it was, the presence of a French 
    garrison in Calais was so inconvenient to the master of the Netherlands that 
    he was ready to fight on if England would do her part. But Elizabeth would 
    only promise to fight Scotland--a very indirect and, indeed, useless way of 
    supporting Philip. When once this point was made clear, peace was soon 
    concluded between the three powers at Câteau, near Cambray (March 1559); 
    appearances being saved by a stipulation that Calais should be restored in 
    eight years, or half a million of crowns be forfeited. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In thus giving way Elizabeth showed her good sense. To have 
    fought on would have meant deeper debt, terrible exhaustion, and, what was 
    worse, dependence on Philip. Moreover, Calais could only have been recovered 
    by reducing France to helplessness, which would have been fatal to the 
    balance of power on which Elizabeth relied to make herself independent of 
    both her great neighbours. The peace of Câteau Cambresis was attended with a 
    secret compact between Philip II. and Henry II., that each monarch should 
    suppress heresy in his own dominions and not encourage it in those of his 
    neighbour. By the accession of Elizabeth, and the Scotch Reformation which 
    immediately followed, Protestantism reached its highwater mark in Europe. 
    The long wars of Charles V with France had enabled it to spread. Francis I. 
    had intrigued with the Protestant princes of the Empire, and Charles had 
    been obliged to humour them. Protestantism was victorious in Britain, 
    Scandinavia, North Germany, the Palatinate, and Swabia. It had spread widely 
    in Poland, Hungary, the Netherlands, and France. This rapid growth was now 
    about to be checked. In some of these countries the new religion was 
    destined to succumb; in some entirely to disappear. Men who could remember 
    the first preachings of Luther lived to see not only the high-water, but the 
    ebb, of the Protestant tide. The revolutionary tendencies inherent in 
    Protestantism began to alarm the sovereigns; and all the more because the 
    Church in Catholic, hardly less than in Protestant, countries was becoming a 
    department of the State. Kings had been jealous of the spiritual power when 
    it belonged to the Popes. They became jealous for it when it was annexed to 
    the throne. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Notwithstanding its secret stipulations, the peace of Câteau 
    Cambresis relieved England from the most pressing and immediate perils by 
    which she was threatened. Neither French nor Spanish troops had made their 
    appearance on our soil. A breathing-time at least had been gained, during 
    which something might be done towards putting the country in a state of 
    defence, and restoring the finances. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;But the danger from France was by no means at an end. In the 
    treaty with England, the title of Elizabeth had been acknowledged. But in 
    that with Spain, the Dauphin had styled himself &amp;quot;King of Scotland, England, 
    and Ireland.&amp;quot; He and Mary had also assumed the English arms. If a French 
    army invaded England, it would come by way of Scotland. The English 
    Catholics, who had for the most part frankly accepted the succession of 
    Elizabeth, were disappointed and irritated by the change of religion. If 
    Mary should go to Scotland with a French force, it was to be apprehended 
    that a rebellion would immediately break out in the northern counties. 
    Philip, no doubt, would land in the south to drive out the Dauphiness. But 
    the remedy would be worse than the disease. For he was deeply discontented 
    with the conduct of Elizabeth, and would probably take the opportunity of 
    deposing her. To establish, therefore, her independence of both her powerful 
    neighbours, Elizabeth had to begin by destroying French influence in 
    Scotland. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The wisest heads in Scotland had long seen the advantage of 
    uniting their country to England by marriage. The blundering and bullying 
    policy of the Protector Somerset had driven the Scotch to renew their 
    ancient alliance with France. But the attempts of the Regent Mary of Guise 
    to increase French influence, and to establish a small standing army, in 
    order at once to strengthen her authority, and to serve the designs of Henry 
    II. against England, had again made the French connection unpopular, and 
    caused a corresponding revival of friendly feeling towards England. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Nowhere was the Church so wealthy, relatively to the other 
    estates, as in Scotland. It was supposed to possess half the property of the 
    country. Nowhere were the clergy so immoral. Nowhere was superstition so 
    gross. But the doctrines of the Reformation were spreading among the common 
    people, and in 1557 some of the nobles, hungering for the wealth of the 
    Church, put themselves at the head of the Protestant movement. They were 
    known as the &amp;quot;Lords of the Congregation.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Scotch Reformation began not from the Government, as in 
    England, but from the people. Hence, while change of supremacy was the main 
    question in England, change of doctrine and worship took the lead in 
    Scotland. The two parties were about equal in numbers, the Protestants being 
    strongest in the Lowlands. But, with the exception of the murder of Beaton 
    in 1546, there had, as yet, been no appeal to force, nor any attempt to 
    procure a public change of religion. The accession of Elizabeth emboldened 
    the Protestants. At Perth they took possession of the churches and burnt a 
    monastery. On the other hand, after the peace of Câteau Cambresis, Henry II. 
    directed the Regent to put down Protestantism, both in pursuance of the 
    agreement with Philip, and in order to prepare for the Franco-Scottish 
    invasion of England. The result was that the Protestants rose in open 
    rebellion (June 1559). The Lords of the Congregation occupied Perth, 
    Stirling, and Edinburgh. All over the Lowlands abbeys were wrecked, monks 
    harried, churches cleared of images, the Mass abolished, and King Edward's 
    service established in its place. In England the various changes of religion 
    in the last thirty years had always been effected legally by King and 
    Parliament. In Scotland the Catholic Church was overthrown by a simultaneous 
    popular outbreak. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The catastrophe came later than in England; but popular 
    feeling was more prepared for it; and what was now cast down was never set 
    up again. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It seemed at first as if the Regent and her handful of 
    regular troops, commanded by d'Oysel, would be swept away. But d'Oysel had 
    fortified Leith, and was even able to take the field. A French army was 
    expected. The tumultuary forces of the needy Scotch nobles could not be kept 
    together long, and it became clear that, unless supported by Elizabeth, the 
    rebellion would be crushed as soon as the French reinforcements should 
    arrive, if not sooner. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Thus early did Elizabeth find herself confronted by the 
    Scottish difficulty, which was to cause her so much anxiety throughout the 
    greater part of her reign. The problem, though varying in minor details, was 
    always essentially the same. There was a Protestant faction looking for 
    support to England, and a Catholic faction looking to France. Two or three 
    of the Protestant leaders--Moray, Glencairn, Kirkaldy--did really care 
    something about a religious reformation. The rest thought more of getting 
    hold of Church lands and pursuing old family feuds. In the experience of 
    Elizabeth, they were a needy, greedy, treacherous crew, always sponging on 
    her treasury, and giving her very little service in return for her money. 
    Besides, the whole Scotch nation was so touchy in its patriotism, so jealous 
    of foreign interference, that foreign soldiers present on its soil were sure 
    to be regarded with an evil eye, no matter for what purpose they had come, 
    or by whom they had been invited. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Lords of the Congregation invoked the protection of 
    Elizabeth. They suggested that she should marry the Earl of Arran, and that 
    he and she should be King and Queen of Great Britain. Arran was the eldest 
    son of the Duke of Chatelherault, who, Mary being as yet childless, was 
    heir-presumptive to the Scottish crown. There were many reasons why 
    Elizabeth should decline interference. It was throwing down the glove to 
    France. Interference in Scotland had always been disastrous. It might drive 
    the English Catholics to despair, as cutting off the hope of Mary's 
    succession to the English crown. To make a Protestant match would irritate 
    Philip. He might invade England to forestall the French. Almost all her 
    Council--even Bacon--advised her to leave Scotland alone, marry the Archduke 
    Charles, and trust to the Spanish alliance for the defence of England. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;These were serious considerations; and to them was to be 
    joined another which with Elizabeth always had great weight--more, 
    naturally, than it had with any of her advisers. She shrank from doing 
    anything which might have the practical effect of weakening the common cause 
    of monarchs. She felt instinctively that with Protestants reverence for the 
    religious basis of kingship must tend to become weaker than with Catholics. 
    She did not desire to encourage this tendency or to familiarise her own 
    subjects with it. Knox &lt;i&gt;First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous 
    Regimen of Women&lt;/i&gt; had been directed against Mary. The Blasts that were to 
    follow had been dropped; but the first could not be treated as unblown. And 
    the arrogant preacher did not mend matters by writing to Elizabeth that she 
    was to consider her case as an exception &amp;quot;contrary to nature,&amp;quot; allowed by 
    God &amp;quot;for the comfort of His kirk,&amp;quot; but that if she based her title on her 
    birth or on law, &amp;quot;her felicity would be short.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Nevertheless Elizabeth adopted the bolder course. The Lords 
    of the Congregation were assured that England would not see them crushed by 
    French arms. A small supply of money was sent to them. As to the marriage 
    with Arran, no positive answer was given; but he was sent for to be looked 
    at. When he came, he was found to be even a poorer creature than his father; 
    at times, indeed, not quite right in his mind. It was hard upon the 
    Hamiltons, among whom were so many able and daring men, that, with the crown 
    almost in their grasp, their chiefs should be such incapables. To Elizabeth 
    it was no doubt a relief to find that Arran was an impossible husband. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In the meantime 2000 French had arrived, and the Lords were 
    urgent in their demands for help. But Elizabeth determined, and rightly, 
    that they must do their own work if they could. She was willing to give them 
    such pecuniary help as was necessary. But the demand for troops was 
    unreasonable. Fighting men abounded in Scotland. Why should English troops 
    be sent to do their fighting for them, with the certainty of earning black 
    looks rather than thanks? If a large army was despatched from France, she 
    would attack it with her fleet. If it landed, she would send an English 
    army. But if the Lords of the Congregation did not beat the handful of 
    Frenchmen at Leith it must be because they were either weak or treacherous. 
    In either case Elizabeth might have to give up the policy she preferred, 
    leave Scotland alone, and fall back upon an alliance with Philip. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In order therefore to preserve this second string to her 
    bow, and to let the Scotch Anglophiles see that she possessed it, she 
    reopened negotiations for the Austrian marriage. Charles, in his turn, was 
    invited to come and be looked at. Much as she disliked the idea of marriage, 
    she knew that political reasons might make it necessary. But, come what 
    would, she would never marry a man who was not to her fancy as a man. She 
    would take no one on the strength of his picture. She had heard that Charles 
    was not overwise, and that he had an extraordinarily big head, &amp;quot;bigger than 
    the Earl of Bedford's.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The Scotch Lords, finding that Elizabeth was determined to 
    have some solid return for her money, went to work with more vigour. They 
    proclaimed the deposition of the Regent, drove her from Edinburgh, and 
    besieged her and her French garrison in Leith. But this burst of energy was 
    soon over. The Protestants were more ready to pull down images and harry 
    monks than make campaigns. Leith was not to be taken. In three weeks their 
    army dwindled away, and the little disciplined force of Frenchmen re-entered 
    Edinburgh. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The position had become very critical for Elizabeth. A 
    French army of 15,000 men was daily expected at Leith. If once it landed, 
    the Congregation would be crushed; the Hamiltons would make their peace; and 
    the disciplined army of d'Elbœuf, swelled by hordes of hungry Scotchmen, 
    would pour over the Border, and proclaim Mary in the midst of the Catholic 
    population which ten years later rose in rebellion under the northern Earls.
    &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In this difficulty the Spanish Ministers in the Netherlands 
    were consulted. If Elizabeth expelled the garrison at Leith, and so brought 
    upon herself a war with France, could she depend on Philip's assistance? The 
    reply was menacing. Their master, for his own interest, could not allow the 
    Queen of France and Scotland to enforce her title to the throne of England. 
    But he would oppose it in his own way. If a French army entered England from 
    the north, a Spanish army would land on the south coast. Turning to her own 
    Council for advice, Elizabeth found no encouragement. They recommended her 
    to take Philip's advice, and even to retrace some of her steps in the matter 
    of religion in order to propitiate him. She made a personal appeal to the 
    Duke of Norfolk to take the command of the forces on the Border. But he 
    declined to be the instrument of a policy which he disapproved. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;We need not wonder if Elizabeth hesitated for a while. Some 
    of these councillors were not too well affected to her. But most of them 
    were thoroughly loyal, and there was really much to be said for the more 
    cautious policy. She herself was an eminently cautious politician, inclined 
    by nature to shrink from risky courses. Never, therefore, in her whole 
    career did she give greater proof of her large-minded comprehension of the 
    main lines of policy which it behoved her to follow than when she determined 
    to override the opinions of so many prudent advisers, and expel the French 
    force from the northern kingdom. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;England was not quite in the helpless, disabled position 
    that it pleased the Spaniards to believe. Twelve months of careful and 
    energetic administration had already done wonders. There had been wise 
    economy and wise expenditure. Money had been scraped together, and, though 
    there was still a heavy debt, the legacy of three wasteful reigns, the 
    confidence of the Antwerp money-lenders had revived, and they were willing 
    to advance considerable sums. A fleet had been equipped and manned; 
    shiploads of arms had been imported; forces had been collected on the south 
    coasts. The Border garrisons had been quietly raised in strength till they 
    were able to furnish an expeditionary force at a moment's notice. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The smallest energy on the part of the Congregation might 
    have finished the war without the presence of an English force. Elizabeth 
    had a right to be angry. The Scotch Protestants expected to have the hardest 
    part of the work done for them, and to be paid for executing their own share 
    of it. Lord James and a few of the leaders were in earnest, but others were 
    selfish time-servers. As for the lower class, their Calvinism was still new. 
    It had not yet bred that fierce spirit of independence which before long was 
    to outweigh the force of nobles and gentry. But if the weakness of the 
    Anglophile party was disappointing, it had at all events shown that 
    Elizabeth must depend upon herself to ward off danger on that side; and 
    after some reasonable hesitation she decided to put through the work she had 
    begun. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It says much for the patriotism of Elizabeth's Council that 
    when they found she had made up her mind they did not stand sulkily aloof, 
    but co-operated heartily and vigorously in carrying out the policy they had 
    opposed. Norfolk himself accepted the command of the Border army, and acted 
    throughout the affair with fidelity and diligence. He was not a man 
    distinguished by ability of any kind, and the actual fighting was to be done 
    by Lord Grey, a firm and experienced, though not brilliant, commander. But 
    that the natural leader of the Conservative nobility should be seen at the 
    head of Elizabeth's army was a useful lesson to traitors at home and enemies 
    abroad, who were telling each other that her throne was insecure. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;An agreement between the English Queen and the Lords of the 
    Congregation was drawn up (27 February), with scrupulous care to avoid the 
    appearance of dictation and encroachment which had gathered all Scotland to 
    Pinkie Cleugh eleven years before. It set forth that the English troops were 
    entering Scotland for no other object than to assist the Duke of 
    Chatelherault, the heir-presumptive to the throne, and the other nobles, to 
    drive out the foreign invaders. They would build no fortress. There was no 
    intention to prejudice Mary's lawful authority. Cecil appears to have wanted 
    to add something about &amp;quot;Christ's true religion;&amp;quot; but Elizabeth struck it 
    out. Circumstances might compel her to be the protector of foreign 
    Protestants; but neither then nor at any other time did she desire to pose 
    in that character. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;A month later (28 March) Lord Grey crossed the Border, and 
    marched to Leith. The siege of that place proved to be tedious. The Lords of 
    the Congregation gave very insufficient assistance; and, when an assault had 
    been repulsed with heavy loss, the citizens of Edinburgh would not receive 
    the wounded into their houses. At last, when food was running short in the 
    town, an envoy from France arrived with power to treat on behalf of the 
    Queen of Scots. Her mother, the Regent, had died during the siege. After 
    much haggling a treaty was signed. No French troops were in future to be 
    kept in Scotland. Offices of State were to be held only by natives. The 
    government during Mary's absence was to be vested in a Council of twelve 
    noblemen; seven nominated by her and five by the Estates. Elizabeth's title 
    to the kingdoms of England and Ireland was recognised (July 1560). &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Such was the Treaty of Edinburgh, or of Leith, as it is 
    sometimes called, one of the most successful achievements of a successful 
    reign. It was gained by wise counsel and bold resolve; and its fruits, 
    though not completely fulfilling its promise, were solid and valuable. It 
    was not ratified by Mary. But her nonratification in the long-run injured no 
    one but herself, besides putting her in the wrong, and giving Elizabeth a 
    standing excuse for treating her as an enemy. England was permanently free 
    from the menace of a disciplined French army in the northern kingdom. 
    Nothing was settled in the treaty about religion. But this was equivalent to 
    a confirmation of the violent change that had recently taken place; in 
    itself a guarantee of security to England. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The moral effect of this success was even greater than its 
    more tangible results. It had been very generally believed, at all events 
    abroad, that Elizabeth was tottering on her throne; that the large majority 
    were on the point of rising to depose her; that, wriggle as she might, she 
    would find she was a mere &lt;i&gt;protégée&lt;/i&gt; of Philip, with no option but to 
    follow his directions and square her policy to his. Whatever small basis of 
    fact underlay this delusive estimate had been ridiculously exaggerated in 
    the reports sent to Philip by his ambassador De Quadra, a man who evidently 
    paid more attention to hole-and-corner tattle than to the broad forces of 
    English politics. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;All these imaginings were now proved to be vain. Elizabeth 
    had shown that she could protect herself by her own strength and in her own 
    way. She had civilly ignored Philip's advice, or rather his injunctions. She 
    had thrown down the glove to France, and France had not taken it up. She had 
    placed in command of her armies the very man whom she was supposed to fear, 
    and he had done her bidding, and done it well. England once more stood 
    before Europe as an independent power, able to take care of itself, aid its 
    friends, and annoy its enemies. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It is true that, as far as Elizabeth personally is 
    concerned, her Scotch policy had not always in its execution been as prompt 
    and firm as could be desired. Those who follow it in greater detail than is 
    possible here will find much in it that is irresolute and even vacillating. 
    This defect appears throughout Elizabeth's career, though it will always be 
    ignored, as it ought to be ignored, by those who reserve their attention for 
    what is worth observing in the course of human affairs. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In her intellectual grasp of European politics as a whole, 
    and of the interests of her own kingdom, Elizabeth was probably superior to 
    any of her counsellors.&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;No one could better than she think out the general idea of a 
    political campaign. But theoretical and practical qualifications are seldom, 
    if ever, combined in equal excellence. Not only are the qualities themselves 
    naturally opposed, but the constant exercise of either increases the 
    disparity. Her sex obliged Elizabeth to leave the large field of execution 
    to others. Her practical gifts therefore, whatever they were, deteriorated 
    rather than advanced as she grew older. In men, who every day and every hour 
    of the day are engaged in action, the habit of prompt decision and 
    persistence in a course once adopted, even if it be not quite the best, is 
    naturally formed and strengthened. It is a habit so valuable, so 
    indispensable to continued success, that in practice it largely compensates 
    for some inferiority in conception and design. Elizabeth's irresolution and 
    vacillation were therefore a consequence of her position--that of an 
    extremely able and well-informed woman called upon to conduct a government 
    in which so much had to be decided by the sovereign at her own discretion. 
    The abler she was, the more disposed to make her will felt, the less 
    steadiness and consistency in action were to be expected from her. As the 
    wife of a king, upon whom the final responsibility would have rested--her 
    inferior perhaps in intellect and knowledge, but with the masculine habit of 
    making up his mind once for all, and then steering a straight course--she 
    would have been a wise and enlightened adviser, not afraid of consistently 
    maintaining principles, when the time, mode, and degree of their application 
    rested with another. As it was, Cecil and other able statesmen who served 
    her No one could better than she think out the general idea of a political 
    campaign. But theoretical and practical qualifications are seldom, if ever, 
    combined in equal excellence. Not only are the qualities themselves 
    naturally opposed, but the constant exercise of either increases the 
    disparity. Her sex obliged Elizabeth to leave the large field of execution 
    to others. Her practical gifts therefore, whatever they were, deteriorated 
    rather than advanced as she grew older. In men, who every day and every hour 
    of the day are engaged in action, the habit of prompt decision and 
    persistence in a course once adopted, even if it be not quite the best, is 
    naturally formed and strengthened. It is a habit so valuable, so 
    indispensable to continued success, that in practice it largely compensates 
    for some inferiority in conception and design. Elizabeth's irresolution and 
    vacillation were therefore a consequence of her position--that of an 
    extremely able and well-informed woman called upon to conduct a government 
    in which so much had to be decided by the sovereign at her own discretion. 
    The abler she was, the more disposed to make her will felt, the less 
    steadiness and consistency in action were to be expected from her. As the 
    wife of a king, upon whom the final responsibility would have rested--her 
    inferior perhaps in intellect and knowledge, but with the masculine habit of 
    making up his mind once for all, and then steering a straight course--she 
    would have been a wise and enlightened adviser, not afraid of consistently 
    maintaining principles, when the time, mode, and degree of their application 
    rested with another. As it was, Cecil and other able statesmen who served 
    her against the heretics of all countries. To this appeal he replied by 
    formally summoning Catherine to put down heresy in France. An accidential 
    collision at Vassy, in which a number of Huguenots were slain, brought on 
    the first of those wars of religion which were to desolate France for the 
    next thirty years (March 1562). Both factions, equally dead to patriotism, 
    opened their country to foreigners. The Guises called in the forces of Spain 
    and the Pope. Condé applied to Elizabeth and the Protestant princes of 
    Germany. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It was necessary to give the Huguenots just so much help as 
    would prevent them from being crushed. Aggressive in appearance, such 
    interference was in reality legitimate self-defence. But unfortunately 
    neither Elizabeth nor her Council had forgotten Calais, and they extorted 
    from Condé the surrender of Havre as a pledge for its restoration. In the 
    case of Scotland they had come, as we have seen, to recognise that to 
    establish a permanent raw by holding fortified posts on the territory of 
    another nation is poor statesmanship. The possession of Calais was of little 
    military value as against France. It is true that it would enable England to 
    make sea communication between Spain and the Netherlands very insecure, and 
    would thus give Philip a powerful motive for desiring to stand well with 
    this country. But such a calculation had less weight with Englishmen at that 
    moment than pure Jingoism--the longing to be again able to crow over their 
    French enemy. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The occupation of Havre (October 1562) gave to the Huguenot 
    cause the minimum of assistance, and brought upon it the maximum of odium. A 
    hollow reconciliation was soon patched up between the rival factions (March 
    1563), and Elizabeth was summoned to evacuate Havre. She refused, loudly 
    complaining of the Huguenots for deserting her. She &amp;quot;had come to the quiet 
    possession of Havre without force or any other unlawful means, and she had 
    good reason to keep it.&amp;quot; Up to this time the fiction of peace between the 
    two nations had been maintained. It was now open war. It is only fair to 
    Elizabeth to say that all her Council and the whole nation were even hotter 
    than she was. The garrison of Havre, with their commander Warwick, were 
    eager for the fray. They would &amp;quot;make the French cock cry Cuck,&amp;quot; they would 
    &amp;quot;spend the last drop of their blood before the French should fasten a foot 
    in the town.&amp;quot; The inhabitants were all expelled, and the siege began, Condé 
    as well as the Catholics appearing in the Queen-mother's army. After a 
    valiant defence the English, reduced to a handful of men by typhus, sailed 
    away (28 July 1563). Peace was concluded early in the next year (April 
    1564). Elizabeth did not repeat her mistake. Thenceforward to the end of her 
    reign we shall find her carefully cultivating friendly relations with every 
    ruler of France. &lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;hr&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;
    Queen Elizabeth&lt;/i&gt; by Edward Spencer Beesly.&amp;nbsp; Published in London by 
    Macmillan and Co., 1892.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
&lt;/blockquote&gt;

    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fbeeslychapterfour.html&quot;&gt;to Chapter 
    IV: Elizabeth and Mary Stuart: 1559-1568&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2feliz1.html&quot;&gt;to the Queen 
    Elizabeth I website&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; /&amp;nbsp;
    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2frelative%2fmaryqos.html&quot;&gt;to the Mary, 
    queen of Scots website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
    to Secondary Sources&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
  


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