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    <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter II</Metadata>
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    <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Others</Metadata>
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    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;Queen Elizabeth&lt;br&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;
    &lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;img border=&quot;2&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg&quot; width=&quot;400&quot; height=&quot;478&quot; alt=&quot;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard&quot;&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;i&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas 
    Hilliard;&lt;br&gt;from the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2feliz1-images.html&quot;&gt;Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I&lt;/a&gt; website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
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    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
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    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
      &lt;b&gt;CHAPTER II&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
      &lt;b&gt;THE CHANGE OF RELIGION: 1559&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;MARY died on the 17th of November 1558. 
    Parliament was then sitting, and, in communicating the event to both Houses, 
    Archbishop Heath frankly took the initiative in recognising
    &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt;, &amp;quot;of whose most lawful right 
    and title in the succession of the Crown, thanks be to God, we need not to 
    doubt.&amp;quot; He was a staunch Catholic, and two months later refused to officiate 
    at her coronation. But he was an Englishman, and even the most convinced 
    Catholics, though looking forward with uneasiness to the religious policy of 
    the new &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Queen&lt;/font&gt;, were sincerely glad 
    that there was no danger of a disputed succession. Besides, it was by no 
    means clear that &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt; would not 
    accept the ecclesiastical constitution as established in the late reign. 
    That there would be an end of burnings, and of the harassing tyranny of the 
    bishops, every one felt certain; but it seemed quite upon the cards that
    &lt;font class=&quot;highlight_yellow&quot;&gt;Elizabeth&lt;/font&gt; would continue to recognise 
    the headship of the Pope in a formal way and maintain the Mass. It must be 
    remembered that the religious changes had only begun some thirty years 
    before. All middle-aged men could remember the time when the ecclesiastical 
    fabric stood to all appearance unbroken, as it had stood for centuries. Only 
    twenty-four years had passed since the Act of Supremacy had transferred the 
    headship of the Church from the Pope to the King; only eleven since the 
    Protestant doctrine and worship had been forced on the country by the 
    Protector Somerset, to the horror and disgust of the great majority of 
    Englishmen. The nation had sorrowed for the death of Edward VI., because it 
    darkened the prospects of the succession, and seemed likely sooner or later 
    to bring on a civil war. But apart from the hot Protestant minority, chiefly 
    to be found in London, the mass of the nation was conservative, and welcomed 
    the reestablishment of the old religion as a return to order and common 
    sense after a short and bitter experience of revolutionary anarchy. There 
    was a rooted objection to restore the old meddlesome tyranny of the bishops, 
    and the nobles and squires who had got hold of the abbey lands would not 
    hear of giving them up. But the return to communion with the Catholic Church 
    and the recognition of the Pope as its head gave satisfaction to 
    three-fourths, perhaps to five-sixths, of the nation, and to a still larger 
    proportion of its most influential class, the great landed proprietors. 
    Mary's accession was the great and unique opportunity for the old Church. If 
    Mary and Pole had been coolheaded politicians instead of excitable fanatics, 
    if they had contented themselves with restoring the old worship, depriving 
    the few Protestant clergy of their benefices, and punishing only outrageous 
    attacks on the State religion, Elizabeth would not have had the power, it 
    may be doubted whether she would have had the inclination, to undo her 
    sister's work. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;This great opportunity was thrown away. 
    Mary's bishops came back brooding over the long catalogue of humiliations 
    and indignities which their Church had suffered, and thirsting to avenge 
    their own wrongs. For six years they had their fling, and contrived to make 
    the country forget the period of Protestant misgovernment. England had never 
    before known what it was to be governed by clergymen. It was a sort of rule 
    as hateful to most Catholic laymen as to Protestants. Catholics therefore 
    for the most part, as well as Protestants, hailed the accession of 
    Elizabeth. At any rate there would be an end of the clerical tyranny. Nor 
    were they without hope that she would maintain the old worship. She had 
    conformed to it for the last five years, and Philip had given the word that 
    she was to be supported. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;We are now accustomed to the Papal &lt;i&gt;non 
    possumus&lt;/i&gt;. No nation or Church can hope that the smallest deviation from 
    Roman doctrine or discipline will be tolerated. But in 1558 the hard and 
    fast line had not yet been drawn. France was still pressing for such changes 
    as communion in both kinds, worship in the vulgar tongue, and marriage of 
    priests. The Council of Trent, it is true, had already in 1545 decided that 
    Catholic doctrine was contained in the Bible &lt;i&gt;and tradition&lt;/i&gt;, and in 
    1551 had defined transubstantiation and the sacraments. But in 1552 the 
    Council was prorogued, and it did not resume till 1562. Doctrine and 
    discipline therefore might be, and were still considered to be, in the 
    melting-pot, and no one could be certain what would come out. If Elizabeth 
    had contented herself with the French programme, and had joined France in 
    pressing it, the other sovereigns, who really cared for nothing but 
    uniformity, would probably have forced the Pope to compromise. The Lutheran 
    doctrine of consubstantiation might have been tolerated. The Anglican 
    formulÊ have been held by many to be compatible with a belief in the Real 
    Presence. The formal severance of England from Catholic unity might thus 
    have been postponed--possibly avoided--in the same sense that it has been 
    avoided in France. After the completion of the Council of Trent (1562-3) it 
    was too late. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Two years after her accession Elizabeth told 
    the Spanish ambassador, De Quadra, that her belief was the belief of all the 
    Catholics in the realm; and on his asking her how then she could have 
    altered religion in 1559, she said she had been compelled to act as she did, 
    and that, if he knew how she had been driven to it, she was sure he would 
    excuse her. Seven years later she made the same statement to De Silva. 
    Elizabeth was habitually so regardless of truth that her assertions can be 
    allowed little weight when they are improbable. No doubt, as a matter of 
    taste and feeling, she preferred the Catholic worship. She was not pious. 
    She was not troubled with a tender conscience or tormented by a sense of 
    sin. She did not care to cultivate close personal relations with her God. A 
    religion of form and ceremony suited her better. But her training had been 
    such as to free her from all superstitious fear or prejudice, and her 
    religious convictions were determined by her sense of what was most 
    reasonable and convenient. There is not the least evidence that she was a 
    reluctant agent in the adoption of Protestantism in 1559. Who was there to 
    coerce her? The Protestants could not have set up a Protestant competitor. 
    The great nobles, though opposed to persecution and desirous of minimising 
    the Pope's authority, would have preferred to leave worship as it was. But 
    upon one thing Elizabeth was determined. She would resume the full 
    ecclesiastical supremacy which her father had annexed to the Crown. She 
    judged, and she probably judged rightly, that the only way to assure this 
    was to make the breach with the old religion complete. If she had placed 
    herself in the hands of moderate Catholics like Paget, possessed with the 
    belief that she could only maintain herself by the protection of Philip, 
    they would have advised her to be content with the practical authority over 
    the English Church which many an English king had known how to exercise. 
    That was not enough for her. She desired a position free from all ambiguity 
    and possibility of dispute, not one which would have to be defended with 
    constant vigilance and at the cost of incessant bickering. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;From the point of view of her foreign 
    relations the moment might seem to be a dangerous one for carrying out a 
    religious revolution, and many a statesman with a deserved reputation for 
    prudence would have counselled delay. But this disadvantage was more than 
    counterbalanced by the unpopularity which the cruelties and disasters of 
    Mary's last three years had brought upon the most active Catholics. Again, 
    Elizabeth no doubt recognised that the Catholics, though at present the 
    strongest, were the declining party. The future was with the Protestants. It 
    was the young men who had fixed their hopes upon her in her sister's time, 
    and who were ready to rally round her now. By her natural disposition, and 
    by her culture, she belonged to the Renaissance rather than to the 
    Reformation. But obscurantist as Calvinism essentially was, the Calvinists, 
    as a minority struggling for freedom to think and teach what they believed, 
    represented for a time the cause of light and intellectual emancipation. Was 
    she to put herself at the head of reaction or progress? She did not love the 
    Calvinists. They were too much in earnest for her. Their narrow creed was as 
    tainted with superstition as that of Rome, and, at bottom, was less humane, 
    less favourable to progress. But whom else had she to work with? The 
    reasonable, secular-minded, tolerant sceptics are not always the best 
    fighting material; and at that time they were few in number and tending--in 
    England at least--to be ground out of existence between the upper and nether 
    millstones of the rival fanaticisms. If she broke with Catholicism she would 
    be sure of the ardent and unwavering support of one-third of the nation; so 
    sure, that she would have no need to take any further pains to please them. 
    As for the remaining two-thirds, she hoped to conciliate most of them by 
    posing as their protector against the persecution which would have been 
    pleasing to Protestant bigots. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;In the policy of a complete breach with Rome, 
    Cecil was disposed to go as far as the Queen, and further. Cecil was at this 
    time thirty-eight. For forty years he continued to be the confidential and 
    faithful servant of Elizabeth. One of those new men whom the Tudors most 
    trusted, he was first employed by Henry VIII. Under Edward he rose to be 
    Secretary of State, and was a pronounced Protestant. On the fall of his 
    patron Somerset he was for a abort time sent to the Tower, but was soon in 
    office again--sooner, some thought, than was quite decent--under his 
    patron's old enemy, Northumberland. He signed the letters patent by which 
    the crown was conferred on Lady Jane Grey; but took an early opportunity of 
    going over to Mary. During her reign he conformed to the old religion, and, 
    though not holding any office, was consulted on public business, and was one 
    of the three commissioners who went to fetch Cardinal Pole to England. 
    Thoroughly capable in business, one of those to whom power naturally falls 
    because they know how to use it, a shrewd balancer of probabilities, without 
    a particle of fanaticism in his composition and detesting it in others, 
    though ready to make use of it to serve his ends, entirely believing that &amp;quot;whate'er 
    is best administered is best,&amp;quot; Cecil nevertheless had his religious 
    predilections, and they were all on the side of the Protestants. Moreover he 
    had a personal motive which, by the nature of the case, was not present to 
    the Queen. She might die prematurely; and if that event should take place 
    before the Protestant ascendancy was firmly established his power would be 
    at an end, and his very life would be in danger. A time came when he and his 
    party had so strengthened themselves, if not in absolute numerical 
    superiority, yet by the hold they had established on all departments of 
    Government from the highest to the lowest, that they were in a condition to 
    resist a Catholic claimant to the throne, if need were, sword in hand. But 
    during the early years of the reign Cecil was working with the rope round 
    his neck. Hence he could not regard the progress of events with the 
    imperturbable &lt;i&gt;sang-froid&lt;/i&gt; which Elizabeth always displayed; and all 
    his influence was employed to push the religious revolution through as 
    rapidly and completely as possible. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The story that Elizabeth was influenced in 
    her attitude to Rome by an arrogant reply from Pope Paul IV. to her official 
    notification of her accession, though refuted by Lingard and Hallam in their 
    later editions, has been repeated by recent historians. Her accession was 
    notified to every friendly sovereign except the Pope. He was studiously 
    ignored from the first. Equally unsupported by facts are all attempts to 
    show that during the early weeks of her reign she had not made up her mind 
    as to the course she would take about religion. All preaching, it is true, 
    was suspended by proclamation; and it was ordered that the established 
    worship should go on &amp;quot;until consultation might be had in Parliament by the 
    Queen and the three Estates.&amp;quot; In the meantime she had herself crowned 
    according to the ancient ritual by the Catholic Bishop of Carlisle. But this 
    is only what might have been expected from a strong ruler who was not 
    disposed to let important alterations be initiated by popular commotion or 
    the presumptuous forwardness of individual clergymen. The impending change 
    was quite sufficiently marked from the first by the removal of the most 
    bigoted Catholics from the Council and by the appointment of Cecil and Bacon 
    to the offices of Secretary and of Lord Keeper. The new Parliament, 
    Protestant candidates for which had been recommended by the Government, met 
    as soon as possible (25 January 1559). When it rose (8 May) the great change 
    had been legally and decisively accomplished. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The government, worship, and doctrine of the 
    Established Church are the most abiding marks left by Elizabeth on the 
    national life of England. Logically it might have been expected that the 
    settlement of doctrine would precede that of government and worship. It is 
    characteristic of a State Church that the inverse order should have been 
    followed. For the Queen the most important question was Church government; 
    for the people, worship. Both these matters were disposed of with great 
    promptitude at the beginning of 1559. Doctrine might interest the clergy; 
    but it could wait. The Thirty-nine Articles were not adopted by Convocation 
    till 1563, and were not sanctioned by Parliament till 1571. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;The government of the Church was settled by 
    the &lt;i&gt;Act of Supremacy (April 1559)&lt;/i&gt;. It revived the Act of Henry VIII., 
    except that the Queen was styled Supreme Governor of the Church instead of 
    Supreme Head, although the nature of the supremacy was precisely the same. 
    The penalties were relaxed. Henry's oath of supremacy might be tendered to 
    any subject, and to decline it was high treason; Elizabeth's oath was to be 
    obligatory only on persons holding spiritual or temporal office under the 
    Crown, and the penalty for declining was the loss of such office. Those who 
    chose to attack the supremacy were still liable to the penalties of treason 
    on the third offence. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Worship was settled with equal expedition by 
    the &lt;i&gt;Act of Uniformity (April 1559)&lt;/i&gt;, which imposed the second or more 
    Protestant Prayer-book of Edward VI., but with a few very important 
    alterations. A deprecation in the Litany of &amp;quot;the tyranny of the Bishop of 
    Rome and all his detestable enormities,&amp;quot; and a rubric which declared that by 
    kneeling at the Communion no adoration was intended to any real and 
    essential presence of Christ, were expunged. The words of administration in 
    the present communion service consist of two sentences. The first sentence, 
    implying real presence, belonged to Edward's first Prayer-book; the second, 
    implying mere commemoration, belonged to his second Prayer-book. The 
    Prayerbook of 1559 simply pieced the two together, with a view to satisfy 
    both Catholics and Protestants. Lastly, the vestments prescribed in Edward's 
    first Prayer-book were retained till further notice. These alterations of 
    Edward's second Prayer-book, all of them designed to propitiate the 
    Catholics, were dictated by Elizabeth herself. In all this legislation 
    Convocation was entirely ignored. Both its houses showed themselves strongly 
    Catholic. But their opinion was not asked, and no notice was taken of their 
    remonstrances. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;While determining that England should have a 
    purely national Church, and for that reason casting in her lot with the 
    Protestants, Elizabeth, as we have seen, made very considerable sacrifices 
    of logic and consistency in order to induce Catholics to conform. Like a 
    strong and wise statesman, she did not allow herself to be driven into one 
    concession after another, but went at once as far as she intended to go. At 
    the same time the coercion applied to the Catholics, while sufficient to 
    influence the worldly-minded majority, was, during the early part of her 
    reign, very mild for those times. She wished no one to be molested who did 
    not go out of his way to invite it. Outward conformity was all she wanted. 
    And of this mere attendance at church was accepted as sufficient evidence. 
    The principal difficulty, of course, was with the clergy. From them more 
    than a mere passive conformity had to be exacted. To sign declarations, take 
    oaths, and officiate in church was a severer strain on the conscience. It is 
    said that less than 200 out of 9400 sacrificed their benefices rather than 
    conform, and that of these about 100 were dignitaries. The number must be 
    under-stated; for the chief difficulty of the new bishops, for a long time, 
    was to find clergymen for the parish churches. But we cannot doubt that the 
    large majority of the parish clergy stuck to their livings, remaining 
    Catholics at heart, and avoiding, where they could, and as long as they 
    could, compliance with the new regulations. It must not be supposed that the 
    enactment of religious changes by Parliament was equivalent, as it would be 
    at the present day, to their immediate enforcement throughout the country; 
    especially in the north where the great proprietors and justices of the 
    peace did not carry out the law. A certain number of the ejected priests 
    continued to celebrate the ancient rites privately in the houses of the more 
    earnest Catholics; for which they were not unfrequently punished by 
    imprisonment. &lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;3&quot;&gt;Of course this was persecution. But according 
    to the ideas of that day it was a very mild kind of persecution; and where 
    it occurred it seems to have been due to the zeal of some of the bishops, 
    and to private busybodies who set the law in motion, rather than to any 
    systematic action on the part of the Government.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;hr&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;
    Queen Elizabeth&lt;/i&gt; by Edward Spencer Beesly.&amp;nbsp; Published in London by 
    Macmillan and Co., 1892.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
&lt;/blockquote&gt;

    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fbeeslychapterthree.html&quot;&gt;to Chapter 
    III: Foreign Relations: 1559-1563&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2feliz1.html&quot;&gt;to the Queen 
    Elizabeth I website&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; /&amp;nbsp;
    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2frelative%2fmaryqos.html&quot;&gt;to the Mary, 
    queen of Scots website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
    to Secondary Sources&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
    &lt;/font&gt;
  


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