1 | <?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" standalone="no"?>
|
---|
2 | <!DOCTYPE Archive SYSTEM "http://greenstone.org/dtd/Archive/1.0/Archive.dtd">
|
---|
3 | <Archive>
|
---|
4 | <Section>
|
---|
5 | <Description>
|
---|
6 | <Metadata name="gsdlsourcefilename">import/englishhistory.net/tudor/monarchs/henry7.html</Metadata>
|
---|
7 | <Metadata name="gsdldoctype">indexed_doc</Metadata>
|
---|
8 | <Metadata name="Plugin">HTMLPlugin</Metadata>
|
---|
9 | <Metadata name="FileSize">99158</Metadata>
|
---|
10 | <Metadata name="Source">henry7.html</Metadata>
|
---|
11 | <Metadata name="SourceFile">henry7.html</Metadata>
|
---|
12 | <Metadata name="Language">en</Metadata>
|
---|
13 | <Metadata name="Encoding">utf8</Metadata>
|
---|
14 | <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
|
---|
15 | <Metadata name="Title">Tudor Monarchs - Henry VII, one</Metadata>
|
---|
16 | <Metadata name="FileFormat">HTML</Metadata>
|
---|
17 | <Metadata name="URL">http://englishhistory.net/tudor/monarchs/henry7.html</Metadata>
|
---|
18 | <Metadata name="UTF8URL">http://englishhistory.net/tudor/monarchs/henry7.html</Metadata>
|
---|
19 | <Metadata name="Identifier">HASH20231d2f433d4af691239b</Metadata>
|
---|
20 | <Metadata name="lastmodified">1391133404</Metadata>
|
---|
21 | <Metadata name="lastmodifieddate">20140131</Metadata>
|
---|
22 | <Metadata name="oailastmodified">1391133698</Metadata>
|
---|
23 | <Metadata name="oailastmodifieddate">20140131</Metadata>
|
---|
24 | <Metadata name="assocfilepath">HASH2023.dir</Metadata>
|
---|
25 | </Description>
|
---|
26 | <Content>
|
---|
27 |
|
---|
28 |
|
---|
29 |
|
---|
30 | <center><b><blink><font size=5>NOTE</font></blink></b><font size="5"> </font>
|
---|
31 | <p>I am redesigning the Henry VII pages as of <b>March 2004</b>.
|
---|
32 |
|
---|
33 | <br>Until the new design is posted, you can read the old (and lengthy) biography here.<br><br>You can also view portraits of Henry VII at the
|
---|
34 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2fimages.html">Tudor
|
---|
35 |
|
---|
36 | England: Images</a> site.</p>
|
---|
37 | <p>Sorry for any inconvenience. <i>-Marilee</i></p>
|
---|
38 | </center>
|
---|
39 |
|
---|
40 | <b><font size="6">King Henry VII </font></b>
|
---|
41 |
|
---|
42 | <br>
|
---|
43 |
|
---|
44 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
45 |
|
---|
46 | <blockquote>If Henry VII's reign was to usher in '<font color="#000000">smooth-faced
|
---|
47 |
|
---|
48 | peace,</font> w<font color="#000000">ith smiling plenty, and fair prosperous
|
---|
49 |
|
---|
50 | days', few could have predicted it in 1485.&nbsp; </font>The Battle of
|
---|
51 |
|
---|
52 | Bosworth Field on 22 August 1485 was the last armed confrontation between
|
---|
53 |
|
---|
54 | Lancastrians and Yorkists, those two factions that had fought for decades
|
---|
55 |
|
---|
56 | in The Wars of the Roses.&nbsp; The Lancastrians triumphed under the leadership
|
---|
57 |
|
---|
58 | of a 28-year-old exile named Henry Tudor.&nbsp; After winning the throne
|
---|
59 |
|
---|
60 | of England, he wed Elizabeth of York, the eldest daughter of the dead Yorkist
|
---|
61 |
|
---|
62 | king Edward IV.&nbsp; Thus, the two warring houses were joined in marriage.
|
---|
63 |
|
---|
64 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The union was both symbolic and necessary.&nbsp;
|
---|
65 |
|
---|
66 | Despite his victory at Bosworth, the exiled nobleman who took the name
|
---|
67 |
|
---|
68 | Henry VII needed the support of those sympathetic to the defeated Yorkist
|
---|
69 |
|
---|
70 | cause.&nbsp; He also needed the legitimacy of his wife's claim to the throne.&nbsp;
|
---|
71 |
|
---|
72 | He had spent years in exile and campaigned tirelessly to win support for
|
---|
73 |
|
---|
74 | his claim to the English throne.&nbsp; It had not been an easy task.&nbsp;
|
---|
75 |
|
---|
76 | In fact, it was only when Richard duke of York usurped the throne from
|
---|
77 |
|
---|
78 | his young nephew Edward (son and heir of Edward IV) that Henry Tudor became
|
---|
79 |
|
---|
80 | a viable candidate for king.
|
---|
81 |
|
---|
82 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry Tudor's claim to the throne was never based
|
---|
83 |
|
---|
84 | on ancestry alone.&nbsp; He knew, none better, that such a claim would
|
---|
85 |
|
---|
86 | be flimsy at best.&nbsp; His royal blood came from women - his mother,
|
---|
87 |
|
---|
88 | Margaret Beaufort, was the granddaughter of John Beaufort (died 1410),
|
---|
89 |
|
---|
90 | the eldest of the bastard sons of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster.&nbsp;
|
---|
91 |
|
---|
92 | Gaunt's eldest legitimate son was the first Lancastrian king of England.&nbsp;
|
---|
93 |
|
---|
94 | The Beauforts were so named because Margaret's grandfather had been born
|
---|
95 |
|
---|
96 | in Beaufort Castle in Champagne; his mother was Gaunt's mistress and later
|
---|
97 |
|
---|
98 | became his third wife.&nbsp; After the marriage, their children were declared
|
---|
99 |
|
---|
100 | legitimate by an act of Parliament in 1397 (during Richard II's reign).&nbsp;
|
---|
101 |
|
---|
102 | When their fellow kinsman Henry IV Bolingbroke came to the throne, he confirmed
|
---|
103 |
|
---|
104 | this act of legitimacy but added a stipulation that the Beauforts should
|
---|
105 |
|
---|
106 | never succeed to the English throne (1407).&nbsp; Certainly no act of government
|
---|
107 |
|
---|
108 | could alter the fact that the Beauforts had been born illegitimate; and
|
---|
109 |
|
---|
110 | Henry IV's declaration regarding the succession is equally ambivalent -
|
---|
111 |
|
---|
112 | after all, what practical effect could it guarantee?&nbsp; The end result
|
---|
113 |
|
---|
114 | was that the Beauforts occupied an odd position in the English nobility
|
---|
115 |
|
---|
116 | and, taken together as a group, posed a unique threat to the security of
|
---|
117 |
|
---|
118 | the throne.
|
---|
119 |
|
---|
120 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Margaret Beaufort's father John succeeded to the
|
---|
121 |
|
---|
122 | earldom of Somerset in 1418 and, after a life of military embarrassment
|
---|
123 |
|
---|
124 | (including seventeen years in a French prison), he married Margaret Beauchamp,
|
---|
125 |
|
---|
126 | daughter of Sir John Beauchamp of Blestoe.&nbsp; A year after their marriage,
|
---|
127 |
|
---|
128 | John was created duke of Somerset.&nbsp; Margaret, his only child, was
|
---|
129 |
|
---|
130 | born on 31 May 1443; she never knew her father.&nbsp; John had led yet
|
---|
131 |
|
---|
132 | another disastrous military expedition to France and ended up dying in
|
---|
133 |
|
---|
134 | Dorset a few days before her first birthday.&nbsp; It was rumored that
|
---|
135 |
|
---|
136 | he committed suicide.&nbsp; Her mother, meanwhile, married again - this
|
---|
137 |
|
---|
138 | time to Lionel, Lord Welles, and survived another four decades.&nbsp; Margaret,
|
---|
139 |
|
---|
140 | however, was the sole heir to the dukedom of Somerset and its vast holdings.
|
---|
141 |
|
---|
142 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Since she was a great heiress, she was betrothed
|
---|
143 |
|
---|
144 | while still a child to John de la Pole, the son and heir of Henry VI's
|
---|
145 |
|
---|
146 | chief minister, the marquess of Suffolk.&nbsp; A conspiracy followed which
|
---|
147 |
|
---|
148 | alleged that Suffolk was planning to place Margaret and his son on the
|
---|
149 |
|
---|
150 | throne if Henry VI died childless; there is no proof but it indicates how
|
---|
151 |
|
---|
152 | important Margaret's royal blood was, even tainted with her grandfather's
|
---|
153 |
|
---|
154 | illegitimacy.&nbsp; Suffolk was murdered in May 1450 and in early 1453,
|
---|
155 |
|
---|
156 | the marriage between Margaret and John de la Pole was annulled.&nbsp; A
|
---|
157 |
|
---|
158 | child of ten, she was a pawn once more.&nbsp; Henry VI wanted to wed her
|
---|
159 |
|
---|
160 | to his half-brother Edmund Tudor so, at the age of twelve, she was married
|
---|
161 |
|
---|
162 | again.&nbsp; Her new husband was the earl of Richmond.&nbsp; His ancestry
|
---|
163 |
|
---|
164 | was even more colorful than her own.
|
---|
165 |
|
---|
166 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Edmund Tudor was the eldest son of a princess of
|
---|
167 |
|
---|
168 | France and Queen of England and her Welsh attendant.&nbsp; Catherine of
|
---|
169 |
|
---|
170 | Valois was the youngest daughter of Charles VI of France and Queen Isabelle.&nbsp;
|
---|
171 |
|
---|
172 | At the age of eighteen, Catherine had wed that great warrior-king Henry
|
---|
173 |
|
---|
174 | V.&nbsp; He was fifteen years her senior and, even in life, recognized
|
---|
175 |
|
---|
176 | as one of England's greatest kings.&nbsp; His triumph at Agincourt in 1415
|
---|
177 |
|
---|
178 | inspired one of Shakespeare's greatest plays, <i>Henry V</i>, and led Charles
|
---|
179 |
|
---|
180 | VI to sue for peace.&nbsp; Charles promised that, upon his death, Henry
|
---|
181 |
|
---|
182 | would inherit the French throne; to show his good faith and secure Henry's
|
---|
183 |
|
---|
184 | claim, he was wed to Catherine.&nbsp; She was, by all accounts, quite beautiful
|
---|
185 |
|
---|
186 | and vivacious.&nbsp; They were married in May 1420 and, in December, made
|
---|
187 |
|
---|
188 | a triumphal entry into Paris.&nbsp; From there, they sailed to Dover and
|
---|
189 |
|
---|
190 | Catherine was crowned at Westminster Abbey in February 1421.&nbsp; She
|
---|
191 |
|
---|
192 | joined Henry on his public progress through England for a few months but,
|
---|
193 |
|
---|
194 | in June 1421, a year after their marriage, Henry departed again for France.&nbsp;
|
---|
195 |
|
---|
196 | He left knowing his wife was pregnant and, on 6 December 1421, she gave
|
---|
197 |
|
---|
198 | birth to their son, the future Henry VI, at Windsor.&nbsp; Henry V would
|
---|
199 |
|
---|
200 | never see his son.&nbsp; Catherine traveled to France without the child
|
---|
201 |
|
---|
202 | to visit Henry but he then left to besiege Meaux and Catherine went to
|
---|
203 |
|
---|
204 | her parents north of Paris.&nbsp; During the siege, Henry contracted dysentery
|
---|
205 |
|
---|
206 | and died at the chateaux of Vincennes on 31 August 1422.&nbsp; The glorious
|
---|
207 |
|
---|
208 | king of England and heir to the French throne had fallen victim to the
|
---|
209 |
|
---|
210 | scourge of armies everywhere.
|
---|
211 |
|
---|
212 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; His great achievements were not forgotten but, immediately
|
---|
213 |
|
---|
214 | after his death, confusion swept through England.&nbsp; Henry V had died,
|
---|
215 |
|
---|
216 | leaving behind a twenty-year-old widow and an infant son.&nbsp; On 21 October
|
---|
217 |
|
---|
218 | 1422, her father suddenly died, after suffering years of intermittent insanity.&nbsp;
|
---|
219 |
|
---|
220 | The infant Henry VI was now king of both England and France.&nbsp; Catherine,
|
---|
221 |
|
---|
222 | quite naturally, remained at her son's side, accompanying him to the various
|
---|
223 |
|
---|
224 | public and ceremonial appearances he made as a child.&nbsp; However, her
|
---|
225 |
|
---|
226 | presence was a novel problem in 15th century England - a Dowager Queen
|
---|
227 |
|
---|
228 | who was remaining in England until her son's majority and would, in all
|
---|
229 |
|
---|
230 | likelihood, wish to marry again.&nbsp; She was, after all, still young
|
---|
231 |
|
---|
232 | and beautiful and contemporaries noted her energy and flirtatiousness.&nbsp;
|
---|
233 |
|
---|
234 | For the protector of the realm (Humphrey, duke of Gloucester) and the royal
|
---|
235 |
|
---|
236 | council, Catherine's remarriage was a very real concern.&nbsp; Whomever
|
---|
237 |
|
---|
238 | she wed would become step-father to the king; understandably, they viewed
|
---|
239 |
|
---|
240 | such a man as a threat to their own positions of authority.&nbsp; Since
|
---|
241 |
|
---|
242 | they were unable to agree on whom would be allowed to court the queen,
|
---|
243 |
|
---|
244 | they passed a law in 1427 stating that no dowager queen could marry without
|
---|
245 |
|
---|
246 | the king's permission; furthermore, permission could only be granted once
|
---|
247 |
|
---|
248 | the king reached the age of discretion.&nbsp; Since Henry VI was only six
|
---|
249 |
|
---|
250 | years old in 1427, the council felt that they had effectively delayed any
|
---|
251 |
|
---|
252 | remarriage for some years - at least until the king could no longer be
|
---|
253 |
|
---|
254 | influenced by a step-father.&nbsp; (In fairness to the council, there was
|
---|
255 |
|
---|
256 | no precedent for the problem Catherine of Valois presented; neither of
|
---|
257 |
|
---|
258 | the two queens of England who had outlived their spouses and married a
|
---|
259 |
|
---|
260 | second time - King John and Richard II's wives - had remained in England.&nbsp;
|
---|
261 |
|
---|
262 | Also, no dowager queen since the twelfth century had married one of her
|
---|
263 |
|
---|
264 | husband's subjects.)
|
---|
265 |
|
---|
266 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The council was also careful to keep Catherine under
|
---|
267 |
|
---|
268 | watch.&nbsp; From 1427 until about 1430 she and her entourage lived in
|
---|
269 |
|
---|
270 | Henry VI's household.&nbsp; In April 1430 she traveled with her son to
|
---|
271 |
|
---|
272 | Paris for his coronation as king of France.&nbsp; Her activities were thus
|
---|
273 |
|
---|
274 | restricted and watched.&nbsp; However, the council was not completely successful
|
---|
275 |
|
---|
276 | at isolating the eligible dowager queen and, around 1431, Catherine met
|
---|
277 |
|
---|
278 | a Welshman named Owen ap Maredudd ap Tudur.&nbsp; Their love affair and
|
---|
279 |
|
---|
280 | marriage resulted in four children, the eldest of whom was Henry VII's
|
---|
281 |
|
---|
282 | father.&nbsp; So, once again, Henry Tudor inherited royal blood from a
|
---|
283 |
|
---|
284 | female.
|
---|
285 |
|
---|
286 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The origin of Catherine and Owen's romance is obscure.&nbsp;
|
---|
287 |
|
---|
288 | Later chroniclers attributed it to drunkenness (at a ball, Owen was so
|
---|
289 |
|
---|
290 | drunk that he stumbled and fell into the queen's lap) or voyeurism (the
|
---|
291 |
|
---|
292 | queen saw Owen bathing in a stream and was attracted to him; she secretly
|
---|
293 |
|
---|
294 | traded places with her maid and arranged to meet him in disguise; Owen
|
---|
295 |
|
---|
296 | was too passionate and attempted to kiss her; she pulled away and received
|
---|
297 |
|
---|
298 | a scratch on her cheek; the next evening, as he was serving her dinner,
|
---|
299 |
|
---|
300 | he saw the wound and was ashamed of his behavior; she forgave him, they
|
---|
301 |
|
---|
302 | fell in love and married.)&nbsp; Whatever the case, they were attracted
|
---|
303 |
|
---|
304 | to one another, fell in love, and married.&nbsp; The legitimacy of the
|
---|
305 |
|
---|
306 | union was never questioned (not even by Richard III when Henry Tudor positioned
|
---|
307 |
|
---|
308 | himself as claimant).&nbsp; Certainly the council was unhappy with her
|
---|
309 |
|
---|
310 | choice for the Welsh were regarded by many as barbarians but, in her choice,
|
---|
311 |
|
---|
312 | she showed good sense.&nbsp; The 1427 statute had stipulated that any man
|
---|
313 |
|
---|
314 | who married the queen without the king's permission would be subject to
|
---|
315 |
|
---|
316 | fines, imprisonment, and forfeiture of lands.&nbsp; By marrying a man who
|
---|
317 |
|
---|
318 | was simply a member of her household (perhaps the manager of some lands),
|
---|
319 |
|
---|
320 | Catherine effectively protected Owen from retribution.&nbsp; (No one knows
|
---|
321 |
|
---|
322 | the true nature of Owen's work in the queen's household but he probably
|
---|
323 |
|
---|
324 | functioned as a steward.)
|
---|
325 |
|
---|
326 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In 1432 Owen was made an English citizen and in March
|
---|
327 |
|
---|
328 | 1434 Catherine gifted him with some lands of his own in Flintshire.&nbsp;
|
---|
329 |
|
---|
330 | They lived together in the countryside, away from court intrigues, for
|
---|
331 |
|
---|
332 | some years.&nbsp; During this time, he began to follow the English use
|
---|
333 |
|
---|
334 | of surnames and became known, however inaccurately, as Owen Tudor.&nbsp;
|
---|
335 |
|
---|
336 | The couple had four children - three sons and a daughter, though the daughter
|
---|
337 |
|
---|
338 | died young.&nbsp; Their sons were named Edmund, Jasper, and Owen.&nbsp;
|
---|
339 |
|
---|
340 | The latter became a Benedictine monk while his two older brothers struggled
|
---|
341 |
|
---|
342 | to survive in an increasingly hostile England.&nbsp; On 3 January 1437
|
---|
343 |
|
---|
344 | Catherine had died of an unspecified illness which had plagued her for
|
---|
345 |
|
---|
346 | some time.&nbsp; With her death, Owen lacked protection from the king's
|
---|
347 |
|
---|
348 | council.&nbsp; They were now determined to finally prosecute him for breaking
|
---|
349 |
|
---|
350 | the 1427 law.&nbsp; Owen appeared before the council and acquitted himself
|
---|
351 |
|
---|
352 | of all charges but, after his release, was arrested.&nbsp; He managed to
|
---|
353 |
|
---|
354 | escape Newgate Prison but was recaptured and sent to Windsor Castle in
|
---|
355 |
|
---|
356 | July 1438.
|
---|
357 |
|
---|
358 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Eventually Owen would be released and pardoned (1440)
|
---|
359 |
|
---|
360 | and taken into his step-son Henry VI's household.&nbsp; In the years following
|
---|
361 |
|
---|
362 | Catherine's death and Owen's imprisonment, Edmund and Jasper Tudor were
|
---|
363 |
|
---|
364 | cared for by the abbess Katherine de la Pole, the earl of Suffolk's sister.&nbsp;
|
---|
365 |
|
---|
366 | Around 1442, their half-brother Henry VI began to take an interest in their
|
---|
367 |
|
---|
368 | upbringing and they were brought to London.&nbsp; In 1452, it was decided
|
---|
369 |
|
---|
370 | that the two brothers, now teenagers, should be ennobled.&nbsp; Henry VI
|
---|
371 |
|
---|
372 | decided this out of both affection and politics.&nbsp; He knew he had to
|
---|
373 |
|
---|
374 | recognize his half-brothers in some public manner, making them an official
|
---|
375 |
|
---|
376 | part of the royal family; he also cared for them deeply.&nbsp; So on 23
|
---|
377 |
|
---|
378 | November 1452, Edmund was created earl of Richmond and Jasper was created
|
---|
379 |
|
---|
380 | earl of Pembroke.&nbsp; They were now the premier earls of England and
|
---|
381 |
|
---|
382 | had precedence over all other laymen except dukes.&nbsp; They were also
|
---|
383 |
|
---|
384 | gifted with estates and rich gifts.&nbsp; On their behalf, the Commons
|
---|
385 |
|
---|
386 | petitioned Henry VI to recognize them as his 'uterine' brothers (born of
|
---|
387 |
|
---|
388 | the same mother); this he did, and more.&nbsp; Since no earl, especially
|
---|
389 |
|
---|
390 | the brother of the king, could be penniless, Henry continued to grant his
|
---|
391 |
|
---|
392 | brothers numerous lands and annuities.&nbsp; And, as mentioned before,
|
---|
393 |
|
---|
394 | he also arranged a rich marriage for Edmund to Margaret Beaufort.
|
---|
395 |
|
---|
396 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The importance of their Welsh blood should not be
|
---|
397 |
|
---|
398 | underestimated.&nbsp; Both Edmund and Jasper strove to maintain the king's
|
---|
399 |
|
---|
400 | authority in both south and west Wales and their Welsh ancestry (discussed
|
---|
401 |
|
---|
402 | in the Welsh Connection section) made them popular in much of Wales.&nbsp;
|
---|
403 |
|
---|
404 | Welsh support would later prove critical to Henry VII during the battle
|
---|
405 |
|
---|
406 | at Bosworth.</blockquote>
|
---|
407 |
|
---|
408 |
|
---|
409 |
|
---|
410 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
411 |
|
---|
412 | <blockquote>Henry's youth was spent in the shadow of Henry VI's disgrace.&nbsp;
|
---|
413 |
|
---|
414 | When Edward IV came to the throne, he was determined to avenge his late
|
---|
415 |
|
---|
416 | father, the duke of York.&nbsp; Henry VI was increasingly deranged, perhaps
|
---|
417 |
|
---|
418 | having inherited his French grandfather's mental illness.&nbsp; As a result
|
---|
419 |
|
---|
420 | of his dementia, his queen Margaret of Anjou, increasingly dominated the
|
---|
421 |
|
---|
422 | Lancastrian party.&nbsp; She was determined to protect her son's inheritance
|
---|
423 |
|
---|
424 | and, to that end, dedicated her life to a dangerous and complex problem.&nbsp;
|
---|
425 |
|
---|
426 | The Lancastrian and Yorkist forces met definitively at the Battle of Tewkesbury
|
---|
427 |
|
---|
428 | in summer 1471.&nbsp; Edward, Margaret and Henry's son, was killed in battle
|
---|
429 |
|
---|
430 | and Henry VI was captured and taken to the Tower of London where he was
|
---|
431 |
|
---|
432 | killed.
|
---|
433 |
|
---|
434 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Lancastrian cause seemed dead.&nbsp; Edward IV
|
---|
435 |
|
---|
436 | was, unlike Henry, a capable and strong king.&nbsp; Soon after becoming
|
---|
437 |
|
---|
438 | king he married an unknown widow named Elizabeth Woodville.&nbsp; Understandably,
|
---|
439 |
|
---|
440 | she was anxious to promote the interests of her own family which created
|
---|
441 |
|
---|
442 | conflict with the old nobility.&nbsp; Edward and Elizabeth had many children,
|
---|
443 |
|
---|
444 | including two sons.&nbsp; (Their eldest daughter, also named Elizabeth,
|
---|
445 |
|
---|
446 | would become Henry Tudor's wife.&nbsp; She was known as Elizabeth of York.)&nbsp;
|
---|
447 |
|
---|
448 | By all accounts, the marriage was happy despite the conflict between the
|
---|
449 |
|
---|
450 | Woodvilles and Edward's noble Yorkist supporters.&nbsp; The succession
|
---|
451 |
|
---|
452 | was secure and with support from his brother, Richard duke of Gloucester,
|
---|
453 |
|
---|
454 | Edward's rule was successful.&nbsp; However, Edward died in 1483 and Richard
|
---|
455 |
|
---|
456 | usurped the throne from his two young nephews.&nbsp; This changed the course
|
---|
457 |
|
---|
458 | of English history.
|
---|
459 |
|
---|
460 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Had Richard not betrayed his nephews, there is every
|
---|
461 |
|
---|
462 | possibility the Yorkist dynasty would have survived.&nbsp; But Richard's
|
---|
463 |
|
---|
464 | own future would have been quite difficult; he was despised by Elizabeth
|
---|
465 |
|
---|
466 | Woodville, and - as Edward IV's only brother - he would become the focus
|
---|
467 |
|
---|
468 | of Woodville discontent.&nbsp; That would not have lasted for long and
|
---|
469 |
|
---|
470 | Edward V would have followed his mother's wishes.&nbsp; The boy had, after
|
---|
471 |
|
---|
472 | all, been raised and tutored by his Woodville relations and hardly knew
|
---|
473 |
|
---|
474 | Richard.
|
---|
475 |
|
---|
476 | <p>(NOTE: <b>The story of Richard III's claiming of the throne is told
|
---|
477 |
|
---|
478 | in great detail <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2fplant%2fkings%2frichard3.html">at
|
---|
479 |
|
---|
480 | his site</a>.</b>&nbsp; Please read those pages to gain a better understanding
|
---|
481 |
|
---|
482 | of the events of 1483-1485.&nbsp; I have not included the information here
|
---|
483 |
|
---|
484 | since this page is about Henry VII.)
|
---|
485 |
|
---|
486 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Ricahrd was an able administrator but faced quite
|
---|
487 |
|
---|
488 | a few obstacles during his brief reign.&nbsp; If Edward IV had died with
|
---|
489 |
|
---|
490 | no rightful heir, Richard's ascension would have been viewed much differently.&nbsp;
|
---|
491 |
|
---|
492 | Then, he would have been the rightful king.&nbsp; And since he wed Anne
|
---|
493 |
|
---|
494 | Neville of Warwick, daughter of the 'Kingmaker', he would have had crucial
|
---|
495 |
|
---|
496 | support.&nbsp; But Richard's only son and wife died with months of one
|
---|
497 |
|
---|
498 | another in 1484.&nbsp; He was grief-stricken and also struggling with the
|
---|
499 |
|
---|
500 | nobility, particularly the ambitious duke of Buckingham (a brash and arrogant
|
---|
501 |
|
---|
502 | man with his own share of Plantagenet blood.)
|
---|
503 |
|
---|
504 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Meanwhile, over in France, Henry Tudor was positioning
|
---|
505 |
|
---|
506 | himself as heir to his murdered uncle Henry VI.&nbsp; With the support
|
---|
507 |
|
---|
508 | of exiled Lancastrians and the French monarchy, Henry planned to mount
|
---|
509 |
|
---|
510 | an invasion of England.
|
---|
511 |
|
---|
512 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What had prepared Henry for this moment?&nbsp; At
|
---|
513 |
|
---|
514 | twenty-eight he was hardly an experienced soldier but he was used to a
|
---|
515 |
|
---|
516 | life of sudden change.&nbsp; In the 1450s his father Edmund and uncle Jasper
|
---|
517 |
|
---|
518 | were Henry VI's closest relatives, part of a small group of influential
|
---|
519 |
|
---|
520 | advisors to the king.&nbsp; Other than these half-brothers, Henry VI was
|
---|
521 |
|
---|
522 | bereft of close blood relatives; his uncles, the dukes of Bedford, Clarence
|
---|
523 |
|
---|
524 | and Gloucester, had all died without legitimate heirs and this left both
|
---|
525 |
|
---|
526 | an emotional and dynastic void at the court.&nbsp; Also, Henry's government
|
---|
527 |
|
---|
528 | was reviled as inefficient and corrupt.&nbsp; His two most prominent ministers
|
---|
529 |
|
---|
530 | were the dukes of Suffolk and Somerset and the English people reviled them.&nbsp;
|
---|
531 |
|
---|
532 | Henry had also raised taxes and spent heavily to assert his right to the
|
---|
533 |
|
---|
534 | French throne.&nbsp; Perhaps if he had been successful at it, the English
|
---|
535 |
|
---|
536 | people would not have grumbled about the taxes.&nbsp; But he wasn't successful
|
---|
537 |
|
---|
538 | and, as the defeats multiplied, the people grew naturally resentful of
|
---|
539 |
|
---|
540 | the taxation and Henry's attempts to enforce it.&nbsp; Also, many Englishmen
|
---|
541 |
|
---|
542 | (commoner and noble alike) were uncertain about the very survival of Henry's
|
---|
543 |
|
---|
544 | dynasty.&nbsp; After eight years of marriage, he and Margaret of Anjou
|
---|
545 |
|
---|
546 | had no children.&nbsp; Increasingly, eyes turned to Henry's cousin Richard,
|
---|
547 |
|
---|
548 | duke of York, for stability and reform.&nbsp; Henry, perhaps feeling as
|
---|
549 |
|
---|
550 | if Richard were being positioned to either dominate his government or usurp
|
---|
551 |
|
---|
552 | the throne, turned to his small group of advisors for guidance.
|
---|
553 |
|
---|
554 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Since Edmund and Jasper were young, their role at
|
---|
555 |
|
---|
556 | court was peripheral.&nbsp; Their upbringing had also been quite different
|
---|
557 |
|
---|
558 | from most young noblemen.&nbsp; However, they were not fools and were careful
|
---|
559 |
|
---|
560 | to never alienate the powerful duke of York during Henry's reign.&nbsp;
|
---|
561 |
|
---|
562 | In the summer of 1453, Henry VI suffered an intermittent bout of madness
|
---|
563 |
|
---|
564 | so severe that he recognized no one, never spoke and had to carried from
|
---|
565 |
|
---|
566 | place to place.&nbsp; Immediate steps had to be taken to ensure the survival
|
---|
567 |
|
---|
568 | of the royal government.&nbsp; The winter of 1453 and 1454 was occupied
|
---|
569 |
|
---|
570 | with the struggle between Queen Margaret and Richard to be declared regent.&nbsp;
|
---|
571 |
|
---|
572 | For whatever reason, the Tudor brothers sided with the duke of York.&nbsp;
|
---|
573 |
|
---|
574 | Finally, on 3 April 1454, Parliament decided to appoint Richard regent
|
---|
575 |
|
---|
576 | during the king's illness.
|
---|
577 |
|
---|
578 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There are records showing the brothers attended council
|
---|
579 |
|
---|
580 | meetings and parliamentary sessions; they were also involved in the extensive
|
---|
581 |
|
---|
582 | reform of the king's household, of which they were members.&nbsp; At that
|
---|
583 |
|
---|
584 | time, their relationship with the duke of York was not regarded as incompatible
|
---|
585 |
|
---|
586 | with their attachment to Henry VI and his Lancastrian dynasty.&nbsp; At
|
---|
587 |
|
---|
588 | any rate, around Christmas 1454, Henry VI suddenly recovered and the duke
|
---|
589 |
|
---|
590 | of York was no longer in power.&nbsp; Instead, Henry VI restored his old
|
---|
591 |
|
---|
592 | favorites to their former positions, notably the hated Somerset (who was
|
---|
593 |
|
---|
594 | the uncle of Edmund Tudor's wife.)&nbsp; The duke of York and his allies
|
---|
595 |
|
---|
596 | left London in apparent disgust.&nbsp; The Tudor brothers, and most of
|
---|
597 |
|
---|
598 | the court, realized that a breach had been opened in the nobility.&nbsp;
|
---|
599 |
|
---|
600 | Most were happy to see the king recover but they were not happy to see
|
---|
601 |
|
---|
602 | the capable York depart; further, the duke was hated by the queen after
|
---|
603 |
|
---|
604 | their struggle for the regency.&nbsp; If the two groups clashed, which
|
---|
605 |
|
---|
606 | side would the Tudors choose?
|
---|
607 |
|
---|
608 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The 'Battle' of St Albans on 1 May 1455 revealed
|
---|
609 |
|
---|
610 | the extent of the problem.&nbsp; The king had left London to visit Leicester,
|
---|
611 |
|
---|
612 | accompanied by his half-brother Jasper and the duke of Somerset.&nbsp;
|
---|
613 |
|
---|
614 | They spent the evening at Watford and the next day rode on to St Albans;
|
---|
615 |
|
---|
616 | the duke of York and the earls of Warwick and Salisbury were waiting for
|
---|
617 |
|
---|
618 | them.&nbsp; There was a skirmish, several of the king's servants (including
|
---|
619 |
|
---|
620 | Somerset) were killed, and the king himself suffered a wound on the neck.&nbsp;
|
---|
621 |
|
---|
622 | There was also violent fighting in the streets of the town.&nbsp; The Yorkist
|
---|
623 |
|
---|
624 | forces were successful in capturing the king and escorted him back to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
625 |
|
---|
626 | On 26 May, Parliament was summoned to meet at Westminster in six weeks.&nbsp;
|
---|
627 |
|
---|
628 | As peers of the realm, the Tudor brothers were required to attend.&nbsp;
|
---|
629 |
|
---|
630 | All the lords gathered there swore allegiance to Henry VI but measures
|
---|
631 |
|
---|
632 | were undertaken to fix the kingdom's disastrous finances.&nbsp; To that
|
---|
633 |
|
---|
634 | end, every grant Henry had made during his reign was revoked - with the
|
---|
635 |
|
---|
636 | notable exceptions of Edmund and Jasper's lands.&nbsp; This exemption shows
|
---|
637 |
|
---|
638 | that York and his allies wanted Tudor support.&nbsp; They were, after all,
|
---|
639 |
|
---|
640 | members of the royal family.
|
---|
641 |
|
---|
642 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
643 |
|
---|
644 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The second session of Parliament was in November
|
---|
645 |
|
---|
646 | 1455 and the brothers did not attend.&nbsp; They were in Wales, ostensibly
|
---|
647 |
|
---|
648 | to keep the king's peace there.&nbsp; They had been sent on such a mission
|
---|
649 |
|
---|
650 | before (their only real task given by the king), perhaps because their
|
---|
651 |
|
---|
652 | father had been a Welshman.&nbsp; Eventually, the respect many Welsh felt
|
---|
653 |
|
---|
654 | for the Tudor brothers, particularly Jasper, would aid his nephew Henry
|
---|
655 |
|
---|
656 | Tudor; after all, Henry landed in Pembrokeshire in 1485.
|
---|
657 |
|
---|
658 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Wales was always a problem for Henry VI for a major
|
---|
659 |
|
---|
660 | rebellion had ended just 40 years before and occasional fighting was not
|
---|
661 |
|
---|
662 | uncommon.&nbsp; Edmund Tudor, as the eldest brother, went there as a representative
|
---|
663 |
|
---|
664 | of the English king.&nbsp; While the duke of York was regent, Edmund led
|
---|
665 |
|
---|
666 | a raid to reassert the duke's authority on his lands, centered on the castle
|
---|
667 |
|
---|
668 | Carmarthen.&nbsp; He fought - and won - the castle back from a Welsh rebel
|
---|
669 |
|
---|
670 | who had seized it.&nbsp; While the duke was regent, this success was acceptable;
|
---|
671 |
|
---|
672 | Edmund held the castle for Richard and his authority as regent.&nbsp; But
|
---|
673 |
|
---|
674 | after Richard left London in some disgrace, his English supporters in and
|
---|
675 |
|
---|
676 | near Wales were worried.&nbsp; What if Edmund Tudor attempted to return
|
---|
677 |
|
---|
678 | Carmarthen and its lands to Henry VI rather than the duke?&nbsp; Edmund
|
---|
679 |
|
---|
680 | was no longer a representative of the duke as regent; he was now a representative
|
---|
681 |
|
---|
682 | of the king.&nbsp; Determined&nbsp; to reassert Richard's authority in
|
---|
683 |
|
---|
684 | West Wales, they led a raid on Carmarthen and imprisoned Edmund sometime
|
---|
685 |
|
---|
686 | in September 1456.&nbsp; Edmund was released soon after but had already
|
---|
687 |
|
---|
688 | developed a fatal illness.&nbsp; He died on 1 November 1456 at Carmarthen
|
---|
689 |
|
---|
690 | and was given a fine burial at the nearby Greyfriars Church.&nbsp; No one
|
---|
691 |
|
---|
692 | was ever accused of directly causing his death and it is possible that
|
---|
693 |
|
---|
694 | he always suffered from ill health; government records show he was absent
|
---|
695 |
|
---|
696 | from meetings far more than Jasper.&nbsp; Then again, Edmund was also a
|
---|
697 |
|
---|
698 | husband and on, 28 January 1457, a father; sadly, he died before his son
|
---|
699 |
|
---|
700 | was born.&nbsp; This son would be called Henry and would become the first
|
---|
701 |
|
---|
702 | Tudor king of England.</blockquote>
|
---|
703 |
|
---|
704 |
|
---|
705 |
|
---|
706 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
707 |
|
---|
708 | <blockquote>
|
---|
709 |
|
---|
710 | <ul>
|
---|
711 |
|
---|
712 | <ul>
|
---|
713 |
|
---|
714 | <ul>
|
---|
715 |
|
---|
716 | <ul>Kingdoms are but cares,
|
---|
717 |
|
---|
718 | <br>State is devoid of stay,
|
---|
719 |
|
---|
720 | <br>Riches are ready snares,
|
---|
721 |
|
---|
722 | <br>And hasten to decay.
|
---|
723 |
|
---|
724 | <br>Pleasure is a privy prick
|
---|
725 |
|
---|
726 | <br>Which vice doth still provoke;
|
---|
727 |
|
---|
728 | <br>Pomp, imprompt; and fame, a flame;
|
---|
729 |
|
---|
730 | <br>Power, a smoldering smoke,
|
---|
731 |
|
---|
732 | <br>Who meaneth to remove the rock
|
---|
733 |
|
---|
734 | <br>Out of the slimy mud,
|
---|
735 |
|
---|
736 | <br>Shall mire himself, and hardly 'scape
|
---|
737 |
|
---|
738 | <br>The swelling of the flood.
|
---|
739 |
|
---|
740 | <br><b><font size=-1>- Henry VI, written while he was</font></b>
|
---|
741 |
|
---|
742 | <br><b><font size=-1>a prisoner in the Tower of London</font></b></ul>
|
---|
743 |
|
---|
744 | </ul>
|
---|
745 |
|
---|
746 | </ul>
|
---|
747 |
|
---|
748 | </ul>
|
---|
749 |
|
---|
750 | </blockquote>
|
---|
751 |
|
---|
752 |
|
---|
753 |
|
---|
754 | <p><br><font size=-1>NOTE: This is a terribly convoluted tale.&nbsp; I
|
---|
755 |
|
---|
756 | have tried to whittle it down to the bare essentials while still conveying
|
---|
757 |
|
---|
758 | the most important information.&nbsp; For a more detailed description of
|
---|
759 |
|
---|
760 | all the battles and plots, find a good book - like 'The Making of the Tudor
|
---|
761 |
|
---|
762 | Dynasty' - and devote your weekend to reading it.&nbsp; If you're wondering
|
---|
763 |
|
---|
764 | why all this stuff about Jasper Tudor is important...&nbsp; well, it consumed
|
---|
765 |
|
---|
766 | the early years of Henry Tudor's life.&nbsp; Even if he wasn't directly
|
---|
767 |
|
---|
768 | involved, they were his relatives and their success - or failure - had
|
---|
769 |
|
---|
770 | a direct impact on his life.</font>
|
---|
771 |
|
---|
772 | <br><font size=-1><b>Also, the state of the monarchy pre-Henry VII:&nbsp;</b>
|
---|
773 |
|
---|
774 | Edward IV, the first Yorkist king, was the only English king since Henry
|
---|
775 |
|
---|
776 | II to die solvent.&nbsp; Having repossessed the lands of the exiled Lancastrian
|
---|
777 |
|
---|
778 | nobility and seeking support from the middle-class, he was able to run
|
---|
779 |
|
---|
780 | England effectively and efficiently.&nbsp; Whatever his faults as a man
|
---|
781 |
|
---|
782 | (unfaithful and increasingly debauched), he was a good king.</font>
|
---|
783 |
|
---|
784 | <blockquote>&nbsp;
|
---|
785 |
|
---|
786 | <br><font size=+1>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</font> Since Henry VII spent most
|
---|
787 |
|
---|
788 | of his formative years away from this court, he could claim no special
|
---|
789 |
|
---|
790 | understanding of English politics; indeed, if his early life taught him
|
---|
791 |
|
---|
792 | anything it was the tenuousness of a title.&nbsp; His uncle Jasper's life
|
---|
793 |
|
---|
794 | was the ultimate lesson.&nbsp; On 3 February 1461 Edward, earl of March
|
---|
795 |
|
---|
796 | and son of the duke of York, triumphed over the Lancastrian forces at Mortimer's
|
---|
797 |
|
---|
798 | Cross in Herefordshire.&nbsp; It was a terrible blow for Henry VI and Jasper,
|
---|
799 |
|
---|
800 | particularly since Jasper and the earl of Wiltshire had shared command
|
---|
801 |
|
---|
802 | over the defeated army.&nbsp; His father, Owen Tudor, was executed after
|
---|
803 |
|
---|
804 | the battle.&nbsp; Jasper had choice but to flee in disguise, seeking refuge
|
---|
805 |
|
---|
806 | at his lordship of Pembroke.&nbsp; While he tried to solicit Welsh allies,
|
---|
807 |
|
---|
808 | Margaret of Anjou and her son Prince Edward had gathered a large army of
|
---|
809 |
|
---|
810 | northerners.&nbsp; They reached St Albans in Hertfordshire on 17 February
|
---|
811 |
|
---|
812 | and soundly defeated the Yorkist forces led by the ill-prepared earl of
|
---|
813 |
|
---|
814 | Warwick.&nbsp; This victory enabled Margaret to free her husband, prisoner
|
---|
815 |
|
---|
816 | of the Yorkists since the previous summer (the skirmish at St Albans).&nbsp;
|
---|
817 |
|
---|
818 | Her plan was to march straight to London while Jasper Tudor led forces
|
---|
819 |
|
---|
820 | from South Wales.&nbsp; But Jasper was unable to raise enough troops in
|
---|
821 |
|
---|
822 | time and Margaret's northern soldiers made the fatal mistake of pillaging
|
---|
823 |
|
---|
824 | the English countryside.&nbsp; The Londoners were understandably terrified
|
---|
825 |
|
---|
826 | of the advancing northerners and refused to allow Margaret's men into London.&nbsp;
|
---|
827 |
|
---|
828 | They did, however, open their gates to the future Edward IV and the earl
|
---|
829 |
|
---|
830 | of Warwick.&nbsp; Henry VI and his family fled to Scotland and Jasper Tudor
|
---|
831 |
|
---|
832 | was left in Wales.
|
---|
833 |
|
---|
834 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Jasper's lands were seized and he was hunted mercilessly
|
---|
835 |
|
---|
836 | by Edward IV's ally William Herbert.&nbsp; There is no record of his whereabouts
|
---|
837 |
|
---|
838 | but he did successfully elude capture, eventually escaping to Scotland.&nbsp;
|
---|
839 |
|
---|
840 | His nephew, four-year-old Henry, was left behind at Pembroke Castle, seat
|
---|
841 |
|
---|
842 | of Jasper's power in Pembrokeshire.&nbsp; Since William Herbert was awarded
|
---|
843 |
|
---|
844 | Jasper's lands by Edward IV, Henry was in his custody.&nbsp; Because the
|
---|
845 |
|
---|
846 | young earl of Richmond was a member of the Lancastrian royal family, Herbert
|
---|
847 |
|
---|
848 | paid 1000 pds for his wardship; furthermore, he was given control over
|
---|
849 |
|
---|
850 | the boy's future marriage.&nbsp; Herbert was never cruel to the boy; in
|
---|
851 |
|
---|
852 | fact, he and his wife, Anne Devereux, had a large family of their own and
|
---|
853 |
|
---|
854 | Henry was part of it.&nbsp; Anne was particularly kind to the boy and,
|
---|
855 |
|
---|
856 | when he triumphed in 1485, Henry Tudor sent for her to come to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
857 |
|
---|
858 | At their home, he was known as the earl of Richmond though his inheritance
|
---|
859 |
|
---|
860 | had been given to Edward IV's brother George, duke of Clarence.&nbsp; His
|
---|
861 |
|
---|
862 | education was good - two Oxford scholars named Scot and Haseley who were
|
---|
863 |
|
---|
864 | also remembered when he became king.
|
---|
865 |
|
---|
866 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; But Henry rarely saw his mother.&nbsp; A few months
|
---|
867 |
|
---|
868 | after his birth in 1457, she married a man named Henry Stafford.&nbsp;
|
---|
869 |
|
---|
870 | They lived in Lincolnshire and, later, Surrey, long distances from Pembrokeshire.&nbsp;
|
---|
871 |
|
---|
872 | Also, the fall of Pembroke Castle and Herbert's purchase of her son's wardship
|
---|
873 |
|
---|
874 | were obstacles.&nbsp; But Margaret's husband made peace with the new king
|
---|
875 |
|
---|
876 | around 1461 and, while her son was not allowed to return to her guardianship,
|
---|
877 |
|
---|
878 | she was allowed to visit and write to him.
|
---|
879 |
|
---|
880 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, the exiled Lancastrian nobility (Henry's
|
---|
881 |
|
---|
882 | family) were involved in countless plots to return to power.&nbsp; Captured
|
---|
883 |
|
---|
884 | spies exaggerated reports of their strength; one told Edward IV that the
|
---|
885 |
|
---|
886 | kings of France, Denmark, Portugal, and Aragon were planning a Lancastrian-led
|
---|
887 |
|
---|
888 | invasion.&nbsp; Certainly any monarch would be uneasy after such reports.&nbsp;
|
---|
889 |
|
---|
890 | Edward IV captured the earl of Oxford and his son, believed to be Lancastrian
|
---|
891 |
|
---|
892 | sympathizers, and executed them for treason.&nbsp; Though the plot was
|
---|
893 |
|
---|
894 | not as grand as the spy alleged, it had involved French support and Jasper
|
---|
895 |
|
---|
896 | Tudor made his way to the continent.&nbsp; Eventually, a convoluted agreement
|
---|
897 |
|
---|
898 | was made with Louis XI the French king.&nbsp; This second plan failed around
|
---|
899 |
|
---|
900 | Christmas 1462.&nbsp; In 1464, Louis XI decided to switch loyalties to
|
---|
901 |
|
---|
902 | Edward IV and urged the other Lancastrian ally, Francis II duke of Brittany,
|
---|
903 |
|
---|
904 | to do the same.
|
---|
905 |
|
---|
906 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It is difficult not to admire the tenacity the Lancastrian
|
---|
907 |
|
---|
908 | exiles maintained during these years of planning and defeat.&nbsp; Jasper
|
---|
909 |
|
---|
910 | increasingly began to see Wales as the perfect place for invasion since
|
---|
911 |
|
---|
912 | it was always hostile to the English monarchy.&nbsp; The Welsh were understandably
|
---|
913 |
|
---|
914 | sympathetic to any cause which involved this high-ranking Welshman.&nbsp;
|
---|
915 |
|
---|
916 | To many, Jasper was a national hero - a Welshman who had succeeded at the
|
---|
917 |
|
---|
918 | English court and could be counted upon to support their rights.&nbsp;
|
---|
919 |
|
---|
920 | In the spring of 1468, they had cause to rejoice because Jasper was coming
|
---|
921 |
|
---|
922 | to Wales.&nbsp; Edward IV had just made a treaty with independent French
|
---|
923 |
|
---|
924 | nobles which angered Louis XI of France.&nbsp; Accordingly, he decided
|
---|
925 |
|
---|
926 | to once again lend his support to the Lancastrian struggle.&nbsp; But,
|
---|
927 |
|
---|
928 | once again, the support was not as much as necessary.&nbsp; Jasper arrived
|
---|
929 |
|
---|
930 | in Wales and, though he gathered 2000 men, he was eventually routed at
|
---|
931 |
|
---|
932 | Harlech Castle.&nbsp; Jasper once again escaped, some say by impersonating
|
---|
933 |
|
---|
934 | a peasant.&nbsp; Once again, he was in France, still exiled and still defeated.&nbsp;
|
---|
935 |
|
---|
936 | One can only imagine his frustration.
|
---|
937 |
|
---|
938 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; But Jasper's invasion, however slight, did create
|
---|
939 |
|
---|
940 | a breach in the Yorkist party.&nbsp; Edward IV's supporter, the earl of
|
---|
941 |
|
---|
942 | Warwick who had marched with him to London in 1461, was becoming dissatisfied
|
---|
943 |
|
---|
944 | with the king.&nbsp; Called the 'kingmaker' because of his ability, Warwick
|
---|
945 |
|
---|
946 | wanted more power than Edward was willing to give.&nbsp; In early 1469,
|
---|
947 |
|
---|
948 | the two former allies were not speaking and Warwick raised an army.&nbsp;
|
---|
949 |
|
---|
950 | He was victorious over William Herbert's army at Edgecote.&nbsp; (Herbert
|
---|
951 |
|
---|
952 | was Henry VII's guardian and Edward IV's ally.)&nbsp; Warwick realized
|
---|
953 |
|
---|
954 | he could not claim the throne for himself; instead, he had to switch sides
|
---|
955 |
|
---|
956 | and support Henry VI.&nbsp; So, with Edward IV's brother George duke of
|
---|
957 |
|
---|
958 | Clarence, unhappy with his brother as well, Warwick went to France.&nbsp;
|
---|
959 |
|
---|
960 | There, Louis XI attempted to reconcile Warwick with his former enemies.
|
---|
961 |
|
---|
962 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Margaret of Anjou didn't want Warwick for an ally.&nbsp;
|
---|
963 |
|
---|
964 | She didn't trust him; he had, after all, had a major role in arresting
|
---|
965 |
|
---|
966 | and deposing her husband in 1461.&nbsp; But Margaret's desire to reassert
|
---|
967 |
|
---|
968 | Lancastrian authority was great and she reluctantly agreed to his help.&nbsp;
|
---|
969 |
|
---|
970 | Another invasion was planned.&nbsp; Warwick and Jasper would go through
|
---|
971 |
|
---|
972 | Wales and Margaret and Prince Edward follow when it was safe.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
973 |
|
---|
974 | Tudor was now thirteen years old, certainly old enough to understand the
|
---|
975 |
|
---|
976 | danger he was in after the Battle at Edgecote.&nbsp; Since his guardian
|
---|
977 |
|
---|
978 | had been killed by Warwick, he was under the sole protection of Anne Devereux.&nbsp;
|
---|
979 |
|
---|
980 | She took him and her Herbert children to her family's home in Herefordshire.&nbsp;
|
---|
981 |
|
---|
982 | Henry's mother tried to regain custody of her son after Herbert's death;
|
---|
983 |
|
---|
984 | however, her attempts soon didn't matter.&nbsp; For when Jasper and Warwick's
|
---|
985 |
|
---|
986 | army arrived in England, Edward IV was not in London and was unable to
|
---|
987 |
|
---|
988 | reach London before the Lancastrian forces.&nbsp; Therefore, Edward fled
|
---|
989 |
|
---|
990 | to Holland on 2 October 1470.&nbsp; Meanwhile, a relative of Anne Devereux's
|
---|
991 |
|
---|
992 | had taken Henry Tudor to Hereford and given him to Jasper when he arrived
|
---|
993 |
|
---|
994 | at the city.&nbsp; The reunion of uncle and nephew was undoubtedly emotional
|
---|
995 |
|
---|
996 | for Jasper, an exile from his country for years.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Warwick
|
---|
997 |
|
---|
998 | entered London and freed Henry VI from the Tower.
|
---|
999 |
|
---|
1000 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It was also a reunion for Henry and his mother.&nbsp;
|
---|
1001 |
|
---|
1002 | Within a few days, he and Jasper had joined Margaret and her husband.&nbsp;
|
---|
1003 |
|
---|
1004 | They entered London together and spent about six weeks there.&nbsp; On
|
---|
1005 |
|
---|
1006 | 12 November, Henry left his mother again to leave with Jasper.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
1007 |
|
---|
1008 | VI's restoration immeasurably increased Jasper Tudor's wealth and prestige
|
---|
1009 |
|
---|
1010 | (he was rewarded with lands, monies, grants); but Henry Tudor was not made
|
---|
1011 |
|
---|
1012 | the earl of Richmond.&nbsp; His father's title had been given to Edward
|
---|
1013 |
|
---|
1014 | IV's brother George duke of Clarence and Clarence would not give it back.&nbsp;
|
---|
1015 |
|
---|
1016 | Since he was an ally of Warwick's, there was nothing Jasper or Margaret
|
---|
1017 |
|
---|
1018 | could do for the boy.&nbsp; Jasper, having spent ten years in exile and
|
---|
1019 |
|
---|
1020 | with little money or prestige, kept his nephew with him and enjoyed his
|
---|
1021 |
|
---|
1022 | success.&nbsp; Alas, it did not last.&nbsp; Once again, Edward IV and the
|
---|
1023 |
|
---|
1024 | Lancastrians met on the battlefield - this time at a town called Tewkesbury.
|
---|
1025 |
|
---|
1026 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; On 12 March 1471, Edward returned from Europe and
|
---|
1027 |
|
---|
1028 | landed in Yorkshire.&nbsp; He marched south to London, reaching there on
|
---|
1029 |
|
---|
1030 | 11 April; on 14 April, he fought Warwick at the Battle of Barnet.&nbsp;
|
---|
1031 |
|
---|
1032 | Edward won and promptly killed Warwick.&nbsp; He also regained custody
|
---|
1033 |
|
---|
1034 | of Henry VI.&nbsp; The situation was once again dire; Jasper Tudor promptly
|
---|
1035 |
|
---|
1036 | began to raise an army to fight Edward.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Margaret of Anjou
|
---|
1037 |
|
---|
1038 | and Prince Edward arrived in England as planned so many months ago.&nbsp;
|
---|
1039 |
|
---|
1040 | She knew nothing of Warwick's defeat and her husband's capture.&nbsp; Upon
|
---|
1041 |
|
---|
1042 | hearing the news, she was devastated but unbowed.&nbsp; She gathered an
|
---|
1043 |
|
---|
1044 | army in the West Country and marched north toward Wales; she was planning
|
---|
1045 |
|
---|
1046 | to meet and join forces with Jasper.&nbsp; Edward IV was no fool and realized
|
---|
1047 |
|
---|
1048 | that he must make a quick, decisive strike.&nbsp; He was determined to
|
---|
1049 |
|
---|
1050 | meet Margaret's army before she met up with Jasper.&nbsp; Edward and Margaret
|
---|
1051 |
|
---|
1052 | met south of Tewkesbury on 4 May 1471.&nbsp; Margaret was soundly defeated
|
---|
1053 |
|
---|
1054 | and her son killed during or after the battle.&nbsp; Captured like her
|
---|
1055 |
|
---|
1056 | husband and with their only child killed, Margaret was taken to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
1057 |
|
---|
1058 | Jasper Tudor, unable to reach her in time, was an exile once again - and,
|
---|
1059 |
|
---|
1060 | this time, so was his nephew.</blockquote>
|
---|
1061 |
|
---|
1062 |
|
---|
1063 |
|
---|
1064 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
1065 |
|
---|
1066 | <br>The defeat at Tewkesbury was devastating to the Lancastrian cause.&nbsp;
|
---|
1067 |
|
---|
1068 | Only hours after Edward IV returned in triumph to London, Henry VI was
|
---|
1069 |
|
---|
1070 | dead in the Tower.&nbsp; The circumstances of his death were mysterious
|
---|
1071 |
|
---|
1072 | but the execution of his supporter the duke of Somerset was an open warning.&nbsp;
|
---|
1073 |
|
---|
1074 | Jasper Tudor had good reason to fear for both his and Henry's safety.&nbsp;
|
---|
1075 |
|
---|
1076 | Margaret Beaufort and her husband almost immediately declared allegiance
|
---|
1077 |
|
---|
1078 | to Edward to protect themselves.&nbsp; But her son, as one of the few surviving
|
---|
1079 |
|
---|
1080 | males with Lancastrian blood, was destined for France.&nbsp; Jasper hoped
|
---|
1081 |
|
---|
1082 | that their old ally Louis XI would aid them once again.
|
---|
1083 |
|
---|
1084 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Before he arrived in France, however, he fought a
|
---|
1085 |
|
---|
1086 | battle in Wales at Chepstow.&nbsp; Edward IV was still determined to capture
|
---|
1087 |
|
---|
1088 | him and sent Sir Roger Vaughan to do so.&nbsp; Jasper Tudor managed to
|
---|
1089 |
|
---|
1090 | defeat Vaughan and executed him.&nbsp; This ruthless act was uncharacteristic
|
---|
1091 |
|
---|
1092 | for Jasper but can be easily explained - Vaughan had killed his father,
|
---|
1093 |
|
---|
1094 | Owen Tudor, almost ten years before at the battle of Mortimer's Cross.&nbsp;
|
---|
1095 |
|
---|
1096 | The satisfaction of this execution was Jasper's only comfort as he fought
|
---|
1097 |
|
---|
1098 | his way to the coast.&nbsp; From there, he, his nephew, and a few servants
|
---|
1099 |
|
---|
1100 | made their way to France.&nbsp; They ended up landing in Brittany, where
|
---|
1101 |
|
---|
1102 | the duke Francis II had long supported them.&nbsp; Francis was desperate
|
---|
1103 |
|
---|
1104 | to preserve his duchy's independence from the French state and recognized
|
---|
1105 |
|
---|
1106 | Jasper and Henry as powerful diplomatic tools.&nbsp; If Edward would aid
|
---|
1107 |
|
---|
1108 | him, then perhaps he would return the Tudors - that was Francis's official
|
---|
1109 |
|
---|
1110 | diplomatic message.&nbsp; Edward made several attempts to gain custody
|
---|
1111 |
|
---|
1112 | of the Tudors but was unsuccessful.&nbsp; His concern, however, was intermittent
|
---|
1113 |
|
---|
1114 | since they were not in England and he was more concerned with his own family
|
---|
1115 |
|
---|
1116 | and rule.
|
---|
1117 |
|
---|
1118 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp; From 1471 to Edward's death twelve years later, Jasper
|
---|
1119 |
|
---|
1120 | and Henry remained in Brittany, staying at the castle of Suscinio, traditionally
|
---|
1121 |
|
---|
1122 | used as the duke's summer residence.&nbsp; Louis XI of France, meanwhile,
|
---|
1123 |
|
---|
1124 | was engaged in more diplomatic rivalry.&nbsp; Resenting Edward's relations
|
---|
1125 |
|
---|
1126 | with his enemies, he sought the release of Jasper and Henry into his custody.&nbsp;
|
---|
1127 |
|
---|
1128 | He told the duke of Brittany that the Tudors had, after all, intended to
|
---|
1129 |
|
---|
1130 | go to France itself - their landing in Brittany had been a mistake of bad
|
---|
1131 |
|
---|
1132 | weather.&nbsp; Also, Jasper had been given a pension by Louis during their
|
---|
1133 |
|
---|
1134 | earlier stay; consequently, he was a servant of the king and under his
|
---|
1135 |
|
---|
1136 | protection.&nbsp; Both men wanted to use the Tudors as diplomatic pawns
|
---|
1137 |
|
---|
1138 | but Francis II was unwilling to give up his advantage.&nbsp; The Tudors
|
---|
1139 |
|
---|
1140 | stayed in Brittany, under increasingly strict control.&nbsp; There were
|
---|
1141 |
|
---|
1142 | reports that Edward IV wanted Henry killed and that Louis XI was going
|
---|
1143 |
|
---|
1144 | to kidnap them.
|
---|
1145 |
|
---|
1146 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp; Edward IV had to console himself with Francis II's promise
|
---|
1147 |
|
---|
1148 | that the Tudors were under protective custody.&nbsp; In the mid-1470s he
|
---|
1149 |
|
---|
1150 | tried a new strategy, with the aid of Henry's mother.&nbsp; She had extracted
|
---|
1151 |
|
---|
1152 | a promise from the king that some of her lands would pass to her son on
|
---|
1153 |
|
---|
1154 | her death.&nbsp; Edward not only agreed but he also suggested an English
|
---|
1155 |
|
---|
1156 | bride - perhaps one of his own daughters - for the exiled earl.&nbsp; Margaret
|
---|
1157 |
|
---|
1158 | Beaufort gave her full support to this plan.&nbsp; She wanted her son in
|
---|
1159 |
|
---|
1160 | England above all else.&nbsp; Whether Edward intended to keep his promise
|
---|
1161 |
|
---|
1162 | is unknown but it was certainly a good idea.&nbsp; By marrying Henry into
|
---|
1163 |
|
---|
1164 | his family, he would neutralize this last Lancastrian threat.&nbsp; And,
|
---|
1165 |
|
---|
1166 | for a while, it seemed he would be successful.&nbsp; In late 1476, worn
|
---|
1167 |
|
---|
1168 | down by ill health and the English ambassadors, Francis II consented to
|
---|
1169 |
|
---|
1170 | send Henry to England.&nbsp; Henry developed - or faked - an illness at
|
---|
1171 |
|
---|
1172 | the port and was able to elude being sent home.&nbsp; It may be that he
|
---|
1173 |
|
---|
1174 | suspected duplicity on Edward's part or was counseled by his uncle.&nbsp;
|
---|
1175 |
|
---|
1176 | (It seems evident that Henry, the first Tudor king, shared many qualities
|
---|
1177 |
|
---|
1178 | with his granddaughter, Elizabeth I, last of the Tudor monarchs - both
|
---|
1179 |
|
---|
1180 | were shaped by perilous upbringings into cautious, careful rulers.&nbsp;
|
---|
1181 |
|
---|
1182 | In truth, they bore little resemblance to Henry VIII, Edward VI &amp; Mary
|
---|
1183 |
|
---|
1184 | I.&nbsp; They were also far more concerned with domestic policy than foreign
|
---|
1185 |
|
---|
1186 | entanglements.)
|
---|
1187 |
|
---|
1188 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Since Henry had, by now, grown into a handsome and
|
---|
1189 |
|
---|
1190 | affable teenager, he was always welcome at the ducal court.&nbsp; After
|
---|
1191 |
|
---|
1192 | avoiding being sent to England, he simply returned to the duke's custody.&nbsp;
|
---|
1193 |
|
---|
1194 | There, he continued to be treated fairly - indeed, even generously.&nbsp;
|
---|
1195 |
|
---|
1196 | Every now and again, Edward IV and Margaret Beaufort tried to lure him
|
---|
1197 |
|
---|
1198 | to England (for different reasons, of course.)&nbsp; Margaret had asked
|
---|
1199 |
|
---|
1200 | Edward to let Henry stand as heir to her estates and he agreed (in 1472)
|
---|
1201 |
|
---|
1202 | but by 1482, Edward IV decided this - if Henry returned to England and
|
---|
1203 |
|
---|
1204 | gained Edward's favor, he would receive Margaret's lands plus other estates.&nbsp;
|
---|
1205 |
|
---|
1206 | But if he stayed in France, he would get nothing.&nbsp; Nothing had been
|
---|
1207 |
|
---|
1208 | decided when Edward died unexpectedly on 9 April 1483.&nbsp; By this time,
|
---|
1209 |
|
---|
1210 | Duke Francis was facing instability in his own lands.&nbsp; Naturally enough,
|
---|
1211 |
|
---|
1212 | this made Henry and Jasper's position more tenuous.&nbsp; Still, they received
|
---|
1213 |
|
---|
1214 | as much support from the duke as he could provide, including generous gifts
|
---|
1215 |
|
---|
1216 | of money.
|
---|
1217 |
|
---|
1218 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp; It may be that, upon Edward's death, Henry seriously thought
|
---|
1219 |
|
---|
1220 | of returning home.&nbsp; The events which followed the king's demise certainly
|
---|
1221 |
|
---|
1222 | set him upon that course.&nbsp; As recounted earlier, Richard duke of Gloucester,
|
---|
1223 |
|
---|
1224 | seized the throne from his nephew, Edward V, his brother's 12-year-old
|
---|
1225 |
|
---|
1226 | heir.&nbsp; Richard officially seized the throne on 26 June.&nbsp; There
|
---|
1227 |
|
---|
1228 | was no immediate effect on Henry and Jasper Tudor.&nbsp; But their protectors,
|
---|
1229 |
|
---|
1230 | the French king Louis XI and Duke Francis II, immediately recognized the
|
---|
1231 |
|
---|
1232 | possibilities - after all, Richard III's claim was tenuous and he would
|
---|
1233 |
|
---|
1234 | need to work out some arrangement regarding other claimants.&nbsp; Jasper
|
---|
1235 |
|
---|
1236 | and Henry Tudor would bear even greater pressure on Richard than they had
|
---|
1237 |
|
---|
1238 | on Edward.&nbsp; At first, Richard simply tried to establish friendly relations
|
---|
1239 |
|
---|
1240 | with the king and duke, without explicitly mentioning the Tudors.&nbsp;
|
---|
1241 |
|
---|
1242 | His more immediate concern was the closing of French ports to English exiles
|
---|
1243 |
|
---|
1244 | (notably former Queen Elizabeth Woodville's brother and a large section
|
---|
1245 |
|
---|
1246 | of the English fleet.)&nbsp; In England, Margaret still wanted her son
|
---|
1247 |
|
---|
1248 | to return - though to his rightful position as earl of Richmond, not as
|
---|
1249 |
|
---|
1250 | king of England.&nbsp; But events soon changed, with the same rapidity
|
---|
1251 |
|
---|
1252 | of Richard's usurpation, and Henry Tudor dreamed of more than an earldom.
|
---|
1253 |
|
---|
1254 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard III's usurpation was bad enough to most Englishmen,
|
---|
1255 |
|
---|
1256 | and especially the nobility.&nbsp; But in 1483, Edward IV's two sons -
|
---|
1257 |
|
---|
1258 | held in the Tower - mysteriously died.&nbsp; It was whispered that Richard
|
---|
1259 |
|
---|
1260 | had them murdered and secretly buried.&nbsp; Thus was born the legend of
|
---|
1261 |
|
---|
1262 | the 'Princes of the Tower'.&nbsp; (What happened remains a matter of conjecture;
|
---|
1263 |
|
---|
1264 | mystery novelist and playwright, Josephine Tey, wrote<i> The Daughter of
|
---|
1265 |
|
---|
1266 | Time</i>, a book which convincingly argues for Richard's innocence.&nbsp;
|
---|
1267 |
|
---|
1268 | In that case, Henry VII executed the boys - who would be his brothers-in-law
|
---|
1269 |
|
---|
1270 | - in order to secure his throne.&nbsp; Morre recently, the lawyer Bertram
|
---|
1271 |
|
---|
1272 | Fields examines the case in <i>Royal Blood</i>.)&nbsp; The deaths of Edward
|
---|
1273 |
|
---|
1274 | V and his brother, Richard duke of York, angered the populace and encouraged
|
---|
1275 |
|
---|
1276 | the image of Richard III as a deceitful murderer.&nbsp; Since Richard never
|
---|
1277 |
|
---|
1278 | officially responded to the rumors, they were believed to be true.&nbsp;
|
---|
1279 |
|
---|
1280 | Soon enough, the duke of Buckingham, Henry Stafford, created more chaos.&nbsp;
|
---|
1281 |
|
---|
1282 | He led a rebellion against Richard III in October and was captured and
|
---|
1283 |
|
---|
1284 | executed in November.
|
---|
1285 |
|
---|
1286 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; First of all, it is important to remember that Buckingham,
|
---|
1287 |
|
---|
1288 | Richard III and Henry Tudor were the <i>only</i> surviving male heirsto
|
---|
1289 |
|
---|
1290 | the house of Plantagenet.&nbsp; The reasons why Buckingham led a rebellion
|
---|
1291 |
|
---|
1292 | against Richard are not clear but several possibilities can be considered
|
---|
1293 |
|
---|
1294 | - first, he had as legitimate a claim to tthe throne as Richard and, gauging
|
---|
1295 |
|
---|
1296 | popular dissatisfaction with the new king, Buckingham felt he should take
|
---|
1297 |
|
---|
1298 | his chances and set himself up as the rival claimant (particularly since
|
---|
1299 |
|
---|
1300 | Edward V and Richard of York were supposedly murdered); second, as a rival
|
---|
1301 |
|
---|
1302 | claimant, Buckingham undoubtedly felt uneasy about his own safety (particularly
|
---|
1303 |
|
---|
1304 | when it was rumored Richard had murdered his two nephews; if he had, it
|
---|
1305 |
|
---|
1306 | was possible he would decide to murder Buckingham as well.)&nbsp; These
|
---|
1307 |
|
---|
1308 | two reasons alone are sufficient to explain Buckingham's motivations.&nbsp;
|
---|
1309 |
|
---|
1310 | Later historians, especially Polydore Vergil (Henry VII's official historian)
|
---|
1311 |
|
---|
1312 | would later claim Buckingham really intended to defeat Richard and place
|
---|
1313 |
|
---|
1314 | Henry Tudor on the throne.&nbsp; But it hardly seems likely; indeed, Buckingham
|
---|
1315 |
|
---|
1316 | could legitimately believe he had a more solid claim than Henry.
|
---|
1317 |
|
---|
1318 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There had been uprisings against Richard III just
|
---|
1319 |
|
---|
1320 | days after his coronation which highlighted popular dissatisfaction.&nbsp;
|
---|
1321 |
|
---|
1322 | Meanwhile, Margaret Beaufort had become friends with Edward IV's widow,
|
---|
1323 |
|
---|
1324 | Elizabeth Woodville (or Wydeville).&nbsp; Elizabeth heard the rumors of
|
---|
1325 |
|
---|
1326 | her sons' deaths in the Tower; she had no way of gauging their truth.&nbsp;
|
---|
1327 |
|
---|
1328 | But she was eager to reassert her family's claim to the throne.&nbsp; With
|
---|
1329 |
|
---|
1330 | her sons supposedly dead, that left her five daughters - in particular,
|
---|
1331 |
|
---|
1332 | her eldest Elizabeth of York - to claim the throne.&nbsp; They could do
|
---|
1333 |
|
---|
1334 | so only through marriage to a male claimant (such as Henry Tudor.)&nbsp;
|
---|
1335 |
|
---|
1336 | So the plan to wed Elizabeth and Henry began in earnest.&nbsp; Both women
|
---|
1337 |
|
---|
1338 | knew that such a marriage would imply that Henry Tudor wanted to replace
|
---|
1339 |
|
---|
1340 | Richard on the throne.&nbsp; Margaret quickly sent Christopher Urswick,
|
---|
1341 |
|
---|
1342 | a young priest from her household, to Brittany.&nbsp; her son, so long
|
---|
1343 |
|
---|
1344 | an exile and dependent on others, was to plan a return to England - to
|
---|
1345 |
|
---|
1346 | claim two great positions, husband <i>and</i> king.&nbsp; Margaret also
|
---|
1347 |
|
---|
1348 | sent a large sum of money to her son, raised from loans in London.&nbsp;
|
---|
1349 |
|
---|
1350 | She advised him to come to Wales as soon as possible (since he would receive
|
---|
1351 |
|
---|
1352 | support in Wales, particularly from the duke of Buckingham.)
|
---|
1353 |
|
---|
1354 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; This, of course, lends credence to the idea that
|
---|
1355 |
|
---|
1356 | Buckingham wanted to support Henry's claim.&nbsp; But, again, that is conjecture.&nbsp;
|
---|
1357 |
|
---|
1358 | Buckingham did write a letter to Henry on 24 September 1483 which stated
|
---|
1359 |
|
---|
1360 | he would support the rebellion against Richard, <i>even though </i>he and
|
---|
1361 |
|
---|
1362 | Henry's interests may not be perfectly compatible.&nbsp; What is certain
|
---|
1363 |
|
---|
1364 | is that Buckingham suspected his own life was forfeit with Richard III;
|
---|
1365 |
|
---|
1366 | he and Henry Tudor could sort out things once Richard was defeated.&nbsp;
|
---|
1367 |
|
---|
1368 | He told Henry the rebellion would begin on 18 October, thus giving Henry
|
---|
1369 |
|
---|
1370 | three weeks notice.&nbsp; He did not mention acknowledging Henry as king
|
---|
1371 |
|
---|
1372 | - he also did not mention marriage to Elizzabeth of York.&nbsp; Henry received
|
---|
1373 |
|
---|
1374 | Margaret and Buckingham's letters and talked with the duke of Brittany.&nbsp;
|
---|
1375 |
|
---|
1376 | He needed further financial support but also relied on Francis's advice.&nbsp;
|
---|
1377 |
|
---|
1378 | The duke promised support; another vital link was established.
|
---|
1379 |
|
---|
1380 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard III had not suspected Buckingham of treachery
|
---|
1381 |
|
---|
1382 | - at first.&nbsp; Thus, he had no large arrmy assembled to fight the duke.&nbsp;
|
---|
1383 |
|
---|
1384 | But such a massively-planned uprising could not remain secret forever and
|
---|
1385 |
|
---|
1386 | Richard was informed on 11 October that a vast rebellion would occur in
|
---|
1387 |
|
---|
1388 | a week.&nbsp; He had heard vague descriptions of a plan a few weeks before
|
---|
1389 |
|
---|
1390 | and had summoned Buckingham to him.&nbsp; The duke feigned a stomach ache;
|
---|
1391 |
|
---|
1392 | a more tersely-worded summons soon followed.&nbsp; The duke again refused
|
---|
1393 |
|
---|
1394 | the summons.&nbsp; By then, the rebellion was a week away and Richard had
|
---|
1395 |
|
---|
1396 | been informed of Buckingham's involvement and the extent of the rebellion.&nbsp;
|
---|
1397 |
|
---|
1398 | Richard hurriedly assembled his army; and though he had been betrayed by
|
---|
1399 |
|
---|
1400 | Buckingham, his former friend, he was not bitter - he specifically ordered
|
---|
1401 |
|
---|
1402 | his troops to not 'rob, spoil or hurt' any of Buckingham's followers.&nbsp;
|
---|
1403 |
|
---|
1404 | Richard was prepared to be merciful.
|
---|
1405 |
|
---|
1406 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Buckingham's rebellion began - and failed, largely
|
---|
1407 |
|
---|
1408 | because his Welsh tenants decided they liked him less than Richard III.&nbsp;
|
---|
1409 |
|
---|
1410 | Robbed of this crucial support, he fled to a friend's home but the friend,
|
---|
1411 |
|
---|
1412 | Ralph Bannaster, turned him in and, on 31 October, Buckingham was taken
|
---|
1413 |
|
---|
1414 | to Sir James Tyrell and Christopher Wellesbourne, staunch supporters of
|
---|
1415 |
|
---|
1416 | Richard III.&nbsp; Once Buckingham had been captured, the other rebellions
|
---|
1417 |
|
---|
1418 | collapsed.&nbsp; Many of the rebels fled to Brittany, to join Henry Tudor,
|
---|
1419 |
|
---|
1420 | now their last hope.&nbsp; Richard III attempted to prevent this mass exodus
|
---|
1421 |
|
---|
1422 | of rebels but failed.&nbsp; Meanwhile, at Plymouth Harbor, Henry heard
|
---|
1423 |
|
---|
1424 | the news of Buckingham's execution on 2 November 1483.&nbsp; (He had been
|
---|
1425 |
|
---|
1426 | delayed on his way to England because of a storm.)&nbsp; His other rival
|
---|
1427 |
|
---|
1428 | for the throne had been killed (Buckingham's son and heir was just six
|
---|
1429 |
|
---|
1430 | years old) but Buckingham's failure was hardly encouraging.&nbsp; He returned
|
---|
1431 |
|
---|
1432 | to Brittany, once more an exile after twelve years abroad.&nbsp; His position
|
---|
1433 |
|
---|
1434 | was perhaps more untenable than before - the uprising had been soundly
|
---|
1435 |
|
---|
1436 | defeated and Richard III was once again making friendly overtures to duke
|
---|
1437 |
|
---|
1438 | Francis.
|
---|
1439 |
|
---|
1440 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry's only hope lay with the English exiles now
|
---|
1441 |
|
---|
1442 | joining him in Brittany.&nbsp; There were roughly 500 men, among them the
|
---|
1443 |
|
---|
1444 | marquess of Dorset.&nbsp; These exiles told him he must reassemble his
|
---|
1445 |
|
---|
1446 | allies and attack again, before Richard III became more firmly entrenched
|
---|
1447 |
|
---|
1448 | as king - and before the duke ended his hospitality.&nbsp; In December,
|
---|
1449 |
|
---|
1450 | Henry gave a speech at Rennes Cathedral meant to boost morale and inspire
|
---|
1451 |
|
---|
1452 | his supporters.&nbsp; He promised to marry Elizabeth of York, thus joining
|
---|
1453 |
|
---|
1454 | the houses of York and Lancaster together.&nbsp; The assembled men swore
|
---|
1455 |
|
---|
1456 | oaths of loyalty to him.&nbsp; Their next task was more difficult - persuading
|
---|
1457 |
|
---|
1458 | the duke of Brittany to lend them more money to assemble yet another fleet.&nbsp;
|
---|
1459 |
|
---|
1460 | Again, Henry promised to repay the money.&nbsp; He was fortunate that Richard
|
---|
1461 |
|
---|
1462 | III had decided to retaliate against Breton and French ships because of
|
---|
1463 |
|
---|
1464 | their assistance to Henry and Buckingham.&nbsp; The duke was angered and
|
---|
1465 |
|
---|
1466 | agreed to loan Henry more money.&nbsp; So another flotilla was assembled
|
---|
1467 |
|
---|
1468 | and final preparations made in mid-spring 1484.&nbsp; But, for some unknown
|
---|
1469 |
|
---|
1470 | reason, the exiles did not sail for England.
|
---|
1471 |
|
---|
1472 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Instead, they remained at Vannes in Brittany.&nbsp;
|
---|
1473 |
|
---|
1474 | By this time, Henry fully realized the enormous stakes of the enterprise.&nbsp;
|
---|
1475 |
|
---|
1476 | He was particularly moved by the loyalty of the other exiles.&nbsp; Many
|
---|
1477 |
|
---|
1478 | were separated from their families and all were wanted men - and they suffered
|
---|
1479 |
|
---|
1480 | these injuries to support him.&nbsp; He owed them a great debt and it is
|
---|
1481 |
|
---|
1482 | to his credit that, immediately after Bosworth, he rewarded them.&nbsp;
|
---|
1483 |
|
---|
1484 | Elizabeth Woodville's son by her first husband, the marquess of Dorset,
|
---|
1485 |
|
---|
1486 | was in Brittany as were her three brothers, Lionel, Edward and Richard.&nbsp;
|
---|
1487 |
|
---|
1488 | They were joined by many loyal servants.&nbsp; All of the exiles were undoubtedly
|
---|
1489 |
|
---|
1490 | horrified by the supposed murders of Edward V and Richard of York.&nbsp;
|
---|
1491 |
|
---|
1492 | While these men schemed with Henry Tudor, the object of their schemes -
|
---|
1493 |
|
---|
1494 | Richard III - attempted to nullify their threat.&nbsp; He tried various
|
---|
1495 |
|
---|
1496 | tactics, mixing friendly overtures with veiled threats.&nbsp; He knew Margaret
|
---|
1497 |
|
---|
1498 | Beaufort had sent messages to her son and plotted in the rebellion but
|
---|
1499 |
|
---|
1500 | he couldn't risk alienating her husband, Lord Stanley.&nbsp; So he told
|
---|
1501 |
|
---|
1502 | Stanley to watch his wife carefully, dismiss the servants who had relayed
|
---|
1503 |
|
---|
1504 | messages, and prevent any contact with Henry and other rebels.&nbsp; He
|
---|
1505 |
|
---|
1506 | also gave Stanley possession of Margaret's property for the course of Stanley's
|
---|
1507 |
|
---|
1508 | life; after his death, the lands would pass to the crown.&nbsp; Still,
|
---|
1509 |
|
---|
1510 | Margaret had every reason to be grateful for her life.
|
---|
1511 |
|
---|
1512 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In March of 1484, Richard attempted a reconciliation
|
---|
1513 |
|
---|
1514 | with his former sister-in-law, Elizabeth Woodville.&nbsp; She and her five
|
---|
1515 |
|
---|
1516 | daughters had sought sanctuary in Westminster.&nbsp; Richard gathered the
|
---|
1517 |
|
---|
1518 | lord mayor of London, all leading aristocrats and various aldermen to his
|
---|
1519 |
|
---|
1520 | palace.&nbsp; He announced that - if Elizabeth and her children left sanctuary
|
---|
1521 |
|
---|
1522 | - he would protect them; they would be reccognized as his kin and given
|
---|
1523 |
|
---|
1524 | a pension and dowries.&nbsp; Most importantly, he publicly promised they
|
---|
1525 |
|
---|
1526 | would not be sent to any prisons, including the Tower of London (the site
|
---|
1527 |
|
---|
1528 | of their brothers' deaths.)
|
---|
1529 |
|
---|
1530 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; He also attempted to win over the duke of Brittany
|
---|
1531 |
|
---|
1532 | again.&nbsp; In this he was aided by the ailing duke's treasurer, Pierre
|
---|
1533 |
|
---|
1534 | Landais.&nbsp; Landais believed Brittany's fate would be better served
|
---|
1535 |
|
---|
1536 | with an English alliance.&nbsp; It could be, too, that he disliked the
|
---|
1537 |
|
---|
1538 | assembled rebels.&nbsp; As a result, Henry asked the French king Charles
|
---|
1539 |
|
---|
1540 | VIII for asylum at his court.&nbsp; Charles agreed and, soon enough, Henry
|
---|
1541 |
|
---|
1542 | left Brittany for Paris.&nbsp; It was a dangerous decision and, as it was
|
---|
1543 |
|
---|
1544 | taken without Francis's permission, would have resulted in his arrest.&nbsp;
|
---|
1545 |
|
---|
1546 | But he managed to arrive in Anjou with his pursuers just an hour behind.&nbsp;
|
---|
1547 |
|
---|
1548 | (His uncle Jasper had left a few days earlier, ostensibly to visit Francis
|
---|
1549 |
|
---|
1550 | at Rennes.&nbsp; Both he and Henry turned away at the last moment and headed
|
---|
1551 |
|
---|
1552 | toward Anjou.)&nbsp; There were about 400 rebels left behind.&nbsp; Duke
|
---|
1553 |
|
---|
1554 | Francis certainly had every right to send them back to England, to face
|
---|
1555 |
|
---|
1556 | certain death.&nbsp; But he did not - sick as he was, he was determined
|
---|
1557 |
|
---|
1558 | to undo some of Landais's damage.&nbsp; He allowed the rebels to join Henry
|
---|
1559 |
|
---|
1560 | in Paris. He also gave them a large gift of money (about 700 livres) to
|
---|
1561 |
|
---|
1562 | pay for their travel (this was in addition to their living allowance he
|
---|
1563 |
|
---|
1564 | was also paying!)&nbsp; Henry Tudor was touched by his old protector's
|
---|
1565 |
|
---|
1566 | kindness and generosity.&nbsp; He sent a letter of thanks, realizing that
|
---|
1567 |
|
---|
1568 | the treachery had been Landais's and not the duke's.
|
---|
1569 |
|
---|
1570 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, the French royal family were very eager
|
---|
1571 |
|
---|
1572 | to use Henry as a diplomatic weapon against the English.&nbsp; But the
|
---|
1573 |
|
---|
1574 | situation at the French court was confused and problematic; in the end,
|
---|
1575 |
|
---|
1576 | Henry relied upon the king's older sister, Anne of Beaujeu, for assistance.&nbsp;
|
---|
1577 |
|
---|
1578 | Her role was of vital importance as Henry planned for the greatest battle
|
---|
1579 |
|
---|
1580 | of his life, Bosworth Field.
|
---|
1581 |
|
---|
1582 | <br>
|
---|
1583 |
|
---|
1584 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
1585 |
|
---|
1586 | <blockquote>The French court which welcomed Henry Tudor was a curious place.&nbsp;
|
---|
1587 |
|
---|
1588 | King Louis XI had died on 30 August 1483, leaving behind a thirteen-year-old
|
---|
1589 |
|
---|
1590 | heir who became Charles VIII.&nbsp; As often happened when a minor succeeded
|
---|
1591 |
|
---|
1592 | to the throne, a power struggle ensued between the new king's relatives
|
---|
1593 |
|
---|
1594 | over the role of regent.&nbsp; Charles's mother, Charlotte of Savoy, was
|
---|
1595 |
|
---|
1596 | not a serious contender; she had never been involved in politics and was
|
---|
1597 |
|
---|
1598 | seriously ill.&nbsp; (She died on 1 December.)&nbsp; So the struggle was
|
---|
1599 |
|
---|
1600 | between Charles's older sister, Anne, and his younger sister's husband,
|
---|
1601 |
|
---|
1602 | Louis duc d'Orleans.&nbsp; Anne was twenty-two years old and married to
|
---|
1603 |
|
---|
1604 | Pierre, Lord Beaujeu, the heir of the duc d'Bourbon.&nbsp; Anne triumphed
|
---|
1605 |
|
---|
1606 | over her brother-in-law Louis and her gained control of the government.
|
---|
1607 |
|
---|
1608 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry Tudor's former patron, Duke Francis II, soon
|
---|
1609 |
|
---|
1610 | became involved in this struggle - at least ostensibly.&nbsp; His servant
|
---|
1611 |
|
---|
1612 | Pierre Landais (discussed on the previous page) was hated by the Orleans
|
---|
1613 |
|
---|
1614 | party who were seeking an alliance with his old enemies - namely, the noblemen
|
---|
1615 |
|
---|
1616 | of Brittany who had fled during Landais's ascendancy.&nbsp; (Naturally
|
---|
1617 |
|
---|
1618 | enough, they had fled from Brittany to France, where they met with the
|
---|
1619 |
|
---|
1620 | Orleans party.)&nbsp; On 7 April 1484 these new allies attempted to destroy
|
---|
1621 |
|
---|
1622 | Landais, breaking into the ducal palace at Nantes and then going to his
|
---|
1623 |
|
---|
1624 | country house.&nbsp; They failed to find Landais, however, and were forced
|
---|
1625 |
|
---|
1626 | to flee in shambles.&nbsp; They waited at the town of Ancenis, in Brittany
|
---|
1627 |
|
---|
1628 | but near the French border.&nbsp; Landais remained in power and seemed
|
---|
1629 |
|
---|
1630 | to bear no ill will toward the Breton-Orleans conspirators.&nbsp; In autumn,
|
---|
1631 |
|
---|
1632 | the Orleans party attempted - once again - to make peace between Francis
|
---|
1633 |
|
---|
1634 | II and his exiled noblemen.&nbsp; This time, they didn't attempt to kidnap
|
---|
1635 |
|
---|
1636 | Landais as part of their plan!&nbsp; Landais was a pragmatist and undoubtedly
|
---|
1637 |
|
---|
1638 | wanted to rid himself of the troublesome Breton-Orleans scheming.&nbsp;
|
---|
1639 |
|
---|
1640 | So he supported their plan; in doing so, he knew he would anger the French
|
---|
1641 |
|
---|
1642 | monarchy.&nbsp; Naturally, he turned to England's King Richard III for
|
---|
1643 |
|
---|
1644 | assistance, asking that Richard recognize the Orleans-Breton alliance;
|
---|
1645 |
|
---|
1646 | in return, Landais offered to send Henry Tudor to England.&nbsp; (Landais
|
---|
1647 |
|
---|
1648 | would then have the support of Burgundy, Orleans, <i>and</i> England against
|
---|
1649 |
|
---|
1650 | any French designs on Brittany.)
|
---|
1651 |
|
---|
1652 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, Henry Tudor fled to France where he was
|
---|
1653 |
|
---|
1654 | welcomed with open arms.&nbsp; With Henry Tudor gone, Brittany had no olive
|
---|
1655 |
|
---|
1656 | branch to offer England; this would weaken the Breton-English alliance.&nbsp;
|
---|
1657 |
|
---|
1658 | It would also aid Anne of Beaujeu in her struggle against the Orleans party.&nbsp;
|
---|
1659 |
|
---|
1660 | When Henry arrived in Anjou, he sent a messenger to Charles VIII, then
|
---|
1661 |
|
---|
1662 | at Montargis.&nbsp; The king immediately sent an envoy to greet Henry and
|
---|
1663 |
|
---|
1664 | bring him to Chartres.&nbsp; The envoy was given the generous sum of 20000
|
---|
1665 |
|
---|
1666 | francs for expenses on the week-long journey.&nbsp; Charles was, of course,
|
---|
1667 |
|
---|
1668 | delighted to encourage Henry in his plan to overthrow Richard III - though
|
---|
1669 |
|
---|
1670 | less delighted to give him large sums of money on a continual basis, as
|
---|
1671 |
|
---|
1672 | Duke Francis had.&nbsp; Also, Charles may have been unnerved by the large
|
---|
1673 |
|
---|
1674 | number of Henry's English followers who needed to be housed and fed while
|
---|
1675 |
|
---|
1676 | awaiting developments.&nbsp; Charles did give Henry about 3000 francs to
|
---|
1677 |
|
---|
1678 | clothe his army and granted permission for Henry to assemble mercenaries
|
---|
1679 |
|
---|
1680 | for his army.&nbsp; Henry traveled with the king north to Paris (the court
|
---|
1681 |
|
---|
1682 | spent autumn in the beautiful Loire valley); on 4 February 1485, they reached
|
---|
1683 |
|
---|
1684 | the French capital.&nbsp; During this journey, Henry finally realized the
|
---|
1685 |
|
---|
1686 | necessity of immediate and decisive action.&nbsp; He had spent nearly fourteen
|
---|
1687 |
|
---|
1688 | years as an exile in France and Landais's betrayal revealed the instability
|
---|
1689 |
|
---|
1690 | of his position.&nbsp; What if Anne of Beaujeu fell from power?&nbsp; Would
|
---|
1691 |
|
---|
1692 | he be a pawn for the Orleans cause?&nbsp; Also, it is true that Henry was
|
---|
1693 |
|
---|
1694 | in his late twenties, strong and healthy and undoubtedly yearning to be
|
---|
1695 |
|
---|
1696 | his own man.&nbsp; Why would he want to live in other people's homes, dependent
|
---|
1697 |
|
---|
1698 | on their good will and generosity?
|
---|
1699 |
|
---|
1700 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard III was certainly unhappy with events in
|
---|
1701 |
|
---|
1702 | France.&nbsp; He sent word to Charles of his displeasure and also tried
|
---|
1703 |
|
---|
1704 | to rally English support against Henry.&nbsp; Henry was sending letters
|
---|
1705 |
|
---|
1706 | to England during the winter of 1484-5 to inspire potential supporters
|
---|
1707 |
|
---|
1708 | (since many were dissatisfied with Richard's rule, for reasons outlined
|
---|
1709 |
|
---|
1710 | in previous pages.)&nbsp; Richard was aware of these letters and ordered
|
---|
1711 |
|
---|
1712 | the mayors and sheriffs throughout England to arrest anyone receiving or
|
---|
1713 |
|
---|
1714 | distributing them.&nbsp; (One of the letters has survived - click here
|
---|
1715 |
|
---|
1716 | to read it.)&nbsp; An interesting note about these letters - Henry was
|
---|
1717 |
|
---|
1718 | styling himself King of England, a deliberate and flagrant disregard of
|
---|
1719 |
|
---|
1720 | Richard's position.
|
---|
1721 |
|
---|
1722 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; On 7 December 1484, Richard responded to the letters
|
---|
1723 |
|
---|
1724 | by sending out his own proclamations.&nbsp; He condemned the exiles supporting
|
---|
1725 |
|
---|
1726 | Henry in France; he also mocked Henry's use of the royal title.&nbsp; He
|
---|
1727 |
|
---|
1728 | also reiterated the ancient animosity between England and France, reminding
|
---|
1729 |
|
---|
1730 | the English people that - in exchange for Charles's support - Henry had
|
---|
1731 |
|
---|
1732 | supposedly promised to return the English possessions in France and relinquish
|
---|
1733 |
|
---|
1734 | the traditional English claim to the French throne.&nbsp; These, of course,
|
---|
1735 |
|
---|
1736 | were matters near and dear to all English hearts.&nbsp; From the 12th century
|
---|
1737 |
|
---|
1738 | onwards, the English claim to the French throne and territories was a patriotic
|
---|
1739 |
|
---|
1740 | dream shared by all Englishmen.&nbsp; The great heroes of the past (most
|
---|
1741 |
|
---|
1742 | gloriously, Henry V) had led their countrymen to battle over those claims;
|
---|
1743 |
|
---|
1744 | thousands of Englishmen died in those battles.&nbsp; By painting Henry
|
---|
1745 |
|
---|
1746 | as a traitor to one of the most precious English dreams (that of possessing
|
---|
1747 |
|
---|
1748 | France), Richard hoped to appeal to English patriotism.&nbsp; He also reminded
|
---|
1749 |
|
---|
1750 | his subjects that Henry would be invading with mercenaries who would commit
|
---|
1751 |
|
---|
1752 | 'the most cruel murders, slaughters, robberies and disinheritances that
|
---|
1753 |
|
---|
1754 | were ever seen in any Christian Realm.'&nbsp; Once again, Richard appealed
|
---|
1755 |
|
---|
1756 | to a time-honored English abhorrence of invasion.&nbsp; He also attended
|
---|
1757 |
|
---|
1758 | to more practical matters - ordering sheriffs to prepare troops for muster
|
---|
1759 |
|
---|
1760 | and raise cash for military payments.
|
---|
1761 |
|
---|
1762 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; I would like to emphasize - once again - the tenuousness
|
---|
1763 |
|
---|
1764 | of Henry Tudor's claim.&nbsp; At this point, only he and Richard III were
|
---|
1765 |
|
---|
1766 | viable claimants to the English throne.&nbsp; But Richard's position was
|
---|
1767 |
|
---|
1768 | stronger by far (and as will become clear later), the Battle of Bosworth
|
---|
1769 |
|
---|
1770 | ended in Henry's favor only because a key nobleman betrayed Richard.&nbsp;
|
---|
1771 |
|
---|
1772 | This was hardly an auspicious beginning to Henry's rule.&nbsp; Throughout
|
---|
1773 |
|
---|
1774 | these pages, I have tried to emphasize the general unpopularity of Richard's
|
---|
1775 |
|
---|
1776 | rule - <i>with regard to the disappearance of his nephews</i>.&nbsp; The
|
---|
1777 |
|
---|
1778 | disappearance sullied Richard's character and made those Englishmen who
|
---|
1779 |
|
---|
1780 | didn't support Henry Tudor less than thrilled about defending Richard III.&nbsp;
|
---|
1781 |
|
---|
1782 | In other words, they would simply wait out the conflict without openly
|
---|
1783 |
|
---|
1784 | supporting either party.&nbsp; And that is exactly what most of the country
|
---|
1785 |
|
---|
1786 | did.&nbsp; Personally, I do not believe Richard III murdered his nephews
|
---|
1787 |
|
---|
1788 | but, of course, the mystery will always remain open to interpretation.&nbsp;
|
---|
1789 |
|
---|
1790 | It is true that Richard III has received a 'raw deal' from historians.&nbsp;
|
---|
1791 |
|
---|
1792 | Can we blame this on Shakespeare?&nbsp; :-)&nbsp; Hey, it is a great play
|
---|
1793 |
|
---|
1794 | but written during the reign of Henry Tudor's granddaughter.&nbsp; It isn't
|
---|
1795 |
|
---|
1796 | likely the playwright wanted to offend the monarch (witness the ending
|
---|
1797 |
|
---|
1798 | to All Is True for proof of that - a sympathetic introduction to Katharine
|
---|
1799 |
|
---|
1800 | of Aragon which ends with Elizabeth's triumphant birth.)&nbsp; Richard
|
---|
1801 |
|
---|
1802 | was a capable and intelligent man and - whatever the truth about his nephews
|
---|
1803 |
|
---|
1804 | - had far more experience in government thhan Henry Tudor.&nbsp; He also
|
---|
1805 |
|
---|
1806 | reacted to betrayal with an appealing mixture of punishment and forgiveness;
|
---|
1807 |
|
---|
1808 | he was far more conciliatory than, say, Henry VIII.&nbsp; (During this
|
---|
1809 |
|
---|
1810 | time, an embarrassing episode occurred which may have furthered Richard's
|
---|
1811 |
|
---|
1812 | resolve to shore up his support against Henry:&nbsp; John de Vere, the
|
---|
1813 |
|
---|
1814 | Lancastrian earl of Oxford, was imprisoned at Calais in France; he escaped,
|
---|
1815 |
|
---|
1816 | along with two English soldiers, to join Henry Tudor in Paris.&nbsp; Understandably,
|
---|
1817 |
|
---|
1818 | this embarrassed Richard; he issued pardons to the English soldiers at
|
---|
1819 |
|
---|
1820 | Calais, including de Vere's supporters, but they still rebelled.&nbsp;
|
---|
1821 |
|
---|
1822 | In the end, Henry's morale went up and Richard's fell drastically.&nbsp;
|
---|
1823 |
|
---|
1824 | The Oxford episode indicated the lack of loyalty to Richard's regime.&nbsp;
|
---|
1825 |
|
---|
1826 | This was coupled with the disloyalty of Sir William Stanley, advising Henry
|
---|
1827 |
|
---|
1828 | from England.)
|
---|
1829 |
|
---|
1830 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, these domestic actions were accompanied
|
---|
1831 |
|
---|
1832 | by foreign policy initiatives designed to find Richard prominent allies.&nbsp;
|
---|
1833 |
|
---|
1834 | In this, he was successful as well.&nbsp; Henry Tudor's old ally, Duke
|
---|
1835 |
|
---|
1836 | Francis of Brittany, entered into a seven-year truce with England on 2
|
---|
1837 |
|
---|
1838 | March 1485.&nbsp; One of the specific points of the truce was that neither
|
---|
1839 |
|
---|
1840 | side would support rebellion against the other, thus allying Richard and
|
---|
1841 |
|
---|
1842 | Duke Francis against the French throne.&nbsp; Not surprisingly, Charles
|
---|
1843 |
|
---|
1844 | VIII began to fear an English-Breton invasion of France. So he encouraged
|
---|
1845 |
|
---|
1846 | Henry Tudor to hasten his plans to invade England.&nbsp; In March 1485,
|
---|
1847 |
|
---|
1848 | Richard's queen, Anne Neville, died and this personal heartbreak had to
|
---|
1849 |
|
---|
1850 | be shoved aside in the face of Henry Tudor's rebellion.&nbsp; It was soon
|
---|
1851 |
|
---|
1852 | rumored that Richard would marry Elizabeth of York or her sister Cecily,
|
---|
1853 |
|
---|
1854 | thus regaining the support of Henry's Yorkist allies.&nbsp; Henry, whom
|
---|
1855 |
|
---|
1856 | Elizabeth Woodville and Margaret Beaufort intended to wed Elizabeth, was
|
---|
1857 |
|
---|
1858 | upset but could do little.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Richard kept a shrewd eye on
|
---|
1859 |
|
---|
1860 | Lord Stanley (I'll let you alert readers figure out the Tudor-Stanley connection
|
---|
1861 |
|
---|
1862 | from the earlier pages - here's a clue: who was Margaret Beaufort married
|
---|
1863 |
|
---|
1864 | to?)&nbsp; Around July 1485, Stanley asked permission to visit relative
|
---|
1865 |
|
---|
1866 | in Lancashire.&nbsp; The king was no fool; he allowed Stanley to leave
|
---|
1867 |
|
---|
1868 | London but kept his son and heir, George, Lord Strange, as hostage.&nbsp;
|
---|
1869 |
|
---|
1870 | Essentially, Strange remained in Richard's household in order to assure
|
---|
1871 |
|
---|
1872 | his father's good behavior.
|
---|
1873 |
|
---|
1874 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Charles VIII was, of course, still encouraging Henry's
|
---|
1875 |
|
---|
1876 | planned invasion but still hedging about financial support.&nbsp; When
|
---|
1877 |
|
---|
1878 | news came that Richard might marry Elizabeth of York, Henry became frantic.&nbsp;
|
---|
1879 |
|
---|
1880 | He cast about for another prominent Yorkist bride, with little success.&nbsp;
|
---|
1881 |
|
---|
1882 | More importantly, (with the support of Philippe de Commynes, an influential
|
---|
1883 |
|
---|
1884 | diplomat) Henry pressed Charles to request money from the French parliament.&nbsp;
|
---|
1885 |
|
---|
1886 | The French king did so on 4 May 1485 and was successful; he returned with
|
---|
1887 |
|
---|
1888 | Henry to Paris about a month later.&nbsp; Already, plans to assemble an
|
---|
1889 |
|
---|
1890 | invasion fleet were being approved.&nbsp; At Harfleur, near the mouth of
|
---|
1891 |
|
---|
1892 | the River Seine, Henry spent about 50000 livres to assemble 4000 men.&nbsp;
|
---|
1893 |
|
---|
1894 | Of these, 1500 were discharged soldiers from a base at Pont de l'Arche.&nbsp;
|
---|
1895 |
|
---|
1896 | The French soldiers were commanded by a nobleman from Savoy called Philibert
|
---|
1897 |
|
---|
1898 | de Chandee, who later became a good friend of Henry Tudor's.&nbsp; There
|
---|
1899 |
|
---|
1900 | were also Henry's 400 English supporters who had shared his exile.&nbsp;
|
---|
1901 |
|
---|
1902 | Henry placed these men under the command of Richard Guildford.&nbsp; (It
|
---|
1903 |
|
---|
1904 | was later rumored that about 1000 Scots joined Henry's force; whether that
|
---|
1905 |
|
---|
1906 | number is correct or not, some Scots did fight on Henry's side.)
|
---|
1907 |
|
---|
1908 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry's great enterprise was about to begin.&nbsp;
|
---|
1909 |
|
---|
1910 | On 1 August 1485, Henry and his followers left Honfleur and sailed down
|
---|
1911 |
|
---|
1912 | the Seine into the Channel.&nbsp; On 7 August, they sailed into Milford
|
---|
1913 |
|
---|
1914 | Sound near sunset.&nbsp; They actually landed at Mill Bay, inside the Sound.&nbsp;
|
---|
1915 |
|
---|
1916 | This was the land of Pembrokeshire where Henry had been imprisoned as a
|
---|
1917 |
|
---|
1918 | young man.&nbsp; Upon landing, Henry knelt down and whispered, 'Judge me,
|
---|
1919 |
|
---|
1920 | Lord, and fight my cause.'&nbsp; He kissed the English soil, crossed himself,
|
---|
1921 |
|
---|
1922 | and told his men to follow him - in the name of God and St George.&nbsp;
|
---|
1923 |
|
---|
1924 | It was no coincidence that he landed in Wales, his father's native land;
|
---|
1925 |
|
---|
1926 | it was there that he hoped to gain crucial support for his cause.
|
---|
1927 |
|
---|
1928 | <br>&nbsp;</blockquote>
|
---|
1929 |
|
---|
1930 |
|
---|
1931 |
|
---|
1932 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
1933 |
|
---|
1934 | <blockquote>(<font color="#000000">NOTE:&nbsp; Historical sources regarding
|
---|
1935 |
|
---|
1936 | the actual battle at Bosworth are scanty at best.&nbsp; No one who actually
|
---|
1937 |
|
---|
1938 | fought at the battle recorded the battle; typically, the chroniclers from
|
---|
1939 |
|
---|
1940 | London recorded great events but they were far from the action in 1485.&nbsp;
|
---|
1941 |
|
---|
1942 | Also, the supporters of Richard III didn't want to remember their defeat
|
---|
1943 |
|
---|
1944 | - and unlikely to write about in the chargged political climate.&nbsp; Henry's
|
---|
1945 |
|
---|
1946 | supporters were concerned with more immediate matters after the battle
|
---|
1947 |
|
---|
1948 | - namely, beginning the rule of a very ineexperienced monarch who had not
|
---|
1949 |
|
---|
1950 | been to England in fifteen years.&nbsp; And there is another very important
|
---|
1951 |
|
---|
1952 | fact - medieval battles are incredibly confusing to describe (just as they
|
---|
1953 |
|
---|
1954 | were confusing to fight.)&nbsp; Imagine a Revolutionary War battle - the
|
---|
1955 |
|
---|
1956 | British soldiers in matching red coats, marching in perfect cadence to
|
---|
1957 |
|
---|
1958 | a fixed point, they shoot, reload and aim with some degree of consistency.&nbsp;
|
---|
1959 |
|
---|
1960 | Medieval warfare did not proceed along those lines.&nbsp; In general, it
|
---|
1961 |
|
---|
1962 | was chaotic and confusing to the participants - and the chroniclers.&nbsp;
|
---|
1963 |
|
---|
1964 | So if the following account confuses you a little, you're in good company.&nbsp;
|
---|
1965 |
|
---|
1966 | I have tried to be as clear as possible, to the extent of omitting stuff
|
---|
1967 |
|
---|
1968 | which is particularly confusing (including Henry's mysterious 'disappearance'
|
---|
1969 |
|
---|
1970 | the night before the battle; that will eventually be included in the Primary
|
---|
1971 |
|
---|
1972 | Sources section, directly from Polydore Vergil's work.</font>
|
---|
1973 |
|
---|
1974 | <br><font color="#000000">The most prominent chronicler of the Battle was
|
---|
1975 |
|
---|
1976 | Polydore Vergil, Henry VII's official court historian.&nbsp; Of course,
|
---|
1977 |
|
---|
1978 | his version is the official Tudor account but we must rely upon it.&nbsp;
|
---|
1979 |
|
---|
1980 | In most respects, Vergil had little reason to alter anything since the
|
---|
1981 |
|
---|
1982 | Tudor claimant was victorious.)</font>
|
---|
1983 |
|
---|
1984 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
1985 |
|
---|
1986 | <p><font color="#000000">Henry's force marched to the nearest inhabited
|
---|
1987 |
|
---|
1988 | area, a settlement called Dale.&nbsp; There they spent the night; the next
|
---|
1989 |
|
---|
1990 | day (8 August) they left Dale to a castle called Haverfordwest, about 12
|
---|
1991 |
|
---|
1992 | miles to the north-east.&nbsp; The townsmen actually welcomed the invaders,
|
---|
1993 |
|
---|
1994 | an indication of their nebulous loyalty to Richard III.&nbsp; Of course,
|
---|
1995 |
|
---|
1996 | news of Henry's arrival on English soil was only just spreading along the
|
---|
1997 |
|
---|
1998 | coast.&nbsp; In this northern part of Pembrokeshire, there were fewer castles
|
---|
1999 |
|
---|
2000 | and - again - it was Jasper Tudor's former home.&nbsp; Also, Richard III
|
---|
2001 |
|
---|
2002 | had extensive control over south Wales, which shows that Henry's Welsh
|
---|
2003 |
|
---|
2004 | support was as nebulous as Richard's English support.&nbsp; Richard's control
|
---|
2005 |
|
---|
2006 | over much of Wales also meant that Henry was forced to march north into
|
---|
2007 |
|
---|
2008 | the center of Wales.&nbsp; And, of course, it must be recalled that the
|
---|
2009 |
|
---|
2010 | Stanleys (his mother's in-laws) controlled much of north Wales and Cheshire.&nbsp;
|
---|
2011 |
|
---|
2012 | Sir William Stanley was Richard III's chief lieutenant in Anglesey, Caernarfonshire,
|
---|
2013 |
|
---|
2014 | and Merioneth, cities which made up the northern part of royal holdings
|
---|
2015 |
|
---|
2016 | in Wales.&nbsp; (Remember that Sir William was the younger brother of Henry's
|
---|
2017 |
|
---|
2018 | stepfather.)&nbsp; Henry may have been in touch with the Stanleys immediately
|
---|
2019 |
|
---|
2020 | upon landing in Wales.&nbsp; Oddly enough, a letter Henry sent to another
|
---|
2021 |
|
---|
2022 | supporter, John ap Maredudd ab Ieuan ap Mareddud, has survived; it was
|
---|
2023 |
|
---|
2024 | written about 8 August, immediately after the landing, and designed to
|
---|
2025 |
|
---|
2026 | gain Welsh support.&nbsp; The letter to ap Mareddud can be read by clicking
|
---|
2027 |
|
---|
2028 | here.&nbsp; What did ap Mareddud do?&nbsp; We don't know - though it is
|
---|
2029 |
|
---|
2030 | true that Henry did have some significant Welsh support.&nbsp; Of course,
|
---|
2031 |
|
---|
2032 | it was nowhere near as great as many later remembered.&nbsp; And it is
|
---|
2033 |
|
---|
2034 | false to state that
|
---|
2035 |
|
---|
2036 | <i>every</i> Welshman welcomed the return of Owen Tudor's
|
---|
2037 |
|
---|
2038 | descendants.&nbsp; Certainly the Tudor dynasty in no way favored Wales
|
---|
2039 |
|
---|
2040 | or its native population - so any support from the Welsh was not rewarded.&nbsp;
|
---|
2041 |
|
---|
2042 | In 1536, in particular, the Welsh had good cause to resent any support
|
---|
2043 |
|
---|
2044 | they had given.&nbsp; After Bosworth, certain laudatory poems and songs
|
---|
2045 |
|
---|
2046 | were written - but as these were dedicated to an actual king than a pretender
|
---|
2047 |
|
---|
2048 | to the throne, they were naturally fawning.</font>
|
---|
2049 |
|
---|
2050 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In reality, Henry did not receive
|
---|
2051 |
|
---|
2052 | a rapturous welcome.&nbsp; On 8 August, at Haverfordwest, he received a
|
---|
2053 |
|
---|
2054 | crushing blow - John Savage, nephew of Henry's stepfather, and the powerful
|
---|
2055 |
|
---|
2056 | Welsh lord, Rhys ap Thomas, were not planning to support his cause.&nbsp;
|
---|
2057 |
|
---|
2058 | Of course, they had promised otherwise while he was in France but Richard
|
---|
2059 |
|
---|
2060 | III suspected both men of disloyalty - and before Henry landed, he made
|
---|
2061 |
|
---|
2062 | certain they understood the penalty of treason.&nbsp; With this crushing
|
---|
2063 |
|
---|
2064 | news, even the professed loyalty of Pembroke was small consolation.&nbsp;
|
---|
2065 |
|
---|
2066 | Henry's march from Havefordwest northeast to Cardigan and there to Machynlleth
|
---|
2067 |
|
---|
2068 | (about 100 miles from the Dale settlement) is not documented.&nbsp; He
|
---|
2069 |
|
---|
2070 | arrived at Machynlleth on 14 August and wrote a letter to Sir Roger Kynaston,
|
---|
2071 |
|
---|
2072 | the guardian of the Grey estates; to pass safely to Shrewsbury, Henry needed
|
---|
2073 |
|
---|
2074 | - at the very least - Kynaston's inaction..&nbsp; The guardian didn't need
|
---|
2075 |
|
---|
2076 | to declare for him but he could at least not impede his progress. Click
|
---|
2077 |
|
---|
2078 | here to read the letter to Kynaston.&nbsp; Whatever Kynaston's decision,
|
---|
2079 |
|
---|
2080 | Henry did pass safely through to Shrewsbury.&nbsp; To get to this point,
|
---|
2081 |
|
---|
2082 | his force had marched through the mountains of Wales but they had the continual
|
---|
2083 |
|
---|
2084 | arrival of good news to cheer them on the lonely journey - supporters were
|
---|
2085 |
|
---|
2086 | marching to join them, bringing along much-needed supplies.&nbsp; Among
|
---|
2087 |
|
---|
2088 | these supporters was Rhys ap Thomas, who finally decided to honor his previous
|
---|
2089 |
|
---|
2090 | promise.&nbsp; Rhys later said he brought almost 2000 men with him; if
|
---|
2091 |
|
---|
2092 | true, his force made up a third of Henry's entire army.&nbsp; They were
|
---|
2093 |
|
---|
2094 | in time to join Henry at Shrewsbury, the traditional gateway to the English
|
---|
2095 |
|
---|
2096 | midlands; they marched along the old Roman road even as supporters sent
|
---|
2097 |
|
---|
2098 | along money to pay the mercenary troops.&nbsp; But at Shrewsbury, Henry's
|
---|
2099 |
|
---|
2100 | progress was no longer easy.</font>
|
---|
2101 |
|
---|
2102 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Shrewsbury was an important
|
---|
2103 |
|
---|
2104 | town and had two bailiffs, Roger Knight and Thomas Mitton, both in power
|
---|
2105 |
|
---|
2106 | for about two decades.&nbsp; They had prospered under Richard III, notably
|
---|
2107 |
|
---|
2108 | from the failure of Buckingham's rebellion (notably, Mitton received Buckingham's
|
---|
2109 |
|
---|
2110 | castle and Shrewsbury's tax bill was significantly reduced.)&nbsp; And
|
---|
2111 |
|
---|
2112 | one must remember Richard III's admonitions to the English people, specifically
|
---|
2113 |
|
---|
2114 | warning them of the dangers of mercenary troops.&nbsp; The people of Shrewsbury
|
---|
2115 |
|
---|
2116 | had no desire for foreign troops to plunder and pillage their town.&nbsp;
|
---|
2117 |
|
---|
2118 | (Keep in mind that Henry's army was not primarily English.)&nbsp; When
|
---|
2119 |
|
---|
2120 | Henry requested permission to march through the streets, Mitton made a
|
---|
2121 |
|
---|
2122 | familiar reply - "over my belly."&nbsp; Henry could not afford to go around
|
---|
2123 |
|
---|
2124 | the city so he retreated.&nbsp; At a nearby village, he composed a letter
|
---|
2125 |
|
---|
2126 | to the bailiffs, promising that his men would simply march through Shrewsbury
|
---|
2127 |
|
---|
2128 | peacefully, without causing any damage or harm.&nbsp; He respected the
|
---|
2129 |
|
---|
2130 | oath of loyalty to Richard III and did not expect any of the townspeople
|
---|
2131 |
|
---|
2132 | to break it.&nbsp; The letter may not have swayed the bailiffs but the
|
---|
2133 |
|
---|
2134 | arrival of Rowland Warburton, a retainer of Sir William Stanley, arrived
|
---|
2135 |
|
---|
2136 | and persuaded the bailiffs to let Henry pass.&nbsp; The Stanley support
|
---|
2137 |
|
---|
2138 | was impressive enough to sway even Mitton, who lay on the ground so Henry
|
---|
2139 |
|
---|
2140 | could step over his belly (thus keeping his former oath.)</font>
|
---|
2141 |
|
---|
2142 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What effect did this 'adventure'
|
---|
2143 |
|
---|
2144 | have on Henry?&nbsp; He realized, once again, that his support was not
|
---|
2145 |
|
---|
2146 | widespread.&nbsp; Indeed, in the end he relied upon the apathy of the English
|
---|
2147 |
|
---|
2148 | population - essentially their decision to not actively support Richard
|
---|
2149 |
|
---|
2150 | III.&nbsp; Shrewsbury was the first English town he marched through, a
|
---|
2151 |
|
---|
2152 | test of how the average citizen would respond to his invasion.&nbsp; Since
|
---|
2153 |
|
---|
2154 | they did not recognize his claim to the throne, Henry had little to celebrate.</font>
|
---|
2155 |
|
---|
2156 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In a way, his march was as
|
---|
2157 |
|
---|
2158 | much a public relations enterprise as a military endeavor.&nbsp; Everywhere
|
---|
2159 |
|
---|
2160 | he went, he attempted to drum up support - and he was often successful.&nbsp;
|
---|
2161 |
|
---|
2162 | More men and prominent lords joined the cause, all for various reasons.&nbsp;
|
---|
2163 |
|
---|
2164 | At Stafford, Henry met up with Sir William Stanley.&nbsp; Stanley brought
|
---|
2165 |
|
---|
2166 | news that Richard III, informed of Henry's march, was camped at Nottingham.&nbsp;
|
---|
2167 |
|
---|
2168 | From there, it was just a brief march south to block Henry's path to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
2169 |
|
---|
2170 | In other words, Stanley was urging Henry to hurry if he wanted to reach
|
---|
2171 |
|
---|
2172 | the capital.&nbsp; Henry marched to meet Richard, stopping for the night
|
---|
2173 |
|
---|
2174 | at Lichfield; as at Shrewsbury, he kept his army outside the walls so as
|
---|
2175 |
|
---|
2176 | not to offend the citizens.</font>
|
---|
2177 |
|
---|
2178 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Now it gets a bit confusing:
|
---|
2179 |
|
---|
2180 | <i>Lord</i>
|
---|
2181 |
|
---|
2182 | Stanley, whose son Lord Strange was Richard's 'hostage', was marching with
|
---|
2183 |
|
---|
2184 | about 5000 men toward Lichfield (presumably to meet up with Richard III
|
---|
2185 |
|
---|
2186 | at Nottingham.)&nbsp; He did not dare meet with Henry Tudor, though he
|
---|
2187 |
|
---|
2188 | supported his claim.&nbsp; Ostensibly, Lord Stanley was loyal to Richard.&nbsp;
|
---|
2189 |
|
---|
2190 | So he avoided Henry's army though, supposedly, sent a message assuring
|
---|
2191 |
|
---|
2192 | him of eventual support.&nbsp; Of course, promises can be easily broken
|
---|
2193 |
|
---|
2194 | and Henry was uneasy.&nbsp; He knew Richard had scouts watching Stanley
|
---|
2195 |
|
---|
2196 | and held his son hostage.&nbsp; Under such circumstances, Stanley's support
|
---|
2197 |
|
---|
2198 | was not completely assured.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Lord Stanley's brother - Sir
|
---|
2199 |
|
---|
2200 | William - had met up with Henry's army at Lichfield on 20 August.&nbsp;
|
---|
2201 |
|
---|
2202 | Lord Stanley had arrived near Atherstone, close to the actual battlefield.&nbsp;
|
---|
2203 |
|
---|
2204 | On this Saturday (20 August, still!), Lord Stanley sent his brother a message
|
---|
2205 |
|
---|
2206 | that Richard was near and fighting could begin in just three hours.&nbsp;
|
---|
2207 |
|
---|
2208 | This, of course, did not happen.&nbsp; But the Stanleys apparently met
|
---|
2209 |
|
---|
2210 | together and decided on a course of action - namely, they would not publicly
|
---|
2211 |
|
---|
2212 | declare their support for either Richard or Henry.&nbsp; On Sunday, they
|
---|
2213 |
|
---|
2214 | apparently decided upon their battle plans - namely, Lord Stanley's betrayal
|
---|
2215 |
|
---|
2216 | of Richard.</font>
|
---|
2217 |
|
---|
2218 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Lord Stanley was, of course,
|
---|
2219 |
|
---|
2220 | Henry's stepfather but his waffling is understandable.&nbsp; But it caused
|
---|
2221 |
|
---|
2222 | both Richard III and Henry a great deal of anxiety.&nbsp; Henry secretly
|
---|
2223 |
|
---|
2224 | met with the Stanleys on 21 August but, after the meeting, was still unsure
|
---|
2225 |
|
---|
2226 | of their unqualified support.&nbsp; Under such circumstances, Henry's nervousness
|
---|
2227 |
|
---|
2228 | was greater than the king's.&nbsp; But Richard was far from secure himself.&nbsp;
|
---|
2229 |
|
---|
2230 | He was at Nottingham when he heard of Henry's arrival in Pembrokeshire
|
---|
2231 |
|
---|
2232 | and, from there, his steady march through Wales to the midlands.&nbsp;
|
---|
2233 |
|
---|
2234 | As mentioned earlier, Richard had made preparations for this moment in
|
---|
2235 |
|
---|
2236 | 1484.&nbsp; So he ordered his nobles and gentry to assemble according to
|
---|
2237 |
|
---|
2238 | plan.&nbsp; He was undoubtedly unnerved that Henry was receiving some measure
|
---|
2239 |
|
---|
2240 | of support and that his march was essentially unimpeded.&nbsp; He called
|
---|
2241 |
|
---|
2242 | the dukes of Northumberland and Norfolk to him, as well as the lieutenant
|
---|
2243 |
|
---|
2244 | of the Tower of London (where most of the king's weaponry was stored.)&nbsp;
|
---|
2245 |
|
---|
2246 | Because Sir William Stanley did not respond to summons, Richard declared
|
---|
2247 |
|
---|
2248 | him a traitor.&nbsp; He also intimidated Lord Strange enough for the young
|
---|
2249 |
|
---|
2250 | man to confess to some sort of 'conspiracy' to betray the king.&nbsp; This
|
---|
2251 |
|
---|
2252 | simply confirmed Richard's fears.&nbsp; He realized as well that Henry
|
---|
2253 |
|
---|
2254 | was trying to reach London as quickly as possible.&nbsp; So he gathered
|
---|
2255 |
|
---|
2256 | his own forces to prevent this; he was later called a coward for not confronting
|
---|
2257 |
|
---|
2258 | Henry sooner but consider this - Richard wanted to assemble as many supporters
|
---|
2259 |
|
---|
2260 | as possible while dragging out the ordeal for Henry's army.&nbsp; The assembled
|
---|
2261 |
|
---|
2262 | mercenaries were tired, hungry, and - like Henry - knew the crucial Stanley
|
---|
2263 |
|
---|
2264 | support was not secure.&nbsp; Richard's army was a bit larger than Henry's
|
---|
2265 |
|
---|
2266 | though exact figures do not exist.&nbsp; They marched south in traditional
|
---|
2267 |
|
---|
2268 | square battle formation, Richard and his guard behind two groups of horsemen.&nbsp;
|
---|
2269 |
|
---|
2270 | There were about 100 knights and noblemen who had responded to Richard's
|
---|
2271 |
|
---|
2272 | summons.&nbsp; Most of these men were from the north, specifically Yorkshire
|
---|
2273 |
|
---|
2274 | and Lancashire.&nbsp; Richard marched with these men as the King of England,
|
---|
2275 |
|
---|
2276 | wearing his crown and coat-of-arms.&nbsp; It was imperative that every
|
---|
2277 |
|
---|
2278 | Englishman who watched the march be reminded the Richard was the king and
|
---|
2279 |
|
---|
2280 | Henry just a pretender.&nbsp; He would be crushed just like the duke of
|
---|
2281 |
|
---|
2282 | Buckingham.</font>
|
---|
2283 |
|
---|
2284 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Finally, on 21 August (Sunday),
|
---|
2285 |
|
---|
2286 | both armies knew battle was near.&nbsp; Richard knew Henry's camp was near
|
---|
2287 |
|
---|
2288 | Atherstone; he himself camped at the plain of Redmoor.&nbsp; The next day
|
---|
2289 |
|
---|
2290 | the forces would meet on the battlefield, a place later called Bosworth
|
---|
2291 |
|
---|
2292 | Field.</font></blockquote>
|
---|
2293 |
|
---|
2294 |
|
---|
2295 |
|
---|
2296 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
2297 |
|
---|
2298 | <blockquote>&nbsp;
|
---|
2299 |
|
---|
2300 | <br>(I wanted to point out an interesting fact about Henry's tactics prior
|
---|
2301 |
|
---|
2302 | to Bosworth; by marching toward London, he essentially determined where
|
---|
2303 |
|
---|
2304 | the battle would be fought - <i>wherever he and Richard met up on the way
|
---|
2305 |
|
---|
2306 | to London</i>.&nbsp; So Bosworth Field was not chosen for any purpose other
|
---|
2307 |
|
---|
2308 | than the two armies met there.&nbsp; Today, it is impossible to adequately
|
---|
2309 |
|
---|
2310 | understand the geography of the battlefield and Richard and Henry's camps
|
---|
2311 |
|
---|
2312 | prior to the battle; hundreds of years of building, etc. have altered the
|
---|
2313 |
|
---|
2314 | landscape.)
|
---|
2315 |
|
---|
2316 | <br>(Also: William Brandon, Henry's standard bearer, was slain at this
|
---|
2317 |
|
---|
2318 | battle.&nbsp; His son, Charles, would become Henry VIII's best friend,
|
---|
2319 |
|
---|
2320 | husband to Princess Mary Tudor &amp; grandfather of Lady Jane Grey.&nbsp;
|
---|
2321 |
|
---|
2322 | His biography is available at Tudor Citizens.)
|
---|
2323 |
|
---|
2324 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
2325 |
|
---|
2326 | <p>The actual battle supposedly took place on Redmoor plain, near Richard
|
---|
2327 |
|
---|
2328 | III's encampment.&nbsp; Long after the battle, it came to be called the
|
---|
2329 |
|
---|
2330 | Battle of Bosworth Field because the town of Market Bosworth lay to the
|
---|
2331 |
|
---|
2332 | north of Redmoor plain.&nbsp; Also, a Welsh chronicler asserted that the
|
---|
2333 |
|
---|
2334 | battle actually took place at the town.&nbsp; In other words, there is
|
---|
2335 |
|
---|
2336 | some debate about where the battle took place - <i>though one can reasonably
|
---|
2337 |
|
---|
2338 | assert it occurred at Redmoor plain</i>.
|
---|
2339 |
|
---|
2340 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Sunday 22 August began inauspiciously for Richard
|
---|
2341 |
|
---|
2342 | III and one of his most powerful allies, the duke of Norfolk.&nbsp; Richard
|
---|
2343 |
|
---|
2344 | admitted he had slept little and suffered bad dreams; in the superstitious
|
---|
2345 |
|
---|
2346 | medieval world this did not bode well.&nbsp; Also, the duke of Norfolk
|
---|
2347 |
|
---|
2348 | found a sign outside his quarters which read, 'Jack of Norfolk be not so
|
---|
2349 |
|
---|
2350 | bold, For Dykon thy master is bought and sold.'&nbsp; After his sleepless
|
---|
2351 |
|
---|
2352 | night, Richard arose earlier than even his chaplain (so there was no morning
|
---|
2353 |
|
---|
2354 | mass) and had no breakfast.&nbsp; He insisted on wearing his crown throughout
|
---|
2355 |
|
---|
2356 | the day, as he had insisted upon marching to Redmoor clad in his ceremonial
|
---|
2357 |
|
---|
2358 | robes and crown.&nbsp; Henry Tudor had spent a sleepless night as well,
|
---|
2359 |
|
---|
2360 | and his morning began with disturbing news.&nbsp; His stepfather, Lord
|
---|
2361 |
|
---|
2362 | Stanley, was still officially part of Richard's force.&nbsp; In fact, Stanley's
|
---|
2363 |
|
---|
2364 | force waited between Henry and Richard's camps.&nbsp; But when Henry pushed
|
---|
2365 |
|
---|
2366 | his stepfather to join him, Stanley still demurred (this on the day of
|
---|
2367 |
|
---|
2368 | the battle!)&nbsp; One can imagine Henry's response.&nbsp; Stanley sent
|
---|
2369 |
|
---|
2370 | Henry a brief message; he should prepare his army for battle and wait for
|
---|
2371 |
|
---|
2372 | Stanley to join him at the appropriate moment.&nbsp; (Note: Richard's archers
|
---|
2373 |
|
---|
2374 | were under the command of the duke of Norfolk while Henry's archers were
|
---|
2375 |
|
---|
2376 | under the command of John de Vere, the earl of Oxford.&nbsp; The actual
|
---|
2377 |
|
---|
2378 | make-up of each army is a matter of debate as well, as is their size.&nbsp;
|
---|
2379 |
|
---|
2380 | They each had a number of infantry and cavalry, complemented with cannon
|
---|
2381 |
|
---|
2382 | and guns and - of course - the traditional bows and swords.&nbsp; One chronicler
|
---|
2383 |
|
---|
2384 | estimated Richard's cannon at 140; Henry had cannon brought from France.&nbsp;
|
---|
2385 |
|
---|
2386 | As to the actual numbers involved, chroniclers are always prone to exaggeration
|
---|
2387 |
|
---|
2388 | and this time was no exception.&nbsp; We know Henry landed in Wales with
|
---|
2389 |
|
---|
2390 | about 4000 and was joined by a large number of reinforcements; Richard's
|
---|
2391 |
|
---|
2392 | force must have been equal - at least.&nbsp; Sir William Stanley led about
|
---|
2393 |
|
---|
2394 | 3000 troops.)
|
---|
2395 |
|
---|
2396 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; One more mention of the Stanleys: Richard was less
|
---|
2397 |
|
---|
2398 | troubled by their waffling than Henry.&nbsp; After all, Richard would have
|
---|
2399 |
|
---|
2400 | been content if they simply stayed out of the battle whereas Henry was
|
---|
2401 |
|
---|
2402 | desperate for their support.&nbsp; Therefore, Richard's army had higher
|
---|
2403 |
|
---|
2404 | morale - and supposedly larger numbers.
|
---|
2405 |
|
---|
2406 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry marched northeast at a leisurely pace toward
|
---|
2407 |
|
---|
2408 | Richard's camp.&nbsp; Were his troops wary of attacking first?&nbsp; Undoubtedly;
|
---|
2409 |
|
---|
2410 | but, in the end, Richard decided to order his attack when Henry's force
|
---|
2411 |
|
---|
2412 | passed by a march.&nbsp; At this time, he also realized that Lord Stanley
|
---|
2413 |
|
---|
2414 | was not joining him.&nbsp; (He could see Stanley's army motionless on the
|
---|
2415 |
|
---|
2416 | field.)&nbsp; Richard ordered his hostage, Lord Strange, beheaded but in
|
---|
2417 |
|
---|
2418 | the heat and confusion of battle, the order was not carried out.&nbsp;
|
---|
2419 |
|
---|
2420 | The first moments of battle were an indication of the chaos to come.&nbsp;
|
---|
2421 |
|
---|
2422 | Immediately, arrows were exchanged and then hand-to-hand combat began.&nbsp;
|
---|
2423 |
|
---|
2424 | Swords, pikes, aces, spears....&nbsp; These were the weapons of choice.&nbsp;
|
---|
2425 |
|
---|
2426 | (Interesting note: Richard's ally, the duke of Northumberland, waited at
|
---|
2427 |
|
---|
2428 | the rear of the army with a well equipped force which never entered battle
|
---|
2429 |
|
---|
2430 | for one simple reason - the topography of the battlefield.)
|
---|
2431 |
|
---|
2432 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard's scouts told him that Henry, too, remained
|
---|
2433 |
|
---|
2434 | outside the fighting, observing the battle with a small group of supporters.&nbsp;
|
---|
2435 |
|
---|
2436 | By identifying Henry's standard, Richard determined his exact position.&nbsp;
|
---|
2437 |
|
---|
2438 | Then he undertook a most courageous and incredible feat - he spurred his
|
---|
2439 |
|
---|
2440 | horse to ride directly at Henry, the pretender to his throne.&nbsp; He
|
---|
2441 |
|
---|
2442 | knew that if Henry was slain - before Stanley intervention - the battle
|
---|
2443 |
|
---|
2444 | would end.&nbsp; On his horse, at full gallop, he slay a great number of
|
---|
2445 |
|
---|
2446 | those around Henry (notably his standard bearer, William Brandon, and that
|
---|
2447 |
|
---|
2448 | respected soldier, the 'giant' John Cheyne.)&nbsp; Henry, of course, was
|
---|
2449 |
|
---|
2450 | innocent of real experience in battle but he did not run - though he also
|
---|
2451 |
|
---|
2452 | kept a horse nearby in case the battle was lost.&nbsp; Still, the tide
|
---|
2453 |
|
---|
2454 | would have turned against Henry except....&nbsp; the Stanleys finally entered
|
---|
2455 |
|
---|
2456 | the battle, on the Tudor side!
|
---|
2457 |
|
---|
2458 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It cannot be emphasized enough that Richard III died
|
---|
2459 |
|
---|
2460 | valiantly in battle.&nbsp; Every later chronicler asserted his bravery
|
---|
2461 |
|
---|
2462 | and skill.&nbsp; One wrote that, after Stanley's men swarmed around him,
|
---|
2463 |
|
---|
2464 | Richard fought 'manfully in the thickest press of his enemies.'&nbsp; According
|
---|
2465 |
|
---|
2466 | to Polydore Vergil, 'that day he would make end either of war or life';
|
---|
2467 |
|
---|
2468 | he would 'die like a king or win victory in this field.'&nbsp; He was wounded
|
---|
2469 |
|
---|
2470 | several times but refused the advice of his few companions to flee.&nbsp;
|
---|
2471 |
|
---|
2472 | He also refused the offer of a horse.&nbsp; His heroism was evident to
|
---|
2473 |
|
---|
2474 | all.&nbsp; In the end, he could not prevail.&nbsp; His crown was knocked
|
---|
2475 |
|
---|
2476 | from his head; his head was struck so many times that the helmet was beaten
|
---|
2477 |
|
---|
2478 | into the skull; even after his death, his body continued to be beaten.&nbsp;
|
---|
2479 |
|
---|
2480 | Around him lay the bodies of his few companions - Conyers, Brackenbury,
|
---|
2481 |
|
---|
2482 | Ratcliffe....&nbsp; There is a legend that his crown landed in a hawthorne
|
---|
2483 |
|
---|
2484 | bush; true or not, it was soon enough in Henry Tudor's hands - and not
|
---|
2485 |
|
---|
2486 | because of any personal bravery on the part of the first Tudor king.
|
---|
2487 |
|
---|
2488 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The battle lasted about two hours.&nbsp; Its outcome
|
---|
2489 |
|
---|
2490 | - Henry's triumph - was only made possiblee by Stanley's disgraceful betrayal
|
---|
2491 |
|
---|
2492 | of his king.&nbsp; Had he waited a few moments longer, Henry may have been
|
---|
2493 |
|
---|
2494 | personally killed by Richard.&nbsp; That single action inaugurated the
|
---|
2495 |
|
---|
2496 | Tudor dynasty - and it was a shameful inauguration.&nbsp; Whatever his
|
---|
2497 |
|
---|
2498 | qualities before the battle, his actions immediately afterwards are not
|
---|
2499 |
|
---|
2500 | endearing.&nbsp; Richard III, who had fought so heroically and suffered
|
---|
2501 |
|
---|
2502 | an awful death, continued to be humiliated and abused.&nbsp; His body was
|
---|
2503 |
|
---|
2504 | slung naked over a horse, arms and legs hanging over the sides; a halter
|
---|
2505 |
|
---|
2506 | was tossed around his neck to symbolize his defeat.&nbsp; In this manner,
|
---|
2507 |
|
---|
2508 | he was taken to a friary in Leicester where his body lay on view for two
|
---|
2509 |
|
---|
2510 | days; it was naked from the waist down except for a scant and cheap black
|
---|
2511 |
|
---|
2512 | cloth.&nbsp; He was buried at the friary with no ceremony.&nbsp; The church
|
---|
2513 |
|
---|
2514 | no longer exists - Henry's son ordered the dissolution of the monasteries
|
---|
2515 |
|
---|
2516 | in the 1530s and Richard's grave was opened and the body thrown out.&nbsp;
|
---|
2517 |
|
---|
2518 | Later, the coffin was supposedly used as a horse trough and cellar steps
|
---|
2519 |
|
---|
2520 | in a nearby manor.&nbsp; Richard III remains the only English king since
|
---|
2521 |
|
---|
2522 | 1066 to have no burial place.&nbsp; He was also the last English king to
|
---|
2523 |
|
---|
2524 | die in battle.
|
---|
2525 |
|
---|
2526 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry Tudor had now declared himself Henry VII and
|
---|
2527 |
|
---|
2528 | Lord Stanley placed Richard's crown upon his stepson's head.&nbsp; His
|
---|
2529 |
|
---|
2530 | officers were busy settling old scores, executing old foes and rounding
|
---|
2531 |
|
---|
2532 | up the prisoners.&nbsp; In the end, we can reasonably estimate that about
|
---|
2533 |
|
---|
2534 | 400 men - in total - died that day.&nbsp; Of course, after the battle few
|
---|
2535 |
|
---|
2536 | wanted to talk about the actual fighting - those two hours which ended
|
---|
2537 |
|
---|
2538 | in betrayal and death for one king and the beginning of one of the most
|
---|
2539 |
|
---|
2540 | celebrated dynasties in English history.</blockquote>
|
---|
2541 |
|
---|
2542 |
|
---|
2543 |
|
---|
2544 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
2545 |
|
---|
2546 | <blockquote><font size=-1>On a personal note....</font>
|
---|
2547 |
|
---|
2548 | <br><font size=-1>I do want to stress that Henry Tudor did nto participate
|
---|
2549 |
|
---|
2550 | in the fighting - and, in fact, he kept a horse nearby so he could flee
|
---|
2551 |
|
---|
2552 | if the battle was lost.&nbsp; In other words, he planned to 'turn tail
|
---|
2553 |
|
---|
2554 | and run', as the cliché goes.</font>
|
---|
2555 |
|
---|
2556 | <br><font size=-1>It might seem odd that a king who supposedly won his crown in
|
---|
2557 | battle was actually quite cowardly on the battlefield, and didn't participate
|
---|
2558 | - but it's the truth.&nbsp; Richard III only lost because Lord Stanley
|
---|
2559 | disgracefully betrayed his king.&nbsp; And he did so after Richard had already
|
---|
2560 | forgiven him numerous offenses (many bordering on treason), and had treated
|
---|
2561 | him kindly.&nbsp; Henry may have claimed a crown that day, but he claimed no
|
---|
2562 | glory.</font><center>
|
---|
2563 | <p><font size=-1>You may visit the <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.r3.org">Richard
|
---|
2564 |
|
---|
2565 | III Society</a> site for the other side of the story.</font></p>
|
---|
2566 | </center>
|
---|
2567 |
|
---|
2568 | <font size=-1></font>
|
---|
2569 |
|
---|
2570 | <p>
|
---|
2571 |
|
---|
2572 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
2573 |
|
---|
2574 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
2575 |
|
---|
2576 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
2577 |
|
---|
2578 | <blockquote>Henry Tudor as King
|
---|
2579 |
|
---|
2580 | <p>'His [Henry VII] body was slender but well built and strong; his height
|
---|
2581 |
|
---|
2582 | above the average.&nbsp; His appearance was remarkably attractive and his
|
---|
2583 |
|
---|
2584 | face was cheerful especially when speaking; his eyes were small and blue;
|
---|
2585 |
|
---|
2586 | his teeth few, poor and blackish; his hair was thin and grey; his complexion
|
---|
2587 |
|
---|
2588 | pale'.
|
---|
2589 |
|
---|
2590 | <br><font size=-1>Polydore Vergil, from the <i>Anglica Historia</i></font></blockquote>
|
---|
2591 |
|
---|
2592 |
|
---|
2593 |
|
---|
2594 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
2595 |
|
---|
2596 | <blockquote>Many historians have long argued that Bosworth Field marked
|
---|
2597 |
|
---|
2598 | the end of medieval England, and the beginning of more modern government.&nbsp;
|
---|
2599 |
|
---|
2600 | This assumes at least some drastic changes occurred during the 24 years
|
---|
2601 |
|
---|
2602 | Henry ruled England.&nbsp; However, no such changes occurred.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
2603 |
|
---|
2604 | maintained the government of his predecessors; he simply had a more efficient
|
---|
2605 |
|
---|
2606 | administration.
|
---|
2607 |
|
---|
2608 | <p>This should detract from his formidable accomplishments.&nbsp; Despite
|
---|
2609 |
|
---|
2610 | his very questionable claim to the throne, Henry proved himself to be an
|
---|
2611 |
|
---|
2612 | able and enthusiastic king.&nbsp; He devoted himself to the minutiae of
|
---|
2613 |
|
---|
2614 | government, personally initialing household account books.&nbsp; He was
|
---|
2615 |
|
---|
2616 | quite miserly, which greatly benefited his spendthrift son Henry VIII,
|
---|
2617 |
|
---|
2618 | but this was understandable - the first Tudor king knew financial success
|
---|
2619 |
|
---|
2620 | would be the life or death of his new dynasty.&nbsp; Like all monarchs,
|
---|
2621 |
|
---|
2622 | he needed money - and often badly.&nbsp; But he needed parliament's permission
|
---|
2623 |
|
---|
2624 | to raise taxes or create new ones.&nbsp; Yet Henry knew that parliament
|
---|
2625 |
|
---|
2626 | would be opposed to giving a new - and unpopular king - more sources of
|
---|
2627 |
|
---|
2628 | revenue, particularly since England's economy was not prosperous.&nbsp;
|
---|
2629 |
|
---|
2630 | And so Henry only called parliament seven times during his reign.&nbsp;
|
---|
2631 |
|
---|
2632 | Instead of creating new methods to raise money, he cannily exploited the
|
---|
2633 |
|
---|
2634 | existing sources.&nbsp; Every loophole that existed was stretched wide
|
---|
2635 |
|
---|
2636 | - Henry sought every penny he could from eevery source of revenue.&nbsp;
|
---|
2637 |
|
---|
2638 | And he protected the money fanatically.&nbsp; Few monarchs lived so frugally,
|
---|
2639 |
|
---|
2640 | and as Francis Bacon noted, 'towards his queen [Elizabeth of York] he was
|
---|
2641 |
|
---|
2642 | nothing uxorious, nor scarce indulgent....'
|
---|
2643 |
|
---|
2644 | <br>For Henry VII, money equaled security.&nbsp; And so rights of Wardship,
|
---|
2645 |
|
---|
2646 | Marriage, Promotions, and Death, forced loans and benvolences, and trade
|
---|
2647 |
|
---|
2648 | dues were all tools to gain financial security.
|
---|
2649 |
|
---|
2650 | <p>Upon becoming king, Henry's immediate problem was the same as his Yorkist
|
---|
2651 |
|
---|
2652 | predecessors - the legitimacy of his claim to the throne.&nbsp; Bosworth
|
---|
2653 |
|
---|
2654 | Field had not ended the struggle for England's crown, and Henry faced considerable
|
---|
2655 |
|
---|
2656 | unrest throughout the early years of his reign.&nbsp; The Northerners (who
|
---|
2657 |
|
---|
2658 | never lost their distrust of the Tudors) had supported Richard III, and
|
---|
2659 |
|
---|
2660 | did not welcome a Welsh king.&nbsp; And Yorkist support continued in Ireland
|
---|
2661 |
|
---|
2662 | (where Lambert Simnel was crowned Edward VI 1487), and in Europe (where
|
---|
2663 |
|
---|
2664 | Edward IV and Richard III's sister Margaret lived on as the influential
|
---|
2665 |
|
---|
2666 | duchess of Burgundy.)&nbsp; Also, because Henry's claim to the throne was
|
---|
2667 |
|
---|
2668 | so weak, he inevitably had to work harder to create the impression of royal
|
---|
2669 |
|
---|
2670 | authority.&nbsp; By all accounts, he lacked the majesty, or charisma, of
|
---|
2671 |
|
---|
2672 | his son Henry VIII and granddaughter Elizabeth I.&nbsp; But charisma was
|
---|
2673 |
|
---|
2674 | perhaps a negligible quality during those early years; more important were
|
---|
2675 |
|
---|
2676 | hard work, dedication, and discipline.&nbsp; And Henry possessed those
|
---|
2677 |
|
---|
2678 | qualities in abundance.
|
---|
2679 |
|
---|
2680 | <p>First, Henry benefited directly from the Wars of the Roses - heirs to
|
---|
2681 |
|
---|
2682 | many of the old noble families were killed during the battles.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
2683 |
|
---|
2684 | simply appropriated their lands and revenue.&nbsp; Those that had supported
|
---|
2685 |
|
---|
2686 | Richard III (those that survived, that is) were attainted and their estates
|
---|
2687 |
|
---|
2688 | confiscated.&nbsp; He also created a council 'Learned in the Law' in 1495
|
---|
2689 |
|
---|
2690 | to deal with enforcement of already-existing taxes, particularly those
|
---|
2691 |
|
---|
2692 | owed by the nobility.&nbsp; Henry also forbid nobles to retain their own
|
---|
2693 |
|
---|
2694 | armies.&nbsp; A small number of attendants was acceptable, but Henry did
|
---|
2695 |
|
---|
2696 | not want any lord to have more power than the king.&nbsp; Edward IV had
|
---|
2697 |
|
---|
2698 | attempted the same maneuver, with less success.&nbsp; Henry was aided by
|
---|
2699 |
|
---|
2700 | a simple fact - as king, he owned most of the gunpowder in the country.&nbsp;
|
---|
2701 |
|
---|
2702 | Therefore, he simply blew up the castles and keeps of recalcitrant barons.&nbsp;
|
---|
2703 |
|
---|
2704 | It was quite an effective policy, though Henry did not curb the power and
|
---|
2705 |
|
---|
2706 | influence of all nobles.&nbsp; But it is worth noting that the English
|
---|
2707 |
|
---|
2708 | nobility, already in decline during the Wars of the Roses, fell from influence
|
---|
2709 |
|
---|
2710 | rapidly under the Tudors - under Elizabeth I, for instance, England had
|
---|
2711 |
|
---|
2712 | just one duke (and he was executed for treason.)
|
---|
2713 |
|
---|
2714 | <p>Henry did continue the Yorkist tradition of promoting government officers
|
---|
2715 |
|
---|
2716 | from the middle class (primarily clerics and lawyers.)&nbsp; But he did
|
---|
2717 |
|
---|
2718 | not create the middle class government that many historians propose; nobles
|
---|
2719 |
|
---|
2720 | still retained the most powerful positions.&nbsp; Henry kept many of Edward
|
---|
2721 |
|
---|
2722 | IV and Richard III's councilors, and these were either from the aristocracy,
|
---|
2723 |
|
---|
2724 | or related through marriage.&nbsp; But it should be noted that the middle
|
---|
2725 |
|
---|
2726 | class was growing in power and influence, and carefully making its way
|
---|
2727 |
|
---|
2728 | through the corridors of power.
|
---|
2729 |
|
---|
2730 | <p>Henry also revived the powers of the Justices of the Peace, first introduced
|
---|
2731 |
|
---|
2732 | by Henry II.&nbsp; They administered the king's justice throughout England,
|
---|
2733 |
|
---|
2734 | and were supposedly free of local prejudices.&nbsp; His Yorkist predecessors
|
---|
2735 |
|
---|
2736 | had appointed a Council of the North and thus allowed the great border
|
---|
2737 |
|
---|
2738 | families of Neville, Dacre, Scrope, and Percy to rule as virtually independent
|
---|
2739 |
|
---|
2740 | princes with their own armies.&nbsp; This was necessary because the Scottish
|
---|
2741 |
|
---|
2742 | border was notoriously difficult to maintain; raids from the north were
|
---|
2743 |
|
---|
2744 | all too common, and the Yorkists had needed the Northern lords to protect
|
---|
2745 |
|
---|
2746 | English interests.&nbsp; When Edward IV was king, Richard had been 'Lord
|
---|
2747 |
|
---|
2748 | of the North', having inherited the vast Neville estates through his wife.&nbsp;
|
---|
2749 |
|
---|
2750 | Henry was not so inclined - he did not want the Northern families to be
|
---|
2751 |
|
---|
2752 | too powerful; after all, they could turn that power against their king.&nbsp;
|
---|
2753 |
|
---|
2754 | But he also knew the North needed a strong leader, a servant of the crown.&nbsp;
|
---|
2755 |
|
---|
2756 | And so he released the last Percy heir, the earl of Northumberland, from
|
---|
2757 |
|
---|
2758 | the Tower of London and appointed him Lord Warden of the East and Middle
|
---|
2759 |
|
---|
2760 | Marches.&nbsp; But Henry carefully trimmed Percy's powers, and only allowed
|
---|
2761 |
|
---|
2762 | the council to meet sporadically.&nbsp; He successfully subdued it into
|
---|
2763 |
|
---|
2764 | becoming a mere extension of his own London-based authority.
|
---|
2765 |
|
---|
2766 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
2767 |
|
---|
2768 | <p>Henry also attempted to quell the Scottish problem, and undercut the
|
---|
2769 |
|
---|
2770 | Auld Alliance (the alliance between France and Scotland), by marrying his
|
---|
2771 |
|
---|
2772 | eldest daughter Margaret to the king of Scots in 1503.&nbsp; He planned
|
---|
2773 |
|
---|
2774 | to marry his youngest daughter, Mary, to Charles, the prince of Castile.&nbsp;
|
---|
2775 |
|
---|
2776 | His eldest son and heir apparent, Prince Arthur, was wed to the youngest
|
---|
2777 |
|
---|
2778 | daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, the powerful 'Catholic Kings' of Spain.&nbsp;
|
---|
2779 |
|
---|
2780 | With these marriage alliances, Henry hoped to protect his domestic interests;
|
---|
2781 |
|
---|
2782 | he did not want to engage in costly foreign wars since the establishment
|
---|
2783 |
|
---|
2784 | of his own dynasty was more important, but he needed foreign allies.&nbsp;
|
---|
2785 |
|
---|
2786 | Marriage was less costly than war, and - Henry hoped - more effective.&nbsp;
|
---|
2787 |
|
---|
2788 | The matches were impressive, particularly the match with Spain since it
|
---|
2789 |
|
---|
2790 | meant that the most powerful European monarchs recognized his shaky claim
|
---|
2791 |
|
---|
2792 | to the throne.</blockquote>
|
---|
2793 |
|
---|
2794 | </blockquote>
|
---|
2795 |
|
---|
2796 |
|
---|
2797 |
|
---|
2798 | <center><font size=-1></font>&nbsp;<font size=-1></font>
|
---|
2799 |
|
---|
2800 | <p><font size=-1><a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs.html">to
|
---|
2801 |
|
---|
2802 | Tudor Monarchs</a></font></center>
|
---|
2803 |
|
---|
2804 |
|
---|
2805 |
|
---|
2806 |
|
---|
2807 |
|
---|
2808 | <!-- text below generated by server. PLEASE REMOVE --><!-- Counter/Statistics data collection code --><script language="JavaScript" src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fhostingprod.com%2fjs%5fsource%2fgeov2.js"></script><script language="javascript">geovisit();</script><noscript><img src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;el=direct&amp;href=http://visit.webhosting.yahoo.com/visit.gif?us1108082556" alt="setstats" border="0" width="1" height="1"></noscript>
|
---|
2809 | <IMG SRC="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;el=direct&amp;href=http://geo.yahoo.com/serv?s=76001524&t=1108082556" ALT=1 WIDTH=1 HEIGHT=1>
|
---|
2810 | </Content>
|
---|
2811 | </Section>
|
---|
2812 | </Archive>
|
---|