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    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Title">Tudor Monarchs - Henry VII, one</Metadata>
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&lt;center&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;blink&gt;&lt;font size=5&gt;NOTE&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/blink&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;5&quot;&gt; &lt;/font&gt;
&lt;p&gt;I am redesigning the Henry VII pages as of &lt;b&gt;March 2004&lt;/b&gt;.

&lt;br&gt;Until the new design is posted, you can read the old (and lengthy) biography here.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;You can also view portraits of Henry VII at the
&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2fimages.html&quot;&gt;Tudor

England: Images&lt;/a&gt; site.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Sorry for any inconvenience. &lt;i&gt;-Marilee&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/center&gt;

&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;6&quot;&gt;King Henry VII &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;

&lt;br&gt;

&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;If Henry VII's reign was to usher in '&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;smooth-faced

peace,&lt;/font&gt; w&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;ith smiling plenty, and fair prosperous

days', few could have predicted it in 1485.&amp;nbsp; &lt;/font&gt;The Battle of

Bosworth Field on 22 August 1485 was the last armed confrontation between

Lancastrians and Yorkists, those two factions that had fought for decades

in The Wars of the Roses.&amp;nbsp; The Lancastrians triumphed under the leadership

of a 28-year-old exile named Henry Tudor.&amp;nbsp; After winning the throne

of England, he wed Elizabeth of York, the eldest daughter of the dead Yorkist

king Edward IV.&amp;nbsp; Thus, the two warring houses were joined in marriage.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The union was both symbolic and necessary.&amp;nbsp;

Despite his victory at Bosworth, the exiled nobleman who took the name

Henry VII needed the support of those sympathetic to the defeated Yorkist

cause.&amp;nbsp; He also needed the legitimacy of his wife's claim to the throne.&amp;nbsp;

He had spent years in exile and campaigned tirelessly to win support for

his claim to the English throne.&amp;nbsp; It had not been an easy task.&amp;nbsp;

In fact, it was only when Richard duke of York usurped the throne from

his young nephew Edward (son and heir of Edward IV) that Henry Tudor became

a viable candidate for king.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Henry Tudor's claim to the throne was never based

on ancestry alone.&amp;nbsp; He knew, none better, that such a claim would

be flimsy at best.&amp;nbsp; His royal blood came from women - his mother,

Margaret Beaufort, was the granddaughter of John Beaufort (died 1410),

the eldest of the bastard sons of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster.&amp;nbsp;

Gaunt's eldest legitimate son was the first Lancastrian king of England.&amp;nbsp;

The Beauforts were so named because Margaret's grandfather had been born

in Beaufort Castle in Champagne; his mother was Gaunt's mistress and later

became his third wife.&amp;nbsp; After the marriage, their children were declared

legitimate by an act of Parliament in 1397 (during Richard II's reign).&amp;nbsp;

When their fellow kinsman Henry IV Bolingbroke came to the throne, he confirmed

this act of legitimacy but added a stipulation that the Beauforts should

never succeed to the English throne (1407).&amp;nbsp; Certainly no act of government

could alter the fact that the Beauforts had been born illegitimate; and

Henry IV's declaration regarding the succession is equally ambivalent -

after all, what practical effect could it guarantee?&amp;nbsp; The end result

was that the Beauforts occupied an odd position in the English nobility

and, taken together as a group, posed a unique threat to the security of

the throne.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Margaret Beaufort's father John succeeded to the

earldom of Somerset in 1418 and, after a life of military embarrassment

(including seventeen years in a French prison), he married Margaret Beauchamp,

daughter of Sir John Beauchamp of Blestoe.&amp;nbsp; A year after their marriage,

John was created duke of Somerset.&amp;nbsp; Margaret, his only child, was

born on 31 May 1443; she never knew her father.&amp;nbsp; John had led yet

another disastrous military expedition to France and ended up dying in

Dorset a few days before her first birthday.&amp;nbsp; It was rumored that

he committed suicide.&amp;nbsp; Her mother, meanwhile, married again - this

time to Lionel, Lord Welles, and survived another four decades.&amp;nbsp; Margaret,

however, was the sole heir to the dukedom of Somerset and its vast holdings.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Since she was a great heiress, she was betrothed

while still a child to John de la Pole, the son and heir of Henry VI's

chief minister, the marquess of Suffolk.&amp;nbsp; A conspiracy followed which

alleged that Suffolk was planning to place Margaret and his son on the

throne if Henry VI died childless; there is no proof but it indicates how

important Margaret's royal blood was, even tainted with her grandfather's

illegitimacy.&amp;nbsp; Suffolk was murdered in May 1450 and in early 1453,

the marriage between Margaret and John de la Pole was annulled.&amp;nbsp; A

child of ten, she was a pawn once more.&amp;nbsp; Henry VI wanted to wed her

to his half-brother Edmund Tudor so, at the age of twelve, she was married

again.&amp;nbsp; Her new husband was the earl of Richmond.&amp;nbsp; His ancestry

was even more colorful than her own.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Edmund Tudor was the eldest son of a princess of

France and Queen of England and her Welsh attendant.&amp;nbsp; Catherine of

Valois was the youngest daughter of Charles VI of France and Queen Isabelle.&amp;nbsp;

At the age of eighteen, Catherine had wed that great warrior-king Henry

V.&amp;nbsp; He was fifteen years her senior and, even in life, recognized

as one of England's greatest kings.&amp;nbsp; His triumph at Agincourt in 1415

inspired one of Shakespeare's greatest plays, &lt;i&gt;Henry V&lt;/i&gt;, and led Charles

VI to sue for peace.&amp;nbsp; Charles promised that, upon his death, Henry

would inherit the French throne; to show his good faith and secure Henry's

claim, he was wed to Catherine.&amp;nbsp; She was, by all accounts, quite beautiful

and vivacious.&amp;nbsp; They were married in May 1420 and, in December, made

a triumphal entry into Paris.&amp;nbsp; From there, they sailed to Dover and

Catherine was crowned at Westminster Abbey in February 1421.&amp;nbsp; She

joined Henry on his public progress through England for a few months but,

in June 1421, a year after their marriage, Henry departed again for France.&amp;nbsp;

He left knowing his wife was pregnant and, on 6 December 1421, she gave

birth to their son, the future Henry VI, at Windsor.&amp;nbsp; Henry V would

never see his son.&amp;nbsp; Catherine traveled to France without the child

to visit Henry but he then left to besiege Meaux and Catherine went to

her parents north of Paris.&amp;nbsp; During the siege, Henry contracted dysentery

and died at the chateaux of Vincennes on 31 August 1422.&amp;nbsp; The glorious

king of England and heir to the French throne had fallen victim to the

scourge of armies everywhere.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; His great achievements were not forgotten but, immediately

after his death, confusion swept through England.&amp;nbsp; Henry V had died,

leaving behind a twenty-year-old widow and an infant son.&amp;nbsp; On 21 October

1422, her father suddenly died, after suffering years of intermittent insanity.&amp;nbsp;

The infant Henry VI was now king of both England and France.&amp;nbsp; Catherine,

quite naturally, remained at her son's side, accompanying him to the various

public and ceremonial appearances he made as a child.&amp;nbsp; However, her

presence was a novel problem in 15th century England - a Dowager Queen

who was remaining in England until her son's majority and would, in all

likelihood, wish to marry again.&amp;nbsp; She was, after all, still young

and beautiful and contemporaries noted her energy and flirtatiousness.&amp;nbsp;

For the protector of the realm (Humphrey, duke of Gloucester) and the royal

council, Catherine's remarriage was a very real concern.&amp;nbsp; Whomever

she wed would become step-father to the king; understandably, they viewed

such a man as a threat to their own positions of authority.&amp;nbsp; Since

they were unable to agree on whom would be allowed to court the queen,

they passed a law in 1427 stating that no dowager queen could marry without

the king's permission; furthermore, permission could only be granted once

the king reached the age of discretion.&amp;nbsp; Since Henry VI was only six

years old in 1427, the council felt that they had effectively delayed any

remarriage for some years - at least until the king could no longer be

influenced by a step-father.&amp;nbsp; (In fairness to the council, there was

no precedent for the problem Catherine of Valois presented; neither of

the two queens of England who had outlived their spouses and married a

second time - King John and Richard II's wives - had remained in England.&amp;nbsp;

Also, no dowager queen since the twelfth century had married one of her

husband's subjects.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The council was also careful to keep Catherine under

watch.&amp;nbsp; From 1427 until about 1430 she and her entourage lived in

Henry VI's household.&amp;nbsp; In April 1430 she traveled with her son to

Paris for his coronation as king of France.&amp;nbsp; Her activities were thus

restricted and watched.&amp;nbsp; However, the council was not completely successful

at isolating the eligible dowager queen and, around 1431, Catherine met

a Welshman named Owen ap Maredudd ap Tudur.&amp;nbsp; Their love affair and

marriage resulted in four children, the eldest of whom was Henry VII's

father.&amp;nbsp; So, once again, Henry Tudor inherited royal blood from a

female.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The origin of Catherine and Owen's romance is obscure.&amp;nbsp;

Later chroniclers attributed it to drunkenness (at a ball, Owen was so

drunk that he stumbled and fell into the queen's lap) or voyeurism (the

queen saw Owen bathing in a stream and was attracted to him; she secretly

traded places with her maid and arranged to meet him in disguise; Owen

was too passionate and attempted to kiss her; she pulled away and received

a scratch on her cheek; the next evening, as he was serving her dinner,

he saw the wound and was ashamed of his behavior; she forgave him, they

fell in love and married.)&amp;nbsp; Whatever the case, they were attracted

to one another, fell in love, and married.&amp;nbsp; The legitimacy of the

union was never questioned (not even by Richard III when Henry Tudor positioned

himself as claimant).&amp;nbsp; Certainly the council was unhappy with her

choice for the Welsh were regarded by many as barbarians but, in her choice,

she showed good sense.&amp;nbsp; The 1427 statute had stipulated that any man

who married the queen without the king's permission would be subject to

fines, imprisonment, and forfeiture of lands.&amp;nbsp; By marrying a man who

was simply a member of her household (perhaps the manager of some lands),

Catherine effectively protected Owen from retribution.&amp;nbsp; (No one knows

the true nature of Owen's work in the queen's household but he probably

functioned as a steward.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; In 1432 Owen was made an English citizen and in March

1434 Catherine gifted him with some lands of his own in Flintshire.&amp;nbsp;

They lived together in the countryside, away from court intrigues, for

some years.&amp;nbsp; During this time, he began to follow the English use

of surnames and became known, however inaccurately, as Owen Tudor.&amp;nbsp;

The couple had four children - three sons and a daughter, though the daughter

died young.&amp;nbsp; Their sons were named Edmund, Jasper, and Owen.&amp;nbsp;

The latter became a Benedictine monk while his two older brothers struggled

to survive in an increasingly hostile England.&amp;nbsp; On 3 January 1437

Catherine had died of an unspecified illness which had plagued her for

some time.&amp;nbsp; With her death, Owen lacked protection from the king's

council.&amp;nbsp; They were now determined to finally prosecute him for breaking

the 1427 law.&amp;nbsp; Owen appeared before the council and acquitted himself

of all charges but, after his release, was arrested.&amp;nbsp; He managed to

escape Newgate Prison but was recaptured and sent to Windsor Castle in

July 1438.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Eventually Owen would be released and pardoned (1440)

and taken into his step-son Henry VI's household.&amp;nbsp; In the years following

Catherine's death and Owen's imprisonment, Edmund and Jasper Tudor were

cared for by the abbess Katherine de la Pole, the earl of Suffolk's sister.&amp;nbsp;

Around 1442, their half-brother Henry VI began to take an interest in their

upbringing and they were brought to London.&amp;nbsp; In 1452, it was decided

that the two brothers, now teenagers, should be ennobled.&amp;nbsp; Henry VI

decided this out of both affection and politics.&amp;nbsp; He knew he had to

recognize his half-brothers in some public manner, making them an official

part of the royal family; he also cared for them deeply.&amp;nbsp; So on 23

November 1452, Edmund was created earl of Richmond and Jasper was created

earl of Pembroke.&amp;nbsp; They were now the premier earls of England and

had precedence over all other laymen except dukes.&amp;nbsp; They were also

gifted with estates and rich gifts.&amp;nbsp; On their behalf, the Commons

petitioned Henry VI to recognize them as his 'uterine' brothers (born of

the same mother); this he did, and more.&amp;nbsp; Since no earl, especially

the brother of the king, could be penniless, Henry continued to grant his

brothers numerous lands and annuities.&amp;nbsp; And, as mentioned before,

he also arranged a rich marriage for Edmund to Margaret Beaufort.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The importance of their Welsh blood should not be

underestimated.&amp;nbsp; Both Edmund and Jasper strove to maintain the king's

authority in both south and west Wales and their Welsh ancestry (discussed

in the Welsh Connection section) made them popular in much of Wales.&amp;nbsp;

Welsh support would later prove critical to Henry VII during the battle

at Bosworth.&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;Henry's youth was spent in the shadow of Henry VI's disgrace.&amp;nbsp;

When Edward IV came to the throne, he was determined to avenge his late

father, the duke of York.&amp;nbsp; Henry VI was increasingly deranged, perhaps

having inherited his French grandfather's mental illness.&amp;nbsp; As a result

of his dementia, his queen Margaret of Anjou, increasingly dominated the

Lancastrian party.&amp;nbsp; She was determined to protect her son's inheritance

and, to that end, dedicated her life to a dangerous and complex problem.&amp;nbsp;

The Lancastrian and Yorkist forces met definitively at the Battle of Tewkesbury

in summer 1471.&amp;nbsp; Edward, Margaret and Henry's son, was killed in battle

and Henry VI was captured and taken to the Tower of London where he was

killed.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The Lancastrian cause seemed dead.&amp;nbsp; Edward IV

was, unlike Henry, a capable and strong king.&amp;nbsp; Soon after becoming

king he married an unknown widow named Elizabeth Woodville.&amp;nbsp; Understandably,

she was anxious to promote the interests of her own family which created

conflict with the old nobility.&amp;nbsp; Edward and Elizabeth had many children,

including two sons.&amp;nbsp; (Their eldest daughter, also named Elizabeth,

would become Henry Tudor's wife.&amp;nbsp; She was known as Elizabeth of York.)&amp;nbsp;

By all accounts, the marriage was happy despite the conflict between the

Woodvilles and Edward's noble Yorkist supporters.&amp;nbsp; The succession

was secure and with support from his brother, Richard duke of Gloucester,

Edward's rule was successful.&amp;nbsp; However, Edward died in 1483 and Richard

usurped the throne from his two young nephews.&amp;nbsp; This changed the course

of English history.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Had Richard not betrayed his nephews, there is every

possibility the Yorkist dynasty would have survived.&amp;nbsp; But Richard's

own future would have been quite difficult; he was despised by Elizabeth

Woodville, and - as Edward IV's only brother - he would become the focus

of Woodville discontent.&amp;nbsp; That would not have lasted for long and

Edward V would have followed his mother's wishes.&amp;nbsp; The boy had, after

all, been raised and tutored by his Woodville relations and hardly knew

Richard.

&lt;p&gt;(NOTE: &lt;b&gt;The story of Richard III's claiming of the throne is told

in great detail &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2fplant%2fkings%2frichard3.html&quot;&gt;at

his site&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/b&gt;&amp;nbsp; Please read those pages to gain a better understanding

of the events of 1483-1485.&amp;nbsp; I have not included the information here

since this page is about Henry VII.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Ricahrd was an able administrator but faced quite

a few obstacles during his brief reign.&amp;nbsp; If Edward IV had died with

no rightful heir, Richard's ascension would have been viewed much differently.&amp;nbsp;

Then, he would have been the rightful king.&amp;nbsp; And since he wed Anne

Neville of Warwick, daughter of the 'Kingmaker', he would have had crucial

support.&amp;nbsp; But Richard's only son and wife died with months of one

another in 1484.&amp;nbsp; He was grief-stricken and also struggling with the

nobility, particularly the ambitious duke of Buckingham (a brash and arrogant

man with his own share of Plantagenet blood.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Meanwhile, over in France, Henry Tudor was positioning

himself as heir to his murdered uncle Henry VI.&amp;nbsp; With the support

of exiled Lancastrians and the French monarchy, Henry planned to mount

an invasion of England.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; What had prepared Henry for this moment?&amp;nbsp; At

twenty-eight he was hardly an experienced soldier but he was used to a

life of sudden change.&amp;nbsp; In the 1450s his father Edmund and uncle Jasper

were Henry VI's closest relatives, part of a small group of influential

advisors to the king.&amp;nbsp; Other than these half-brothers, Henry VI was

bereft of close blood relatives; his uncles, the dukes of Bedford, Clarence

and Gloucester, had all died without legitimate heirs and this left both

an emotional and dynastic void at the court.&amp;nbsp; Also, Henry's government

was reviled as inefficient and corrupt.&amp;nbsp; His two most prominent ministers

were the dukes of Suffolk and Somerset and the English people reviled them.&amp;nbsp;

Henry had also raised taxes and spent heavily to assert his right to the

French throne.&amp;nbsp; Perhaps if he had been successful at it, the English

people would not have grumbled about the taxes.&amp;nbsp; But he wasn't successful

and, as the defeats multiplied, the people grew naturally resentful of

the taxation and Henry's attempts to enforce it.&amp;nbsp; Also, many Englishmen

(commoner and noble alike) were uncertain about the very survival of Henry's

dynasty.&amp;nbsp; After eight years of marriage, he and Margaret of Anjou

had no children.&amp;nbsp; Increasingly, eyes turned to Henry's cousin Richard,

duke of York, for stability and reform.&amp;nbsp; Henry, perhaps feeling as

if Richard were being positioned to either dominate his government or usurp

the throne, turned to his small group of advisors for guidance.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Since Edmund and Jasper were young, their role at

court was peripheral.&amp;nbsp; Their upbringing had also been quite different

from most young noblemen.&amp;nbsp; However, they were not fools and were careful

to never alienate the powerful duke of York during Henry's reign.&amp;nbsp;

In the summer of 1453, Henry VI suffered an intermittent bout of madness

so severe that he recognized no one, never spoke and had to carried from

place to place.&amp;nbsp; Immediate steps had to be taken to ensure the survival

of the royal government.&amp;nbsp; The winter of 1453 and 1454 was occupied

with the struggle between Queen Margaret and Richard to be declared regent.&amp;nbsp;

For whatever reason, the Tudor brothers sided with the duke of York.&amp;nbsp;

Finally, on 3 April 1454, Parliament decided to appoint Richard regent

during the king's illness.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; There are records showing the brothers attended council

meetings and parliamentary sessions; they were also involved in the extensive

reform of the king's household, of which they were members.&amp;nbsp; At that

time, their relationship with the duke of York was not regarded as incompatible

with their attachment to Henry VI and his Lancastrian dynasty.&amp;nbsp; At

any rate, around Christmas 1454, Henry VI suddenly recovered and the duke

of York was no longer in power.&amp;nbsp; Instead, Henry VI restored his old

favorites to their former positions, notably the hated Somerset (who was

the uncle of Edmund Tudor's wife.)&amp;nbsp; The duke of York and his allies

left London in apparent disgust.&amp;nbsp; The Tudor brothers, and most of

the court, realized that a breach had been opened in the nobility.&amp;nbsp;

Most were happy to see the king recover but they were not happy to see

the capable York depart; further, the duke was hated by the queen after

their struggle for the regency.&amp;nbsp; If the two groups clashed, which

side would the Tudors choose?

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The 'Battle' of St Albans on 1 May 1455 revealed

the extent of the problem.&amp;nbsp; The king had left London to visit Leicester,

accompanied by his half-brother Jasper and the duke of Somerset.&amp;nbsp;

They spent the evening at Watford and the next day rode on to St Albans;

the duke of York and the earls of Warwick and Salisbury were waiting for

them.&amp;nbsp; There was a skirmish, several of the king's servants (including

Somerset) were killed, and the king himself suffered a wound on the neck.&amp;nbsp;

There was also violent fighting in the streets of the town.&amp;nbsp; The Yorkist

forces were successful in capturing the king and escorted him back to London.&amp;nbsp;

On 26 May, Parliament was summoned to meet at Westminster in six weeks.&amp;nbsp;

As peers of the realm, the Tudor brothers were required to attend.&amp;nbsp;

All the lords gathered there swore allegiance to Henry VI but measures

were undertaken to fix the kingdom's disastrous finances.&amp;nbsp; To that

end, every grant Henry had made during his reign was revoked - with the

notable exceptions of Edmund and Jasper's lands.&amp;nbsp; This exemption shows

that York and his allies wanted Tudor support.&amp;nbsp; They were, after all,

members of the royal family.

&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The second session of Parliament was in November

1455 and the brothers did not attend.&amp;nbsp; They were in Wales, ostensibly

to keep the king's peace there.&amp;nbsp; They had been sent on such a mission

before (their only real task given by the king), perhaps because their

father had been a Welshman.&amp;nbsp; Eventually, the respect many Welsh felt

for the Tudor brothers, particularly Jasper, would aid his nephew Henry

Tudor; after all, Henry landed in Pembrokeshire in 1485.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Wales was always a problem for Henry VI for a major

rebellion had ended just 40 years before and occasional fighting was not

uncommon.&amp;nbsp; Edmund Tudor, as the eldest brother, went there as a representative

of the English king.&amp;nbsp; While the duke of York was regent, Edmund led

a raid to reassert the duke's authority on his lands, centered on the castle

Carmarthen.&amp;nbsp; He fought - and won - the castle back from a Welsh rebel

who had seized it.&amp;nbsp; While the duke was regent, this success was acceptable;

Edmund held the castle for Richard and his authority as regent.&amp;nbsp; But

after Richard left London in some disgrace, his English supporters in and

near Wales were worried.&amp;nbsp; What if Edmund Tudor attempted to return

Carmarthen and its lands to Henry VI rather than the duke?&amp;nbsp; Edmund

was no longer a representative of the duke as regent; he was now a representative

of the king.&amp;nbsp; Determined&amp;nbsp; to reassert Richard's authority in

West Wales, they led a raid on Carmarthen and imprisoned Edmund sometime

in September 1456.&amp;nbsp; Edmund was released soon after but had already

developed a fatal illness.&amp;nbsp; He died on 1 November 1456 at Carmarthen

and was given a fine burial at the nearby Greyfriars Church.&amp;nbsp; No one

was ever accused of directly causing his death and it is possible that

he always suffered from ill health; government records show he was absent

from meetings far more than Jasper.&amp;nbsp; Then again, Edmund was also a

husband and on, 28 January 1457, a father; sadly, he died before his son

was born.&amp;nbsp; This son would be called Henry and would become the first

Tudor king of England.&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;

&lt;ul&gt;

&lt;ul&gt;

&lt;ul&gt;

&lt;ul&gt;Kingdoms are but cares,

&lt;br&gt;State is devoid of stay,

&lt;br&gt;Riches are ready snares,

&lt;br&gt;And hasten to decay.

&lt;br&gt;Pleasure is a privy prick

&lt;br&gt;Which vice doth still provoke;

&lt;br&gt;Pomp, imprompt; and fame, a flame;

&lt;br&gt;Power, a smoldering smoke,

&lt;br&gt;Who meaneth to remove the rock

&lt;br&gt;Out of the slimy mud,

&lt;br&gt;Shall mire himself, and hardly 'scape

&lt;br&gt;The swelling of the flood.

&lt;br&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;- Henry VI, written while he was&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;

&lt;br&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;a prisoner in the Tower of London&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/ul&gt;

&lt;/ul&gt;

&lt;/ul&gt;

&lt;/ul&gt;

&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;p&gt;&lt;br&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;NOTE: This is a terribly convoluted tale.&amp;nbsp; I

have tried to whittle it down to the bare essentials while still conveying

the most important information.&amp;nbsp; For a more detailed description of

all the battles and plots, find a good book - like 'The Making of the Tudor

Dynasty' - and devote your weekend to reading it.&amp;nbsp; If you're wondering

why all this stuff about Jasper Tudor is important...&amp;nbsp; well, it consumed

the early years of Henry Tudor's life.&amp;nbsp; Even if he wasn't directly

involved, they were his relatives and their success - or failure - had

a direct impact on his life.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;br&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;&lt;b&gt;Also, the state of the monarchy pre-Henry VII:&amp;nbsp;&lt;/b&gt;

Edward IV, the first Yorkist king, was the only English king since Henry

II to die solvent.&amp;nbsp; Having repossessed the lands of the exiled Lancastrian

nobility and seeking support from the middle-class, he was able to run

England effectively and efficiently.&amp;nbsp; Whatever his faults as a man

(unfaithful and increasingly debauched), he was a good king.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;br&gt;&lt;font size=+1&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/font&gt; Since Henry VII spent most

of his formative years away from this court, he could claim no special

understanding of English politics; indeed, if his early life taught him

anything it was the tenuousness of a title.&amp;nbsp; His uncle Jasper's life

was the ultimate lesson.&amp;nbsp; On 3 February 1461 Edward, earl of March

and son of the duke of York, triumphed over the Lancastrian forces at Mortimer's

Cross in Herefordshire.&amp;nbsp; It was a terrible blow for Henry VI and Jasper,

particularly since Jasper and the earl of Wiltshire had shared command

over the defeated army.&amp;nbsp; His father, Owen Tudor, was executed after

the battle.&amp;nbsp; Jasper had choice but to flee in disguise, seeking refuge

at his lordship of Pembroke.&amp;nbsp; While he tried to solicit Welsh allies,

Margaret of Anjou and her son Prince Edward had gathered a large army of

northerners.&amp;nbsp; They reached St Albans in Hertfordshire on 17 February

and soundly defeated the Yorkist forces led by the ill-prepared earl of

Warwick.&amp;nbsp; This victory enabled Margaret to free her husband, prisoner

of the Yorkists since the previous summer (the skirmish at St Albans).&amp;nbsp;

Her plan was to march straight to London while Jasper Tudor led forces

from South Wales.&amp;nbsp; But Jasper was unable to raise enough troops in

time and Margaret's northern soldiers made the fatal mistake of pillaging

the English countryside.&amp;nbsp; The Londoners were understandably terrified

of the advancing northerners and refused to allow Margaret's men into London.&amp;nbsp;

They did, however, open their gates to the future Edward IV and the earl

of Warwick.&amp;nbsp; Henry VI and his family fled to Scotland and Jasper Tudor

was left in Wales.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Jasper's lands were seized and he was hunted mercilessly

by Edward IV's ally William Herbert.&amp;nbsp; There is no record of his whereabouts

but he did successfully elude capture, eventually escaping to Scotland.&amp;nbsp;

His nephew, four-year-old Henry, was left behind at Pembroke Castle, seat

of Jasper's power in Pembrokeshire.&amp;nbsp; Since William Herbert was awarded

Jasper's lands by Edward IV, Henry was in his custody.&amp;nbsp; Because the

young earl of Richmond was a member of the Lancastrian royal family, Herbert

paid 1000 pds for his wardship; furthermore, he was given control over

the boy's future marriage.&amp;nbsp; Herbert was never cruel to the boy; in

fact, he and his wife, Anne Devereux, had a large family of their own and

Henry was part of it.&amp;nbsp; Anne was particularly kind to the boy and,

when he triumphed in 1485, Henry Tudor sent for her to come to London.&amp;nbsp;

At their home, he was known as the earl of Richmond though his inheritance

had been given to Edward IV's brother George, duke of Clarence.&amp;nbsp; His

education was good - two Oxford scholars named Scot and Haseley who were

also remembered when he became king.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; But Henry rarely saw his mother.&amp;nbsp; A few months

after his birth in 1457, she married a man named Henry Stafford.&amp;nbsp;

They lived in Lincolnshire and, later, Surrey, long distances from Pembrokeshire.&amp;nbsp;

Also, the fall of Pembroke Castle and Herbert's purchase of her son's wardship

were obstacles.&amp;nbsp; But Margaret's husband made peace with the new king

around 1461 and, while her son was not allowed to return to her guardianship,

she was allowed to visit and write to him.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Of course, the exiled Lancastrian nobility (Henry's

family) were involved in countless plots to return to power.&amp;nbsp; Captured

spies exaggerated reports of their strength; one told Edward IV that the

kings of France, Denmark, Portugal, and Aragon were planning a Lancastrian-led

invasion.&amp;nbsp; Certainly any monarch would be uneasy after such reports.&amp;nbsp;

Edward IV captured the earl of Oxford and his son, believed to be Lancastrian

sympathizers, and executed them for treason.&amp;nbsp; Though the plot was

not as grand as the spy alleged, it had involved French support and Jasper

Tudor made his way to the continent.&amp;nbsp; Eventually, a convoluted agreement

was made with Louis XI the French king.&amp;nbsp; This second plan failed around

Christmas 1462.&amp;nbsp; In 1464, Louis XI decided to switch loyalties to

Edward IV and urged the other Lancastrian ally, Francis II duke of Brittany,

to do the same.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; It is difficult not to admire the tenacity the Lancastrian

exiles maintained during these years of planning and defeat.&amp;nbsp; Jasper

increasingly began to see Wales as the perfect place for invasion since

it was always hostile to the English monarchy.&amp;nbsp; The Welsh were understandably

sympathetic to any cause which involved this high-ranking Welshman.&amp;nbsp;

To many, Jasper was a national hero - a Welshman who had succeeded at the

English court and could be counted upon to support their rights.&amp;nbsp;

In the spring of 1468, they had cause to rejoice because Jasper was coming

to Wales.&amp;nbsp; Edward IV had just made a treaty with independent French

nobles which angered Louis XI of France.&amp;nbsp; Accordingly, he decided

to once again lend his support to the Lancastrian struggle.&amp;nbsp; But,

once again, the support was not as much as necessary.&amp;nbsp; Jasper arrived

in Wales and, though he gathered 2000 men, he was eventually routed at

Harlech Castle.&amp;nbsp; Jasper once again escaped, some say by impersonating

a peasant.&amp;nbsp; Once again, he was in France, still exiled and still defeated.&amp;nbsp;

One can only imagine his frustration.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; But Jasper's invasion, however slight, did create

a breach in the Yorkist party.&amp;nbsp; Edward IV's supporter, the earl of

Warwick who had marched with him to London in 1461, was becoming dissatisfied

with the king.&amp;nbsp; Called the 'kingmaker' because of his ability, Warwick

wanted more power than Edward was willing to give.&amp;nbsp; In early 1469,

the two former allies were not speaking and Warwick raised an army.&amp;nbsp;

He was victorious over William Herbert's army at Edgecote.&amp;nbsp; (Herbert

was Henry VII's guardian and Edward IV's ally.)&amp;nbsp; Warwick realized

he could not claim the throne for himself; instead, he had to switch sides

and support Henry VI.&amp;nbsp; So, with Edward IV's brother George duke of

Clarence, unhappy with his brother as well, Warwick went to France.&amp;nbsp;

There, Louis XI attempted to reconcile Warwick with his former enemies.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Margaret of Anjou didn't want Warwick for an ally.&amp;nbsp;

She didn't trust him; he had, after all, had a major role in arresting

and deposing her husband in 1461.&amp;nbsp; But Margaret's desire to reassert

Lancastrian authority was great and she reluctantly agreed to his help.&amp;nbsp;

Another invasion was planned.&amp;nbsp; Warwick and Jasper would go through

Wales and Margaret and Prince Edward follow when it was safe.&amp;nbsp; Henry

Tudor was now thirteen years old, certainly old enough to understand the

danger he was in after the Battle at Edgecote.&amp;nbsp; Since his guardian

had been killed by Warwick, he was under the sole protection of Anne Devereux.&amp;nbsp;

She took him and her Herbert children to her family's home in Herefordshire.&amp;nbsp;

Henry's mother tried to regain custody of her son after Herbert's death;

however, her attempts soon didn't matter.&amp;nbsp; For when Jasper and Warwick's

army arrived in England, Edward IV was not in London and was unable to

reach London before the Lancastrian forces.&amp;nbsp; Therefore, Edward fled

to Holland on 2 October 1470.&amp;nbsp; Meanwhile, a relative of Anne Devereux's

had taken Henry Tudor to Hereford and given him to Jasper when he arrived

at the city.&amp;nbsp; The reunion of uncle and nephew was undoubtedly emotional

for Jasper, an exile from his country for years.&amp;nbsp; Meanwhile, Warwick

entered London and freed Henry VI from the Tower.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; It was also a reunion for Henry and his mother.&amp;nbsp;

Within a few days, he and Jasper had joined Margaret and her husband.&amp;nbsp;

They entered London together and spent about six weeks there.&amp;nbsp; On

12 November, Henry left his mother again to leave with Jasper.&amp;nbsp; Henry

VI's restoration immeasurably increased Jasper Tudor's wealth and prestige

(he was rewarded with lands, monies, grants); but Henry Tudor was not made

the earl of Richmond.&amp;nbsp; His father's title had been given to Edward

IV's brother George duke of Clarence and Clarence would not give it back.&amp;nbsp;

Since he was an ally of Warwick's, there was nothing Jasper or Margaret

could do for the boy.&amp;nbsp; Jasper, having spent ten years in exile and

with little money or prestige, kept his nephew with him and enjoyed his

success.&amp;nbsp; Alas, it did not last.&amp;nbsp; Once again, Edward IV and the

Lancastrians met on the battlefield - this time at a town called Tewkesbury.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; On 12 March 1471, Edward returned from Europe and

landed in Yorkshire.&amp;nbsp; He marched south to London, reaching there on

11 April; on 14 April, he fought Warwick at the Battle of Barnet.&amp;nbsp;

Edward won and promptly killed Warwick.&amp;nbsp; He also regained custody

of Henry VI.&amp;nbsp; The situation was once again dire; Jasper Tudor promptly

began to raise an army to fight Edward.&amp;nbsp; Meanwhile, Margaret of Anjou

and Prince Edward arrived in England as planned so many months ago.&amp;nbsp;

She knew nothing of Warwick's defeat and her husband's capture.&amp;nbsp; Upon

hearing the news, she was devastated but unbowed.&amp;nbsp; She gathered an

army in the West Country and marched north toward Wales; she was planning

to meet and join forces with Jasper.&amp;nbsp; Edward IV was no fool and realized

that he must make a quick, decisive strike.&amp;nbsp; He was determined to

meet Margaret's army before she met up with Jasper.&amp;nbsp; Edward and Margaret

met south of Tewkesbury on 4 May 1471.&amp;nbsp; Margaret was soundly defeated

and her son killed during or after the battle.&amp;nbsp; Captured like her

husband and with their only child killed, Margaret was taken to London.&amp;nbsp;

Jasper Tudor, unable to reach her in time, was an exile once again - and,

this time, so was his nephew.&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;br&gt;The defeat at Tewkesbury was devastating to the Lancastrian cause.&amp;nbsp;

Only hours after Edward IV returned in triumph to London, Henry VI was

dead in the Tower.&amp;nbsp; The circumstances of his death were mysterious

but the execution of his supporter the duke of Somerset was an open warning.&amp;nbsp;

Jasper Tudor had good reason to fear for both his and Henry's safety.&amp;nbsp;

Margaret Beaufort and her husband almost immediately declared allegiance

to Edward to protect themselves.&amp;nbsp; But her son, as one of the few surviving

males with Lancastrian blood, was destined for France.&amp;nbsp; Jasper hoped

that their old ally Louis XI would aid them once again.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Before he arrived in France, however, he fought a

battle in Wales at Chepstow.&amp;nbsp; Edward IV was still determined to capture

him and sent Sir Roger Vaughan to do so.&amp;nbsp; Jasper Tudor managed to

defeat Vaughan and executed him.&amp;nbsp; This ruthless act was uncharacteristic

for Jasper but can be easily explained - Vaughan had killed his father,

Owen Tudor, almost ten years before at the battle of Mortimer's Cross.&amp;nbsp;

The satisfaction of this execution was Jasper's only comfort as he fought

his way to the coast.&amp;nbsp; From there, he, his nephew, and a few servants

made their way to France.&amp;nbsp; They ended up landing in Brittany, where

the duke Francis II had long supported them.&amp;nbsp; Francis was desperate

to preserve his duchy's independence from the French state and recognized

Jasper and Henry as powerful diplomatic tools.&amp;nbsp; If Edward would aid

him, then perhaps he would return the Tudors - that was Francis's official

diplomatic message.&amp;nbsp; Edward made several attempts to gain custody

of the Tudors but was unsuccessful.&amp;nbsp; His concern, however, was intermittent

since they were not in England and he was more concerned with his own family

and rule.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; From 1471 to Edward's death twelve years later, Jasper

and Henry remained in Brittany, staying at the castle of Suscinio, traditionally

used as the duke's summer residence.&amp;nbsp; Louis XI of France, meanwhile,

was engaged in more diplomatic rivalry.&amp;nbsp; Resenting Edward's relations

with his enemies, he sought the release of Jasper and Henry into his custody.&amp;nbsp;

He told the duke of Brittany that the Tudors had, after all, intended to

go to France itself - their landing in Brittany had been a mistake of bad

weather.&amp;nbsp; Also, Jasper had been given a pension by Louis during their

earlier stay; consequently, he was a servant of the king and under his

protection.&amp;nbsp; Both men wanted to use the Tudors as diplomatic pawns

but Francis II was unwilling to give up his advantage.&amp;nbsp; The Tudors

stayed in Brittany, under increasingly strict control.&amp;nbsp; There were

reports that Edward IV wanted Henry killed and that Louis XI was going

to kidnap them.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Edward IV had to console himself with Francis II's promise

that the Tudors were under protective custody.&amp;nbsp; In the mid-1470s he

tried a new strategy, with the aid of Henry's mother.&amp;nbsp; She had extracted

a promise from the king that some of her lands would pass to her son on

her death.&amp;nbsp; Edward not only agreed but he also suggested an English

bride - perhaps one of his own daughters - for the exiled earl.&amp;nbsp; Margaret

Beaufort gave her full support to this plan.&amp;nbsp; She wanted her son in

England above all else.&amp;nbsp; Whether Edward intended to keep his promise

is unknown but it was certainly a good idea.&amp;nbsp; By marrying Henry into

his family, he would neutralize this last Lancastrian threat.&amp;nbsp; And,

for a while, it seemed he would be successful.&amp;nbsp; In late 1476, worn

down by ill health and the English ambassadors, Francis II consented to

send Henry to England.&amp;nbsp; Henry developed - or faked - an illness at

the port and was able to elude being sent home.&amp;nbsp; It may be that he

suspected duplicity on Edward's part or was counseled by his uncle.&amp;nbsp;

(It seems evident that Henry, the first Tudor king, shared many qualities

with his granddaughter, Elizabeth I, last of the Tudor monarchs - both

were shaped by perilous upbringings into cautious, careful rulers.&amp;nbsp;

In truth, they bore little resemblance to Henry VIII, Edward VI &amp;amp; Mary

I.&amp;nbsp; They were also far more concerned with domestic policy than foreign

entanglements.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Since Henry had, by now, grown into a handsome and

affable teenager, he was always welcome at the ducal court.&amp;nbsp; After

avoiding being sent to England, he simply returned to the duke's custody.&amp;nbsp;

There, he continued to be treated fairly - indeed, even generously.&amp;nbsp;

Every now and again, Edward IV and Margaret Beaufort tried to lure him

to England (for different reasons, of course.)&amp;nbsp; Margaret had asked

Edward to let Henry stand as heir to her estates and he agreed (in 1472)

but by 1482, Edward IV decided this - if Henry returned to England and

gained Edward's favor, he would receive Margaret's lands plus other estates.&amp;nbsp;

But if he stayed in France, he would get nothing.&amp;nbsp; Nothing had been

decided when Edward died unexpectedly on 9 April 1483.&amp;nbsp; By this time,

Duke Francis was facing instability in his own lands.&amp;nbsp; Naturally enough,

this made Henry and Jasper's position more tenuous.&amp;nbsp; Still, they received

as much support from the duke as he could provide, including generous gifts

of money.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; It may be that, upon Edward's death, Henry seriously thought

of returning home.&amp;nbsp; The events which followed the king's demise certainly

set him upon that course.&amp;nbsp; As recounted earlier, Richard duke of Gloucester,

seized the throne from his nephew, Edward V, his brother's 12-year-old

heir.&amp;nbsp; Richard officially seized the throne on 26 June.&amp;nbsp; There

was no immediate effect on Henry and Jasper Tudor.&amp;nbsp; But their protectors,

the French king Louis XI and Duke Francis II, immediately recognized the

possibilities - after all, Richard III's claim was tenuous and he would

need to work out some arrangement regarding other claimants.&amp;nbsp; Jasper

and Henry Tudor would bear even greater pressure on Richard than they had

on Edward.&amp;nbsp; At first, Richard simply tried to establish friendly relations

with the king and duke, without explicitly mentioning the Tudors.&amp;nbsp;

His more immediate concern was the closing of French ports to English exiles

(notably former Queen Elizabeth Woodville's brother and a large section

of the English fleet.)&amp;nbsp; In England, Margaret still wanted her son

to return - though to his rightful position as earl of Richmond, not as

king of England.&amp;nbsp; But events soon changed, with the same rapidity

of Richard's usurpation, and Henry Tudor dreamed of more than an earldom.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Richard III's usurpation was bad enough to most Englishmen,

and especially the nobility.&amp;nbsp; But in 1483, Edward IV's two sons -

held in the Tower - mysteriously died.&amp;nbsp; It was whispered that Richard

had them murdered and secretly buried.&amp;nbsp; Thus was born the legend of

the 'Princes of the Tower'.&amp;nbsp; (What happened remains a matter of conjecture;

mystery novelist and playwright, Josephine Tey, wrote&lt;i&gt; The Daughter of

Time&lt;/i&gt;, a book which convincingly argues for Richard's innocence.&amp;nbsp;

In that case, Henry VII executed the boys - who would be his brothers-in-law

- in order to secure his throne.&amp;nbsp; Morre recently, the lawyer Bertram

Fields examines the case in &lt;i&gt;Royal Blood&lt;/i&gt;.)&amp;nbsp; The deaths of Edward

V and his brother, Richard duke of York, angered the populace and encouraged

the image of Richard III as a deceitful murderer.&amp;nbsp; Since Richard never

officially responded to the rumors, they were believed to be true.&amp;nbsp;

Soon enough, the duke of Buckingham, Henry Stafford, created more chaos.&amp;nbsp;

He led a rebellion against Richard III in October and was captured and

executed in November.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; First of all, it is important to remember that Buckingham,

Richard III and Henry Tudor were the &lt;i&gt;only&lt;/i&gt; surviving male heirsto

the house of Plantagenet.&amp;nbsp; The reasons why Buckingham led a rebellion

against Richard are not clear but several possibilities can be considered

- first, he had as legitimate a claim to tthe throne as Richard and, gauging

popular dissatisfaction with the new king, Buckingham felt he should take

his chances and set himself up as the rival claimant (particularly since

Edward V and Richard of York were supposedly murdered); second, as a rival

claimant, Buckingham undoubtedly felt uneasy about his own safety (particularly

when it was rumored Richard had murdered his two nephews; if he had, it

was possible he would decide to murder Buckingham as well.)&amp;nbsp; These

two reasons alone are sufficient to explain Buckingham's motivations.&amp;nbsp;

Later historians, especially Polydore Vergil (Henry VII's official historian)

would later claim Buckingham really intended to defeat Richard and place

Henry Tudor on the throne.&amp;nbsp; But it hardly seems likely; indeed, Buckingham

could legitimately believe he had a more solid claim than Henry.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; There had been uprisings against Richard III just

days after his coronation which highlighted popular dissatisfaction.&amp;nbsp;

Meanwhile, Margaret Beaufort had become friends with Edward IV's widow,

Elizabeth Woodville (or Wydeville).&amp;nbsp; Elizabeth heard the rumors of

her sons' deaths in the Tower; she had no way of gauging their truth.&amp;nbsp;

But she was eager to reassert her family's claim to the throne.&amp;nbsp; With

her sons supposedly dead, that left her five daughters - in particular,

her eldest Elizabeth of York - to claim the throne.&amp;nbsp; They could do

so only through marriage to a male claimant (such as Henry Tudor.)&amp;nbsp;

So the plan to wed Elizabeth and Henry began in earnest.&amp;nbsp; Both women

knew that such a marriage would imply that Henry Tudor wanted to replace

Richard on the throne.&amp;nbsp; Margaret quickly sent Christopher Urswick,

a young priest from her household, to Brittany.&amp;nbsp; her son, so long

an exile and dependent on others, was to plan a return to England - to

claim two great positions, husband &lt;i&gt;and&lt;/i&gt; king.&amp;nbsp; Margaret also

sent a large sum of money to her son, raised from loans in London.&amp;nbsp;

She advised him to come to Wales as soon as possible (since he would receive

support in Wales, particularly from the duke of Buckingham.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; This, of course, lends credence to the idea that

Buckingham wanted to support Henry's claim.&amp;nbsp; But, again, that is conjecture.&amp;nbsp;

Buckingham did write a letter to Henry on 24 September 1483 which stated

he would support the rebellion against Richard, &lt;i&gt;even though &lt;/i&gt;he and

Henry's interests may not be perfectly compatible.&amp;nbsp; What is certain

is that Buckingham suspected his own life was forfeit with Richard III;

he and Henry Tudor could sort out things once Richard was defeated.&amp;nbsp;

He told Henry the rebellion would begin on 18 October, thus giving Henry

three weeks notice.&amp;nbsp; He did not mention acknowledging Henry as king

- he also did not mention marriage to Elizzabeth of York.&amp;nbsp; Henry received

Margaret and Buckingham's letters and talked with the duke of Brittany.&amp;nbsp;

He needed further financial support but also relied on Francis's advice.&amp;nbsp;

The duke promised support; another vital link was established.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Richard III had not suspected Buckingham of treachery

- at first.&amp;nbsp; Thus, he had no large arrmy assembled to fight the duke.&amp;nbsp;

But such a massively-planned uprising could not remain secret forever and

Richard was informed on 11 October that a vast rebellion would occur in

a week.&amp;nbsp; He had heard vague descriptions of a plan a few weeks before

and had summoned Buckingham to him.&amp;nbsp; The duke feigned a stomach ache;

a more tersely-worded summons soon followed.&amp;nbsp; The duke again refused

the summons.&amp;nbsp; By then, the rebellion was a week away and Richard had

been informed of Buckingham's involvement and the extent of the rebellion.&amp;nbsp;

Richard hurriedly assembled his army; and though he had been betrayed by

Buckingham, his former friend, he was not bitter - he specifically ordered

his troops to not 'rob, spoil or hurt' any of Buckingham's followers.&amp;nbsp;

Richard was prepared to be merciful.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Buckingham's rebellion began - and failed, largely

because his Welsh tenants decided they liked him less than Richard III.&amp;nbsp;

Robbed of this crucial support, he fled to a friend's home but the friend,

Ralph Bannaster, turned him in and, on 31 October, Buckingham was taken

to Sir James Tyrell and Christopher Wellesbourne, staunch supporters of

Richard III.&amp;nbsp; Once Buckingham had been captured, the other rebellions

collapsed.&amp;nbsp; Many of the rebels fled to Brittany, to join Henry Tudor,

now their last hope.&amp;nbsp; Richard III attempted to prevent this mass exodus

of rebels but failed.&amp;nbsp; Meanwhile, at Plymouth Harbor, Henry heard

the news of Buckingham's execution on 2 November 1483.&amp;nbsp; (He had been

delayed on his way to England because of a storm.)&amp;nbsp; His other rival

for the throne had been killed (Buckingham's son and heir was just six

years old) but Buckingham's failure was hardly encouraging.&amp;nbsp; He returned

to Brittany, once more an exile after twelve years abroad.&amp;nbsp; His position

was perhaps more untenable than before - the uprising had been soundly

defeated and Richard III was once again making friendly overtures to duke

Francis.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Henry's only hope lay with the English exiles now

joining him in Brittany.&amp;nbsp; There were roughly 500 men, among them the

marquess of Dorset.&amp;nbsp; These exiles told him he must reassemble his

allies and attack again, before Richard III became more firmly entrenched

as king - and before the duke ended his hospitality.&amp;nbsp; In December,

Henry gave a speech at Rennes Cathedral meant to boost morale and inspire

his supporters.&amp;nbsp; He promised to marry Elizabeth of York, thus joining

the houses of York and Lancaster together.&amp;nbsp; The assembled men swore

oaths of loyalty to him.&amp;nbsp; Their next task was more difficult - persuading

the duke of Brittany to lend them more money to assemble yet another fleet.&amp;nbsp;

Again, Henry promised to repay the money.&amp;nbsp; He was fortunate that Richard

III had decided to retaliate against Breton and French ships because of

their assistance to Henry and Buckingham.&amp;nbsp; The duke was angered and

agreed to loan Henry more money.&amp;nbsp; So another flotilla was assembled

and final preparations made in mid-spring 1484.&amp;nbsp; But, for some unknown

reason, the exiles did not sail for England.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Instead, they remained at Vannes in Brittany.&amp;nbsp;

By this time, Henry fully realized the enormous stakes of the enterprise.&amp;nbsp;

He was particularly moved by the loyalty of the other exiles.&amp;nbsp; Many

were separated from their families and all were wanted men - and they suffered

these injuries to support him.&amp;nbsp; He owed them a great debt and it is

to his credit that, immediately after Bosworth, he rewarded them.&amp;nbsp;

Elizabeth Woodville's son by her first husband, the marquess of Dorset,

was in Brittany as were her three brothers, Lionel, Edward and Richard.&amp;nbsp;

They were joined by many loyal servants.&amp;nbsp; All of the exiles were undoubtedly

horrified by the supposed murders of Edward V and Richard of York.&amp;nbsp;

While these men schemed with Henry Tudor, the object of their schemes -

Richard III - attempted to nullify their threat.&amp;nbsp; He tried various

tactics, mixing friendly overtures with veiled threats.&amp;nbsp; He knew Margaret

Beaufort had sent messages to her son and plotted in the rebellion but

he couldn't risk alienating her husband, Lord Stanley.&amp;nbsp; So he told

Stanley to watch his wife carefully, dismiss the servants who had relayed

messages, and prevent any contact with Henry and other rebels.&amp;nbsp; He

also gave Stanley possession of Margaret's property for the course of Stanley's

life; after his death, the lands would pass to the crown.&amp;nbsp; Still,

Margaret had every reason to be grateful for her life.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; In March of 1484, Richard attempted a reconciliation

with his former sister-in-law, Elizabeth Woodville.&amp;nbsp; She and her five

daughters had sought sanctuary in Westminster.&amp;nbsp; Richard gathered the

lord mayor of London, all leading aristocrats and various aldermen to his

palace.&amp;nbsp; He announced that - if Elizabeth and her children left sanctuary

- he would protect them; they would be reccognized as his kin and given

a pension and dowries.&amp;nbsp; Most importantly, he publicly promised they

would not be sent to any prisons, including the Tower of London (the site

of their brothers' deaths.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; He also attempted to win over the duke of Brittany

again.&amp;nbsp; In this he was aided by the ailing duke's treasurer, Pierre

Landais.&amp;nbsp; Landais believed Brittany's fate would be better served

with an English alliance.&amp;nbsp; It could be, too, that he disliked the

assembled rebels.&amp;nbsp; As a result, Henry asked the French king Charles

VIII for asylum at his court.&amp;nbsp; Charles agreed and, soon enough, Henry

left Brittany for Paris.&amp;nbsp; It was a dangerous decision and, as it was

taken without Francis's permission, would have resulted in his arrest.&amp;nbsp;

But he managed to arrive in Anjou with his pursuers just an hour behind.&amp;nbsp;

(His uncle Jasper had left a few days earlier, ostensibly to visit Francis

at Rennes.&amp;nbsp; Both he and Henry turned away at the last moment and headed

toward Anjou.)&amp;nbsp; There were about 400 rebels left behind.&amp;nbsp; Duke

Francis certainly had every right to send them back to England, to face

certain death.&amp;nbsp; But he did not - sick as he was, he was determined

to undo some of Landais's damage.&amp;nbsp; He allowed the rebels to join Henry

in Paris. He also gave them a large gift of money (about 700 livres) to

pay for their travel (this was in addition to their living allowance he

was also paying!)&amp;nbsp; Henry Tudor was touched by his old protector's

kindness and generosity.&amp;nbsp; He sent a letter of thanks, realizing that

the treachery had been Landais's and not the duke's.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Of course, the French royal family were very eager

to use Henry as a diplomatic weapon against the English.&amp;nbsp; But the

situation at the French court was confused and problematic; in the end,

Henry relied upon the king's older sister, Anne of Beaujeu, for assistance.&amp;nbsp;

Her role was of vital importance as Henry planned for the greatest battle

of his life, Bosworth Field.

&lt;br&gt;

&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;The French court which welcomed Henry Tudor was a curious place.&amp;nbsp;

King Louis XI had died on 30 August 1483, leaving behind a thirteen-year-old

heir who became Charles VIII.&amp;nbsp; As often happened when a minor succeeded

to the throne, a power struggle ensued between the new king's relatives

over the role of regent.&amp;nbsp; Charles's mother, Charlotte of Savoy, was

not a serious contender; she had never been involved in politics and was

seriously ill.&amp;nbsp; (She died on 1 December.)&amp;nbsp; So the struggle was

between Charles's older sister, Anne, and his younger sister's husband,

Louis duc d'Orleans.&amp;nbsp; Anne was twenty-two years old and married to

Pierre, Lord Beaujeu, the heir of the duc d'Bourbon.&amp;nbsp; Anne triumphed

over her brother-in-law Louis and her gained control of the government.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Henry Tudor's former patron, Duke Francis II, soon

became involved in this struggle - at least ostensibly.&amp;nbsp; His servant

Pierre Landais (discussed on the previous page) was hated by the Orleans

party who were seeking an alliance with his old enemies - namely, the noblemen

of Brittany who had fled during Landais's ascendancy.&amp;nbsp; (Naturally

enough, they had fled from Brittany to France, where they met with the

Orleans party.)&amp;nbsp; On 7 April 1484 these new allies attempted to destroy

Landais, breaking into the ducal palace at Nantes and then going to his

country house.&amp;nbsp; They failed to find Landais, however, and were forced

to flee in shambles.&amp;nbsp; They waited at the town of Ancenis, in Brittany

but near the French border.&amp;nbsp; Landais remained in power and seemed

to bear no ill will toward the Breton-Orleans conspirators.&amp;nbsp; In autumn,

the Orleans party attempted - once again - to make peace between Francis

II and his exiled noblemen.&amp;nbsp; This time, they didn't attempt to kidnap

Landais as part of their plan!&amp;nbsp; Landais was a pragmatist and undoubtedly

wanted to rid himself of the troublesome Breton-Orleans scheming.&amp;nbsp;

So he supported their plan; in doing so, he knew he would anger the French

monarchy.&amp;nbsp; Naturally, he turned to England's King Richard III for

assistance, asking that Richard recognize the Orleans-Breton alliance;

in return, Landais offered to send Henry Tudor to England.&amp;nbsp; (Landais

would then have the support of Burgundy, Orleans, &lt;i&gt;and&lt;/i&gt; England against

any French designs on Brittany.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Of course, Henry Tudor fled to France where he was

welcomed with open arms.&amp;nbsp; With Henry Tudor gone, Brittany had no olive

branch to offer England; this would weaken the Breton-English alliance.&amp;nbsp;

It would also aid Anne of Beaujeu in her struggle against the Orleans party.&amp;nbsp;

When Henry arrived in Anjou, he sent a messenger to Charles VIII, then

at Montargis.&amp;nbsp; The king immediately sent an envoy to greet Henry and

bring him to Chartres.&amp;nbsp; The envoy was given the generous sum of 20000

francs for expenses on the week-long journey.&amp;nbsp; Charles was, of course,

delighted to encourage Henry in his plan to overthrow Richard III - though

less delighted to give him large sums of money on a continual basis, as

Duke Francis had.&amp;nbsp; Also, Charles may have been unnerved by the large

number of Henry's English followers who needed to be housed and fed while

awaiting developments.&amp;nbsp; Charles did give Henry about 3000 francs to

clothe his army and granted permission for Henry to assemble mercenaries

for his army.&amp;nbsp; Henry traveled with the king north to Paris (the court

spent autumn in the beautiful Loire valley); on 4 February 1485, they reached

the French capital.&amp;nbsp; During this journey, Henry finally realized the

necessity of immediate and decisive action.&amp;nbsp; He had spent nearly fourteen

years as an exile in France and Landais's betrayal revealed the instability

of his position.&amp;nbsp; What if Anne of Beaujeu fell from power?&amp;nbsp; Would

he be a pawn for the Orleans cause?&amp;nbsp; Also, it is true that Henry was

in his late twenties, strong and healthy and undoubtedly yearning to be

his own man.&amp;nbsp; Why would he want to live in other people's homes, dependent

on their good will and generosity?

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Richard III was certainly unhappy with events in

France.&amp;nbsp; He sent word to Charles of his displeasure and also tried

to rally English support against Henry.&amp;nbsp; Henry was sending letters

to England during the winter of 1484-5 to inspire potential supporters

(since many were dissatisfied with Richard's rule, for reasons outlined

in previous pages.)&amp;nbsp; Richard was aware of these letters and ordered

the mayors and sheriffs throughout England to arrest anyone receiving or

distributing them.&amp;nbsp; (One of the letters has survived - click here

to read it.)&amp;nbsp; An interesting note about these letters - Henry was

styling himself King of England, a deliberate and flagrant disregard of

Richard's position.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; On 7 December 1484, Richard responded to the letters

by sending out his own proclamations.&amp;nbsp; He condemned the exiles supporting

Henry in France; he also mocked Henry's use of the royal title.&amp;nbsp; He

also reiterated the ancient animosity between England and France, reminding

the English people that - in exchange for Charles's support - Henry had

supposedly promised to return the English possessions in France and relinquish

the traditional English claim to the French throne.&amp;nbsp; These, of course,

were matters near and dear to all English hearts.&amp;nbsp; From the 12th century

onwards, the English claim to the French throne and territories was a patriotic

dream shared by all Englishmen.&amp;nbsp; The great heroes of the past (most

gloriously, Henry V) had led their countrymen to battle over those claims;

thousands of Englishmen died in those battles.&amp;nbsp; By painting Henry

as a traitor to one of the most precious English dreams (that of possessing

France), Richard hoped to appeal to English patriotism.&amp;nbsp; He also reminded

his subjects that Henry would be invading with mercenaries who would commit

'the most cruel murders, slaughters, robberies and disinheritances that

were ever seen in any Christian Realm.'&amp;nbsp; Once again, Richard appealed

to a time-honored English abhorrence of invasion.&amp;nbsp; He also attended

to more practical matters - ordering sheriffs to prepare troops for muster

and raise cash for military payments.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; I would like to emphasize - once again - the tenuousness

of Henry Tudor's claim.&amp;nbsp; At this point, only he and Richard III were

viable claimants to the English throne.&amp;nbsp; But Richard's position was

stronger by far (and as will become clear later), the Battle of Bosworth

ended in Henry's favor only because a key nobleman betrayed Richard.&amp;nbsp;

This was hardly an auspicious beginning to Henry's rule.&amp;nbsp; Throughout

these pages, I have tried to emphasize the general unpopularity of Richard's

rule - &lt;i&gt;with regard to the disappearance of his nephews&lt;/i&gt;.&amp;nbsp; The

disappearance sullied Richard's character and made those Englishmen who

didn't support Henry Tudor less than thrilled about defending Richard III.&amp;nbsp;

In other words, they would simply wait out the conflict without openly

supporting either party.&amp;nbsp; And that is exactly what most of the country

did.&amp;nbsp; Personally, I do not believe Richard III murdered his nephews

but, of course, the mystery will always remain open to interpretation.&amp;nbsp;

It is true that Richard III has received a 'raw deal' from historians.&amp;nbsp;

Can we blame this on Shakespeare?&amp;nbsp; :-)&amp;nbsp; Hey, it is a great play

but written during the reign of Henry Tudor's granddaughter.&amp;nbsp; It isn't

likely the playwright wanted to offend the monarch (witness the ending

to All Is True for proof of that - a sympathetic introduction to Katharine

of Aragon which ends with Elizabeth's triumphant birth.)&amp;nbsp; Richard

was a capable and intelligent man and - whatever the truth about his nephews

- had far more experience in government thhan Henry Tudor.&amp;nbsp; He also

reacted to betrayal with an appealing mixture of punishment and forgiveness;

he was far more conciliatory than, say, Henry VIII.&amp;nbsp; (During this

time, an embarrassing episode occurred which may have furthered Richard's

resolve to shore up his support against Henry:&amp;nbsp; John de Vere, the

Lancastrian earl of Oxford, was imprisoned at Calais in France; he escaped,

along with two English soldiers, to join Henry Tudor in Paris.&amp;nbsp; Understandably,

this embarrassed Richard; he issued pardons to the English soldiers at

Calais, including de Vere's supporters, but they still rebelled.&amp;nbsp;

In the end, Henry's morale went up and Richard's fell drastically.&amp;nbsp;

The Oxford episode indicated the lack of loyalty to Richard's regime.&amp;nbsp;

This was coupled with the disloyalty of Sir William Stanley, advising Henry

from England.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Of course, these domestic actions were accompanied

by foreign policy initiatives designed to find Richard prominent allies.&amp;nbsp;

In this, he was successful as well.&amp;nbsp; Henry Tudor's old ally, Duke

Francis of Brittany, entered into a seven-year truce with England on 2

March 1485.&amp;nbsp; One of the specific points of the truce was that neither

side would support rebellion against the other, thus allying Richard and

Duke Francis against the French throne.&amp;nbsp; Not surprisingly, Charles

VIII began to fear an English-Breton invasion of France. So he encouraged

Henry Tudor to hasten his plans to invade England.&amp;nbsp; In March 1485,

Richard's queen, Anne Neville, died and this personal heartbreak had to

be shoved aside in the face of Henry Tudor's rebellion.&amp;nbsp; It was soon

rumored that Richard would marry Elizabeth of York or her sister Cecily,

thus regaining the support of Henry's Yorkist allies.&amp;nbsp; Henry, whom

Elizabeth Woodville and Margaret Beaufort intended to wed Elizabeth, was

upset but could do little.&amp;nbsp; Meanwhile, Richard kept a shrewd eye on

Lord Stanley (I'll let you alert readers figure out the Tudor-Stanley connection

from the earlier pages - here's a clue: who was Margaret Beaufort married

to?)&amp;nbsp; Around July 1485, Stanley asked permission to visit relative

in Lancashire.&amp;nbsp; The king was no fool; he allowed Stanley to leave

London but kept his son and heir, George, Lord Strange, as hostage.&amp;nbsp;

Essentially, Strange remained in Richard's household in order to assure

his father's good behavior.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Charles VIII was, of course, still encouraging Henry's

planned invasion but still hedging about financial support.&amp;nbsp; When

news came that Richard might marry Elizabeth of York, Henry became frantic.&amp;nbsp;

He cast about for another prominent Yorkist bride, with little success.&amp;nbsp;

More importantly, (with the support of Philippe de Commynes, an influential

diplomat) Henry pressed Charles to request money from the French parliament.&amp;nbsp;

The French king did so on 4 May 1485 and was successful; he returned with

Henry to Paris about a month later.&amp;nbsp; Already, plans to assemble an

invasion fleet were being approved.&amp;nbsp; At Harfleur, near the mouth of

the River Seine, Henry spent about 50000 livres to assemble 4000 men.&amp;nbsp;

Of these, 1500 were discharged soldiers from a base at Pont de l'Arche.&amp;nbsp;

The French soldiers were commanded by a nobleman from Savoy called Philibert

de Chandee, who later became a good friend of Henry Tudor's.&amp;nbsp; There

were also Henry's 400 English supporters who had shared his exile.&amp;nbsp;

Henry placed these men under the command of Richard Guildford.&amp;nbsp; (It

was later rumored that about 1000 Scots joined Henry's force; whether that

number is correct or not, some Scots did fight on Henry's side.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Henry's great enterprise was about to begin.&amp;nbsp;

On 1 August 1485, Henry and his followers left Honfleur and sailed down

the Seine into the Channel.&amp;nbsp; On 7 August, they sailed into Milford

Sound near sunset.&amp;nbsp; They actually landed at Mill Bay, inside the Sound.&amp;nbsp;

This was the land of Pembrokeshire where Henry had been imprisoned as a

young man.&amp;nbsp; Upon landing, Henry knelt down and whispered, 'Judge me,

Lord, and fight my cause.'&amp;nbsp; He kissed the English soil, crossed himself,

and told his men to follow him - in the name of God and St George.&amp;nbsp;

It was no coincidence that he landed in Wales, his father's native land;

it was there that he hoped to gain crucial support for his cause.

&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;(&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;NOTE:&amp;nbsp; Historical sources regarding

the actual battle at Bosworth are scanty at best.&amp;nbsp; No one who actually

fought at the battle recorded the battle; typically, the chroniclers from

London recorded great events but they were far from the action in 1485.&amp;nbsp;

Also, the supporters of Richard III didn't want to remember their defeat

- and unlikely to write about in the chargged political climate.&amp;nbsp; Henry's

supporters were concerned with more immediate matters after the battle

- namely, beginning the rule of a very ineexperienced monarch who had not

been to England in fifteen years.&amp;nbsp; And there is another very important

fact - medieval battles are incredibly confusing to describe (just as they

were confusing to fight.)&amp;nbsp; Imagine a Revolutionary War battle - the

British soldiers in matching red coats, marching in perfect cadence to

a fixed point, they shoot, reload and aim with some degree of consistency.&amp;nbsp;

Medieval warfare did not proceed along those lines.&amp;nbsp; In general, it

was chaotic and confusing to the participants - and the chroniclers.&amp;nbsp;

So if the following account confuses you a little, you're in good company.&amp;nbsp;

I have tried to be as clear as possible, to the extent of omitting stuff

which is particularly confusing (including Henry's mysterious 'disappearance'

the night before the battle; that will eventually be included in the Primary

Sources section, directly from Polydore Vergil's work.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;br&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;The most prominent chronicler of the Battle was

Polydore Vergil, Henry VII's official court historian.&amp;nbsp; Of course,

his version is the official Tudor account but we must rely upon it.&amp;nbsp;

In most respects, Vergil had little reason to alter anything since the

Tudor claimant was victorious.)&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;Henry's force marched to the nearest inhabited

area, a settlement called Dale.&amp;nbsp; There they spent the night; the next

day (8 August) they left Dale to a castle called Haverfordwest, about 12

miles to the north-east.&amp;nbsp; The townsmen actually welcomed the invaders,

an indication of their nebulous loyalty to Richard III.&amp;nbsp; Of course,

news of Henry's arrival on English soil was only just spreading along the

coast.&amp;nbsp; In this northern part of Pembrokeshire, there were fewer castles

and - again - it was Jasper Tudor's former home.&amp;nbsp; Also, Richard III

had extensive control over south Wales, which shows that Henry's Welsh

support was as nebulous as Richard's English support.&amp;nbsp; Richard's control

over much of Wales also meant that Henry was forced to march north into

the center of Wales.&amp;nbsp; And, of course, it must be recalled that the

Stanleys (his mother's in-laws) controlled much of north Wales and Cheshire.&amp;nbsp;

Sir William Stanley was Richard III's chief lieutenant in Anglesey, Caernarfonshire,

and Merioneth, cities which made up the northern part of royal holdings

in Wales.&amp;nbsp; (Remember that Sir William was the younger brother of Henry's

stepfather.)&amp;nbsp; Henry may have been in touch with the Stanleys immediately

upon landing in Wales.&amp;nbsp; Oddly enough, a letter Henry sent to another

supporter, John ap Maredudd ab Ieuan ap Mareddud, has survived; it was

written about 8 August, immediately after the landing, and designed to

gain Welsh support.&amp;nbsp; The letter to ap Mareddud can be read by clicking

here.&amp;nbsp; What did ap Mareddud do?&amp;nbsp; We don't know - though it is

true that Henry did have some significant Welsh support.&amp;nbsp; Of course,

it was nowhere near as great as many later remembered.&amp;nbsp; And it is

false to state that

&lt;i&gt;every&lt;/i&gt; Welshman welcomed the return of Owen Tudor's

descendants.&amp;nbsp; Certainly the Tudor dynasty in no way favored Wales

or its native population - so any support from the Welsh was not rewarded.&amp;nbsp;

In 1536, in particular, the Welsh had good cause to resent any support

they had given.&amp;nbsp; After Bosworth, certain laudatory poems and songs

were written - but as these were dedicated to an actual king than a pretender

to the throne, they were naturally fawning.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; In reality, Henry did not receive

a rapturous welcome.&amp;nbsp; On 8 August, at Haverfordwest, he received a

crushing blow - John Savage, nephew of Henry's stepfather, and the powerful

Welsh lord, Rhys ap Thomas, were not planning to support his cause.&amp;nbsp;

Of course, they had promised otherwise while he was in France but Richard

III suspected both men of disloyalty - and before Henry landed, he made

certain they understood the penalty of treason.&amp;nbsp; With this crushing

news, even the professed loyalty of Pembroke was small consolation.&amp;nbsp;

Henry's march from Havefordwest northeast to Cardigan and there to Machynlleth

(about 100 miles from the Dale settlement) is not documented.&amp;nbsp; He

arrived at Machynlleth on 14 August and wrote a letter to Sir Roger Kynaston,

the guardian of the Grey estates; to pass safely to Shrewsbury, Henry needed

- at the very least - Kynaston's inaction..&amp;nbsp; The guardian didn't need

to declare for him but he could at least not impede his progress. Click

here to read the letter to Kynaston.&amp;nbsp; Whatever Kynaston's decision,

Henry did pass safely through to Shrewsbury.&amp;nbsp; To get to this point,

his force had marched through the mountains of Wales but they had the continual

arrival of good news to cheer them on the lonely journey - supporters were

marching to join them, bringing along much-needed supplies.&amp;nbsp; Among

these supporters was Rhys ap Thomas, who finally decided to honor his previous

promise.&amp;nbsp; Rhys later said he brought almost 2000 men with him; if

true, his force made up a third of Henry's entire army.&amp;nbsp; They were

in time to join Henry at Shrewsbury, the traditional gateway to the English

midlands; they marched along the old Roman road even as supporters sent

along money to pay the mercenary troops.&amp;nbsp; But at Shrewsbury, Henry's

progress was no longer easy.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Shrewsbury was an important

town and had two bailiffs, Roger Knight and Thomas Mitton, both in power

for about two decades.&amp;nbsp; They had prospered under Richard III, notably

from the failure of Buckingham's rebellion (notably, Mitton received Buckingham's

castle and Shrewsbury's tax bill was significantly reduced.)&amp;nbsp; And

one must remember Richard III's admonitions to the English people, specifically

warning them of the dangers of mercenary troops.&amp;nbsp; The people of Shrewsbury

had no desire for foreign troops to plunder and pillage their town.&amp;nbsp;

(Keep in mind that Henry's army was not primarily English.)&amp;nbsp; When

Henry requested permission to march through the streets, Mitton made a

familiar reply - &quot;over my belly.&quot;&amp;nbsp; Henry could not afford to go around

the city so he retreated.&amp;nbsp; At a nearby village, he composed a letter

to the bailiffs, promising that his men would simply march through Shrewsbury

peacefully, without causing any damage or harm.&amp;nbsp; He respected the

oath of loyalty to Richard III and did not expect any of the townspeople

to break it.&amp;nbsp; The letter may not have swayed the bailiffs but the

arrival of Rowland Warburton, a retainer of Sir William Stanley, arrived

and persuaded the bailiffs to let Henry pass.&amp;nbsp; The Stanley support

was impressive enough to sway even Mitton, who lay on the ground so Henry

could step over his belly (thus keeping his former oath.)&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; What effect did this 'adventure'

have on Henry?&amp;nbsp; He realized, once again, that his support was not

widespread.&amp;nbsp; Indeed, in the end he relied upon the apathy of the English

population - essentially their decision to not actively support Richard

III.&amp;nbsp; Shrewsbury was the first English town he marched through, a

test of how the average citizen would respond to his invasion.&amp;nbsp; Since

they did not recognize his claim to the throne, Henry had little to celebrate.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; In a way, his march was as

much a public relations enterprise as a military endeavor.&amp;nbsp; Everywhere

he went, he attempted to drum up support - and he was often successful.&amp;nbsp;

More men and prominent lords joined the cause, all for various reasons.&amp;nbsp;

At Stafford, Henry met up with Sir William Stanley.&amp;nbsp; Stanley brought

news that Richard III, informed of Henry's march, was camped at Nottingham.&amp;nbsp;

From there, it was just a brief march south to block Henry's path to London.&amp;nbsp;

In other words, Stanley was urging Henry to hurry if he wanted to reach

the capital.&amp;nbsp; Henry marched to meet Richard, stopping for the night

at Lichfield; as at Shrewsbury, he kept his army outside the walls so as

not to offend the citizens.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Now it gets a bit confusing:

&lt;i&gt;Lord&lt;/i&gt;

Stanley, whose son Lord Strange was Richard's 'hostage', was marching with

about 5000 men toward Lichfield (presumably to meet up with Richard III

at Nottingham.)&amp;nbsp; He did not dare meet with Henry Tudor, though he

supported his claim.&amp;nbsp; Ostensibly, Lord Stanley was loyal to Richard.&amp;nbsp;

So he avoided Henry's army though, supposedly, sent a message assuring

him of eventual support.&amp;nbsp; Of course, promises can be easily broken

and Henry was uneasy.&amp;nbsp; He knew Richard had scouts watching Stanley

and held his son hostage.&amp;nbsp; Under such circumstances, Stanley's support

was not completely assured.&amp;nbsp; Meanwhile, Lord Stanley's brother - Sir

William - had met up with Henry's army at Lichfield on 20 August.&amp;nbsp;

Lord Stanley had arrived near Atherstone, close to the actual battlefield.&amp;nbsp;

On this Saturday (20 August, still!), Lord Stanley sent his brother a message

that Richard was near and fighting could begin in just three hours.&amp;nbsp;

This, of course, did not happen.&amp;nbsp; But the Stanleys apparently met

together and decided on a course of action - namely, they would not publicly

declare their support for either Richard or Henry.&amp;nbsp; On Sunday, they

apparently decided upon their battle plans - namely, Lord Stanley's betrayal

of Richard.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Lord Stanley was, of course,

Henry's stepfather but his waffling is understandable.&amp;nbsp; But it caused

both Richard III and Henry a great deal of anxiety.&amp;nbsp; Henry secretly

met with the Stanleys on 21 August but, after the meeting, was still unsure

of their unqualified support.&amp;nbsp; Under such circumstances, Henry's nervousness

was greater than the king's.&amp;nbsp; But Richard was far from secure himself.&amp;nbsp;

He was at Nottingham when he heard of Henry's arrival in Pembrokeshire

and, from there, his steady march through Wales to the midlands.&amp;nbsp;

As mentioned earlier, Richard had made preparations for this moment in

1484.&amp;nbsp; So he ordered his nobles and gentry to assemble according to

plan.&amp;nbsp; He was undoubtedly unnerved that Henry was receiving some measure

of support and that his march was essentially unimpeded.&amp;nbsp; He called

the dukes of Northumberland and Norfolk to him, as well as the lieutenant

of the Tower of London (where most of the king's weaponry was stored.)&amp;nbsp;

Because Sir William Stanley did not respond to summons, Richard declared

him a traitor.&amp;nbsp; He also intimidated Lord Strange enough for the young

man to confess to some sort of 'conspiracy' to betray the king.&amp;nbsp; This

simply confirmed Richard's fears.&amp;nbsp; He realized as well that Henry

was trying to reach London as quickly as possible.&amp;nbsp; So he gathered

his own forces to prevent this; he was later called a coward for not confronting

Henry sooner but consider this - Richard wanted to assemble as many supporters

as possible while dragging out the ordeal for Henry's army.&amp;nbsp; The assembled

mercenaries were tired, hungry, and - like Henry - knew the crucial Stanley

support was not secure.&amp;nbsp; Richard's army was a bit larger than Henry's

though exact figures do not exist.&amp;nbsp; They marched south in traditional

square battle formation, Richard and his guard behind two groups of horsemen.&amp;nbsp;

There were about 100 knights and noblemen who had responded to Richard's

summons.&amp;nbsp; Most of these men were from the north, specifically Yorkshire

and Lancashire.&amp;nbsp; Richard marched with these men as the King of England,

wearing his crown and coat-of-arms.&amp;nbsp; It was imperative that every

Englishman who watched the march be reminded the Richard was the king and

Henry just a pretender.&amp;nbsp; He would be crushed just like the duke of

Buckingham.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font color=&quot;#000000&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Finally, on 21 August (Sunday),

both armies knew battle was near.&amp;nbsp; Richard knew Henry's camp was near

Atherstone; he himself camped at the plain of Redmoor.&amp;nbsp; The next day

the forces would meet on the battlefield, a place later called Bosworth

Field.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;br&gt;(I wanted to point out an interesting fact about Henry's tactics prior

to Bosworth; by marching toward London, he essentially determined where

the battle would be fought - &lt;i&gt;wherever he and Richard met up on the way

to London&lt;/i&gt;.&amp;nbsp; So Bosworth Field was not chosen for any purpose other

than the two armies met there.&amp;nbsp; Today, it is impossible to adequately

understand the geography of the battlefield and Richard and Henry's camps

prior to the battle; hundreds of years of building, etc. have altered the

landscape.)

&lt;br&gt;(Also: William Brandon, Henry's standard bearer, was slain at this

battle.&amp;nbsp; His son, Charles, would become Henry VIII's best friend,

husband to Princess Mary Tudor &amp;amp; grandfather of Lady Jane Grey.&amp;nbsp;

His biography is available at Tudor Citizens.)

&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;p&gt;The actual battle supposedly took place on Redmoor plain, near Richard

III's encampment.&amp;nbsp; Long after the battle, it came to be called the

Battle of Bosworth Field because the town of Market Bosworth lay to the

north of Redmoor plain.&amp;nbsp; Also, a Welsh chronicler asserted that the

battle actually took place at the town.&amp;nbsp; In other words, there is

some debate about where the battle took place - &lt;i&gt;though one can reasonably

assert it occurred at Redmoor plain&lt;/i&gt;.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Sunday 22 August began inauspiciously for Richard

III and one of his most powerful allies, the duke of Norfolk.&amp;nbsp; Richard

admitted he had slept little and suffered bad dreams; in the superstitious

medieval world this did not bode well.&amp;nbsp; Also, the duke of Norfolk

found a sign outside his quarters which read, 'Jack of Norfolk be not so

bold, For Dykon thy master is bought and sold.'&amp;nbsp; After his sleepless

night, Richard arose earlier than even his chaplain (so there was no morning

mass) and had no breakfast.&amp;nbsp; He insisted on wearing his crown throughout

the day, as he had insisted upon marching to Redmoor clad in his ceremonial

robes and crown.&amp;nbsp; Henry Tudor had spent a sleepless night as well,

and his morning began with disturbing news.&amp;nbsp; His stepfather, Lord

Stanley, was still officially part of Richard's force.&amp;nbsp; In fact, Stanley's

force waited between Henry and Richard's camps.&amp;nbsp; But when Henry pushed

his stepfather to join him, Stanley still demurred (this on the day of

the battle!)&amp;nbsp; One can imagine Henry's response.&amp;nbsp; Stanley sent

Henry a brief message; he should prepare his army for battle and wait for

Stanley to join him at the appropriate moment.&amp;nbsp; (Note: Richard's archers

were under the command of the duke of Norfolk while Henry's archers were

under the command of John de Vere, the earl of Oxford.&amp;nbsp; The actual

make-up of each army is a matter of debate as well, as is their size.&amp;nbsp;

They each had a number of infantry and cavalry, complemented with cannon

and guns and - of course - the traditional bows and swords.&amp;nbsp; One chronicler

estimated Richard's cannon at 140; Henry had cannon brought from France.&amp;nbsp;

As to the actual numbers involved, chroniclers are always prone to exaggeration

and this time was no exception.&amp;nbsp; We know Henry landed in Wales with

about 4000 and was joined by a large number of reinforcements; Richard's

force must have been equal - at least.&amp;nbsp; Sir William Stanley led about

3000 troops.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; One more mention of the Stanleys: Richard was less

troubled by their waffling than Henry.&amp;nbsp; After all, Richard would have

been content if they simply stayed out of the battle whereas Henry was

desperate for their support.&amp;nbsp; Therefore, Richard's army had higher

morale - and supposedly larger numbers.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Henry marched northeast at a leisurely pace toward

Richard's camp.&amp;nbsp; Were his troops wary of attacking first?&amp;nbsp; Undoubtedly;

but, in the end, Richard decided to order his attack when Henry's force

passed by a march.&amp;nbsp; At this time, he also realized that Lord Stanley

was not joining him.&amp;nbsp; (He could see Stanley's army motionless on the

field.)&amp;nbsp; Richard ordered his hostage, Lord Strange, beheaded but in

the heat and confusion of battle, the order was not carried out.&amp;nbsp;

The first moments of battle were an indication of the chaos to come.&amp;nbsp;

Immediately, arrows were exchanged and then hand-to-hand combat began.&amp;nbsp;

Swords, pikes, aces, spears....&amp;nbsp; These were the weapons of choice.&amp;nbsp;

(Interesting note: Richard's ally, the duke of Northumberland, waited at

the rear of the army with a well equipped force which never entered battle

for one simple reason - the topography of the battlefield.)

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Richard's scouts told him that Henry, too, remained

outside the fighting, observing the battle with a small group of supporters.&amp;nbsp;

By identifying Henry's standard, Richard determined his exact position.&amp;nbsp;

Then he undertook a most courageous and incredible feat - he spurred his

horse to ride directly at Henry, the pretender to his throne.&amp;nbsp; He

knew that if Henry was slain - before Stanley intervention - the battle

would end.&amp;nbsp; On his horse, at full gallop, he slay a great number of

those around Henry (notably his standard bearer, William Brandon, and that

respected soldier, the 'giant' John Cheyne.)&amp;nbsp; Henry, of course, was

innocent of real experience in battle but he did not run - though he also

kept a horse nearby in case the battle was lost.&amp;nbsp; Still, the tide

would have turned against Henry except....&amp;nbsp; the Stanleys finally entered

the battle, on the Tudor side!

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; It cannot be emphasized enough that Richard III died

valiantly in battle.&amp;nbsp; Every later chronicler asserted his bravery

and skill.&amp;nbsp; One wrote that, after Stanley's men swarmed around him,

Richard fought 'manfully in the thickest press of his enemies.'&amp;nbsp; According

to Polydore Vergil, 'that day he would make end either of war or life';

he would 'die like a king or win victory in this field.'&amp;nbsp; He was wounded

several times but refused the advice of his few companions to flee.&amp;nbsp;

He also refused the offer of a horse.&amp;nbsp; His heroism was evident to

all.&amp;nbsp; In the end, he could not prevail.&amp;nbsp; His crown was knocked

from his head; his head was struck so many times that the helmet was beaten

into the skull; even after his death, his body continued to be beaten.&amp;nbsp;

Around him lay the bodies of his few companions - Conyers, Brackenbury,

Ratcliffe....&amp;nbsp; There is a legend that his crown landed in a hawthorne

bush; true or not, it was soon enough in Henry Tudor's hands - and not

because of any personal bravery on the part of the first Tudor king.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; The battle lasted about two hours.&amp;nbsp; Its outcome

- Henry's triumph - was only made possiblee by Stanley's disgraceful betrayal

of his king.&amp;nbsp; Had he waited a few moments longer, Henry may have been

personally killed by Richard.&amp;nbsp; That single action inaugurated the

Tudor dynasty - and it was a shameful inauguration.&amp;nbsp; Whatever his

qualities before the battle, his actions immediately afterwards are not

endearing.&amp;nbsp; Richard III, who had fought so heroically and suffered

an awful death, continued to be humiliated and abused.&amp;nbsp; His body was

slung naked over a horse, arms and legs hanging over the sides; a halter

was tossed around his neck to symbolize his defeat.&amp;nbsp; In this manner,

he was taken to a friary in Leicester where his body lay on view for two

days; it was naked from the waist down except for a scant and cheap black

cloth.&amp;nbsp; He was buried at the friary with no ceremony.&amp;nbsp; The church

no longer exists - Henry's son ordered the dissolution of the monasteries

in the 1530s and Richard's grave was opened and the body thrown out.&amp;nbsp;

Later, the coffin was supposedly used as a horse trough and cellar steps

in a nearby manor.&amp;nbsp; Richard III remains the only English king since

1066 to have no burial place.&amp;nbsp; He was also the last English king to

die in battle.

&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; Henry Tudor had now declared himself Henry VII and

Lord Stanley placed Richard's crown upon his stepson's head.&amp;nbsp; His

officers were busy settling old scores, executing old foes and rounding

up the prisoners.&amp;nbsp; In the end, we can reasonably estimate that about

400 men - in total - died that day.&amp;nbsp; Of course, after the battle few

wanted to talk about the actual fighting - those two hours which ended

in betrayal and death for one king and the beginning of one of the most

celebrated dynasties in English history.&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;On a personal note....&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;br&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;I do want to stress that Henry Tudor did nto participate

in the fighting - and, in fact, he kept a horse nearby so he could flee

if the battle was lost.&amp;nbsp; In other words, he planned to 'turn tail

and run', as the cliché goes.&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;br&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;It might seem odd that a king who supposedly won his crown in 
  battle was actually quite cowardly on the battlefield, and didn't participate 
  - but it's the truth.&amp;nbsp; Richard III only lost because Lord Stanley 
  disgracefully betrayed his king.&amp;nbsp; And he did so after Richard had already 
  forgiven him numerous offenses (many bordering on treason), and had treated 
  him kindly.&amp;nbsp; Henry may have claimed a crown that day, but he claimed no 
  glory.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;center&gt;
  &lt;p&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;You may visit the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.r3.org&quot;&gt;Richard

III Society&lt;/a&gt; site for the other side of the story.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
  &lt;/center&gt;

&lt;font size=-1&gt;&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;

&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;blockquote&gt;Henry Tudor as King

&lt;p&gt;'His [Henry VII] body was slender but well built and strong; his height

above the average.&amp;nbsp; His appearance was remarkably attractive and his

face was cheerful especially when speaking; his eyes were small and blue;

his teeth few, poor and blackish; his hair was thin and grey; his complexion

pale'.

&lt;br&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;Polydore Vergil, from the &lt;i&gt;Anglica Historia&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;hr WIDTH=&quot;100%&quot;&gt;

&lt;blockquote&gt;Many historians have long argued that Bosworth Field marked

the end of medieval England, and the beginning of more modern government.&amp;nbsp;

This assumes at least some drastic changes occurred during the 24 years

Henry ruled England.&amp;nbsp; However, no such changes occurred.&amp;nbsp; Henry

maintained the government of his predecessors; he simply had a more efficient

administration.

&lt;p&gt;This should detract from his formidable accomplishments.&amp;nbsp; Despite

his very questionable claim to the throne, Henry proved himself to be an

able and enthusiastic king.&amp;nbsp; He devoted himself to the minutiae of

government, personally initialing household account books.&amp;nbsp; He was

quite miserly, which greatly benefited his spendthrift son Henry VIII,

but this was understandable - the first Tudor king knew financial success

would be the life or death of his new dynasty.&amp;nbsp; Like all monarchs,

he needed money - and often badly.&amp;nbsp; But he needed parliament's permission

to raise taxes or create new ones.&amp;nbsp; Yet Henry knew that parliament

would be opposed to giving a new - and unpopular king - more sources of

revenue, particularly since England's economy was not prosperous.&amp;nbsp;

And so Henry only called parliament seven times during his reign.&amp;nbsp;

Instead of creating new methods to raise money, he cannily exploited the

existing sources.&amp;nbsp; Every loophole that existed was stretched wide

- Henry sought every penny he could from eevery source of revenue.&amp;nbsp;

And he protected the money fanatically.&amp;nbsp; Few monarchs lived so frugally,

and as Francis Bacon noted, 'towards his queen [Elizabeth of York] he was

nothing uxorious, nor scarce indulgent....'

&lt;br&gt;For Henry VII, money equaled security.&amp;nbsp; And so rights of Wardship,

Marriage, Promotions, and Death, forced loans and benvolences, and trade

dues were all tools to gain financial security.

&lt;p&gt;Upon becoming king, Henry's immediate problem was the same as his Yorkist

predecessors - the legitimacy of his claim to the throne.&amp;nbsp; Bosworth

Field had not ended the struggle for England's crown, and Henry faced considerable

unrest throughout the early years of his reign.&amp;nbsp; The Northerners (who

never lost their distrust of the Tudors) had supported Richard III, and

did not welcome a Welsh king.&amp;nbsp; And Yorkist support continued in Ireland

(where Lambert Simnel was crowned Edward VI 1487), and in Europe (where

Edward IV and Richard III's sister Margaret lived on as the influential

duchess of Burgundy.)&amp;nbsp; Also, because Henry's claim to the throne was

so weak, he inevitably had to work harder to create the impression of royal

authority.&amp;nbsp; By all accounts, he lacked the majesty, or charisma, of

his son Henry VIII and granddaughter Elizabeth I.&amp;nbsp; But charisma was

perhaps a negligible quality during those early years; more important were

hard work, dedication, and discipline.&amp;nbsp; And Henry possessed those

qualities in abundance.

&lt;p&gt;First, Henry benefited directly from the Wars of the Roses - heirs to

many of the old noble families were killed during the battles.&amp;nbsp; Henry

simply appropriated their lands and revenue.&amp;nbsp; Those that had supported

Richard III (those that survived, that is) were attainted and their estates

confiscated.&amp;nbsp; He also created a council 'Learned in the Law' in 1495

to deal with enforcement of already-existing taxes, particularly those

owed by the nobility.&amp;nbsp; Henry also forbid nobles to retain their own

armies.&amp;nbsp; A small number of attendants was acceptable, but Henry did

not want any lord to have more power than the king.&amp;nbsp; Edward IV had

attempted the same maneuver, with less success.&amp;nbsp; Henry was aided by

a simple fact - as king, he owned most of the gunpowder in the country.&amp;nbsp;

Therefore, he simply blew up the castles and keeps of recalcitrant barons.&amp;nbsp;

It was quite an effective policy, though Henry did not curb the power and

influence of all nobles.&amp;nbsp; But it is worth noting that the English

nobility, already in decline during the Wars of the Roses, fell from influence

rapidly under the Tudors - under Elizabeth I, for instance, England had

just one duke (and he was executed for treason.)

&lt;p&gt;Henry did continue the Yorkist tradition of promoting government officers

from the middle class (primarily clerics and lawyers.)&amp;nbsp; But he did

not create the middle class government that many historians propose; nobles

still retained the most powerful positions.&amp;nbsp; Henry kept many of Edward

IV and Richard III's councilors, and these were either from the aristocracy,

or related through marriage.&amp;nbsp; But it should be noted that the middle

class was growing in power and influence, and carefully making its way

through the corridors of power.

&lt;p&gt;Henry also revived the powers of the Justices of the Peace, first introduced

by Henry II.&amp;nbsp; They administered the king's justice throughout England,

and were supposedly free of local prejudices.&amp;nbsp; His Yorkist predecessors

had appointed a Council of the North and thus allowed the great border

families of Neville, Dacre, Scrope, and Percy to rule as virtually independent

princes with their own armies.&amp;nbsp; This was necessary because the Scottish

border was notoriously difficult to maintain; raids from the north were

all too common, and the Yorkists had needed the Northern lords to protect

English interests.&amp;nbsp; When Edward IV was king, Richard had been 'Lord

of the North', having inherited the vast Neville estates through his wife.&amp;nbsp;

Henry was not so inclined - he did not want the Northern families to be

too powerful; after all, they could turn that power against their king.&amp;nbsp;

But he also knew the North needed a strong leader, a servant of the crown.&amp;nbsp;

And so he released the last Percy heir, the earl of Northumberland, from

the Tower of London and appointed him Lord Warden of the East and Middle

Marches.&amp;nbsp; But Henry carefully trimmed Percy's powers, and only allowed

the council to meet sporadically.&amp;nbsp; He successfully subdued it into

becoming a mere extension of his own London-based authority.

&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;

&lt;p&gt;Henry also attempted to quell the Scottish problem, and undercut the

Auld Alliance (the alliance between France and Scotland), by marrying his

eldest daughter Margaret to the king of Scots in 1503.&amp;nbsp; He planned

to marry his youngest daughter, Mary, to Charles, the prince of Castile.&amp;nbsp;

His eldest son and heir apparent, Prince Arthur, was wed to the youngest

daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, the powerful 'Catholic Kings' of Spain.&amp;nbsp;

With these marriage alliances, Henry hoped to protect his domestic interests;

he did not want to engage in costly foreign wars since the establishment

of his own dynasty was more important, but he needed foreign allies.&amp;nbsp;

Marriage was less costly than war, and - Henry hoped - more effective.&amp;nbsp;

The matches were impressive, particularly the match with Spain since it

meant that the most powerful European monarchs recognized his shaky claim

to the throne.&lt;/blockquote&gt;

&lt;/blockquote&gt;



&lt;center&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;font size=-1&gt;&lt;/font&gt;

&lt;p&gt;&lt;font size=-1&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs.html&quot;&gt;to

Tudor Monarchs&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/center&gt;





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