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| 14 | <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
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| 15 | <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
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| 16 | <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
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| 17 | <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter VII</Metadata>
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| 29 | <Content>
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| 30 |
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| 31 | <table border="0" cellpadding="3" width="100%" height="667">
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| 32 | <tr>
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| 33 | <td width="25%" height="29"></td>
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| 34 | <td valign="top" width="50%" height="29">&nbsp;</td>
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| 35 | <td width="25%" height="29"></td>
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| 36 | </tr>
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| 37 | <tr>
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| 38 | <td width="25%" height="3"></td>
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| 39 | <td width="50%" height="3"><font size="3"></font></td>
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| 40 | <td width="25%" height="3"></td>
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| 41 | </tr>
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| 42 | <tr>
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| 43 | <td width="25%" height="610"></td>
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| 44 | <td valign="top" width="50%" height="610">
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| 45 | <p align="center"><b><font size="7">Queen Elizabeth<br></font></b>
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| 46 | <font size="4">by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</font></p>
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| 47 | <p align="center">
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| 48 | <img border="2" src="_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg" width="400" height="478" alt="'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard"><p align="center">
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| 49 | <i><font size="2">'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
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| 50 | Hilliard;<br>from the <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2feliz1-images.html">Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I</a> website</font></i></td>
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| 51 | <td width="25%" height="610"></td>
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| 52 | </tr>
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| 53 | </table>
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| 54 | <blockquote>
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| 55 | <blockquote>
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| 56 | <font style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">
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| 57 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman"></font>
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| 58 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman"></font>
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| 59 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman"></font>
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| 60 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman">
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| 61 | <div align="left">
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| 62 | <b>CHAPTER VII</b><br>
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| 63 | <b>THE PAPAL ATTACK: 1570-1583</b></div>
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| 64 | <p align="left">SOVEREIGNS and statesmen in the sixteenth century are to be
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| 65 | honoured or condemned according to the degree in which they aimed on the one
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| 66 | hand at preserving political order, and on the other at allowing freedom of
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| 67 | opinion. It was not always easy to reconcile these two aims. The first was a
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| 68 | temporary necessity, and yet was the more urgent--as indeed is always the
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| 69 | case with the tasks of the--statesman. He is responsible for the present; it
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| 70 | is not for him to attempt to provide for a remote future. Political order
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| 71 | and the material well-being of nations may be disastrously impaired by the
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| 72 | imprudence or weakness of a ruler. Thought, after all, may be trusted to
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| 73 | take care of itself in the long-run. </p>
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| 74 | <p align="left">To the modern Liberal, with his doctrine of absolute
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| 75 | religious equality, toleration seems an insult, and anything short of
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| 76 | toleration is regarded as persecution. In the sixteenth century the most
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| 77 | advanced statesmen did not see their way to proclaim freedom of public
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| 78 | worship and of religious discussion. It was much if they tolerated freedom
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| 79 | of opinion, and connived at a quiet, private propagation of other religions
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| 80 | than those established by law. It would be wrong to condemn and despise them
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| 81 | as actuated by superstition and narrow-minded prejudice. Their motives were
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| 82 | mainly political, and it is reasonable to suppose that they knew better than
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| 83 | we do whether a larger toleration was compatible with public order. </p>
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| 84 | <p align="left">We have seen that under the Act of Supremacy, in the first
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| 85 | year of Elizabeth, the oath was only tendered to persons holding office,
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| 86 | spiritual or temporal, under the crown, and that the penalty for refusing it
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| 87 | was only deprivation. But in her fifth year (1563), it was enacted that the
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| 88 | oath might be tendered to members of the House of Commons, schoolmasters,
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| 89 | and attorneys, who, if they refused it, might be punished by forfeiture of
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| 90 | property and perpetual imprisonment. To those who had held any
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| 91 | ecclesiastical office, or who should openly disapprove of the established
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| 92 | worship, or celebrate or hear mass, the oath might be tendered a second
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| 93 | time, with the penalties of high treason for refusal. </p>
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| 94 | <p align="left">That this law authorised an atrocious persecution cannot be
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| 95 | disputed, and there is no doubt that many zealous Protestants wished it to
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| 96 | be enforced. But the practical question is, Was it enforced? The government
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| 97 | wished to be armed with the power of using it, and for the purpose of
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| 98 | expelling Catholics from offices it was extensively used. But no one was at
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| 99 | this time visited with the severer penalties, the bishops having been
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| 100 | privately forbidden to tender the oath a second time to any one without
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| 101 | special instructions. </p>
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| 102 | <p align="left">The Act of Uniformity, passed in the first year of
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| 103 | Elizabeth, prohibited the use of any but the established liturgy, whether in
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| 104 | public or private, under pain of perpetual imprisonment for the third
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| 105 | offence, and imposed a fine of one shilling on recusants--that is, upon
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| 106 | persons who absented themselves from church on Sundays and holidays. To what
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| 107 | extent Catholics were interfered with under this Act has been a matter of
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| 108 | much dispute. Most of them, during the first eleven years of Elizabeth,
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| 109 | either from ignorance or worldliness, treated the Anglican service as
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| 110 | equivalent to the Catholic, and made no difficulty about attending church,
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| 111 | even after this compliance with the law had been forbidden by Pius IV in the
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| 112 | sixth year of Elizabeth. Only the more scrupulous absented themselves, and
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| 113 | called in the ministrations of the &quot;old priests,&quot; who with more or less
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| 114 | secrecy said mass in private houses. Some of these offenders were certainly
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| 115 | punished before Elizabeth had been two years on the throne. The enforcement
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| 116 | of laws was by no means so uniform in those days as it is now. Much depended
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| 117 | on the leanings of the noblemen and justices of the peace in different
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| 118 | localities. Both from disposition and policy Elizabeth desired, as a general
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| 119 | rule, to connive at Catholic nonconformity when it did not take an
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| 120 | aggressive and fanatical form. But she had no scruple about applying the
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| 121 | penalties of these Acts to individuals who for any reason, religious or
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| 122 | political, were specially obnoxious to her. </p>
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| 123 | <p align="left">So things went on till the northern insurrection: the laws
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| 124 | authorising a searching and sanguinary persecution; the Government, much to
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| 125 | the disgust of zealous Protestants, declining to put those laws in
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| 126 | execution. Judged by modern ideas, the position of the Catholics was
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| 127 | intolerable; but if measured by the principles of government then
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| 128 | universally accepted, or if compared with the treatment of persons ever so
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| 129 | slightly suspected of heresy in countries cursed with the Inquisition, it
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| 130 | was not a position of which they had any great reason to complain; nor did
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| 131 | the large majority of them complain. </p>
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| 132 | <p align="left">Pope Pius IV (1559-1566) was comparatively cautious and
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| 133 | circumspect in his attitude towards Elizabeth. But his successor Pius V
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| 134 | (1566-1572), having made up his mind that her destruction was the one thing
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| 135 | necessary for the defeat of heresy in Europe, strove to stir up against her
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| 136 | rebellion at home and invasion from abroad. A bull deposing her, and
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| 137 | absolving her subjects from their allegiance, was drawn up. But while Pius,
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| 138 | conscious of the offence which it would give to all the sovereigns of
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| 139 | Europe, delayed to issue it, the northern rebellion flared up and was
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| 140 | trampled out. The absence of such a bull was by many Catholics made an
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| 141 | excuse for holding aloof from the rebel earls. When it was too late the bull
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| 142 | was issued (February 1570). Philip and Charles IX--sovereigns first and
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| 143 | Catholics afterwards--refused to let it be published in their dominions. </p>
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| 144 | <p align="left">After the northern insurrection the Queen issued a
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| 145 | remarkable appeal to her people, which was ordered to be placarded in every
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| 146 | parish, and read in every church. She could point with honest pride to
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| 147 | eleven years of such peace abroad and tranquillity at home as no living
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| 148 | Englishman could remember. Her economy had enabled her to conduct the
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| 149 | government without any of the illegal exactions to which former sovereigns
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| 150 | had resorted. &quot;She had never sought the life, the blood, the goods, the
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| 151 | houses, estates or lands of any person in her dominions.&quot; This happy state
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| 152 | of things the rebels had tried to disturb on pretext of religion. They had
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| 153 | no real grievance on that score. Attendance at parish church was indeed
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| 154 | obligatory by law, though, she might have added, it was very loosely
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| 155 | enforced. But she disclaimed any wish to pry into opinions, or to inquire in
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| 156 | what sense any one understood rites or ceremonies. In other words, the
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| 157 | language of the communion service was not incompatible with the doctrine of
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| 158 | transubstantiation, and loyal Catholics were at liberty, were almost
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| 159 | invited, to interpret it in that sense if they liked. </p>
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| 160 | <p align="left">This compromise between their religious and political
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| 161 | obligations had in fact been hitherto adopted by the large majority of
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| 162 | English Catholics. But a time was come when it was to be no longer possible
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| 163 | for them. They were summoned to make their choice between their duty as
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| 164 | citizens and their duty as Catholics. The summons had come, not from the
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| 165 | Queen, but from the Pope, and it is not strange that they had thenceforth a
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| 166 | harder time of it. Many of them, indignant with the Pope for bringing
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| 167 | trouble upon them, gave up the struggle and conformed to the Established
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| 168 | Church. The temper of the rest became more bitter and dangerous. The Puritan
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| 169 | Parliament of 1571 passed a bill to compel all persons not only to attend
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| 170 | church, but to receive the communion twice a year; and another making formal
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| 171 | reconciliation to the Church of Rome high treason both for the convert and
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| 172 | the priest who should receive him. Here we have the persecuting spirit,
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| 173 | which was as inherent in the zealous Protestant as in the zealous Catholic.
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| 174 | Attempts to excuse such legislation, as prompted by political reasons, can
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| 175 | only move the disgust of every honest-minded man. The first of these bills
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| 176 | did not receive the royal assent, though Cecil--just made Lord Burghley--had
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| 177 | strenuously pushed it through the Upper House. Elizabeth probably saw that
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| 178 | its only effect would be to enable the Protestant zealots in every parish to
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| 179 | enjoy the luxury of harassing their quiet Catholic neighbours, who attended
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| 180 | church but would scruple to take the sacrament. </p>
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| 181 | <p align="left">The Protestant spirit of this House of Commons showed itself
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| 182 | not only in laws for strengthening the Government and persecuting the
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| 183 | Catholics, but in attempts to puritanise the Prayer-book, which much
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| 184 | displeased the Queen. Strickland, one of the Puritan leaders, was forbidden
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| 185 | to attend the House. But such was the irritation caused by this invasion of
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| 186 | its privileges, that the prohibition was removed after one day. It was in
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| 187 | this session of Parliament that the doctrines of the Church of England were
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| 188 | finally determined by the imposition on the clergy of the Thirty-nine
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| 189 | Articles, which, as every one knows, are much more Protestant than the
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| 190 | Prayer-book. Till then they had only had the sanction of Convocation. </p>
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| 191 | <p align="left">During the first forty years or so, from the beginning of
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| 192 | the Reformation, Protestantism spread in most parts of Europe with great
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| 193 | rapidity. It was not merely an intellectual revolt against doctrines no
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| 194 | longer credible. The numbers of the reformers were swelled, and their force
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| 195 | intensified by the flocking in of pious souls, athirst for personal
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| 196 | holiness, and of many others who, without being high-wrought enthusiasts,
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| 197 | were by nature disposed to value whatever seemed to make for a purer
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| 198 | morality. The religion which had nurtured Bernard and à Kempis was deserted,
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| 199 | not merely as being untrue, but as incompatible with the highest spiritual
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| 200 | life--nay, as positively corrupting to society. This imagination, of course,
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| 201 | had but a short day. The return to the Bible and the doctrines of primitive
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| 202 | Christianity, the deliverance from &quot;the Bishop of Rome and his detestable
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| 203 | enormities,&quot; were not found to be followed by any general improvement of
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| 204 | morals in Protestant countries. He that was unjust was unjust still; he that
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| 205 | was filthy was filthy still. The repulsive contrast too often seen between
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| 206 | sanctimonious professions and unscrupulous conduct contributed to the
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| 207 | disenchantment. </p>
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| 208 | <p align="left">In the meanwhile a great regeneration was going on within
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| 209 | the Catholic Church itself. Signs of this can be detected quite as early as
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| 210 | the first rise of Protestantism. It is, therefore, not to be attributed to
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| 211 | Protestant teaching and example, though doubtless the rivalry of the younger
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| 212 | religion stimulated the best energies of the older. No long time elapsed
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| 213 | before this regeneration had worked its way to the highest places in the
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| 214 | Church. The Popes by whom Elizabeth was confronted were all men of pure
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| 215 | lives and single-hearted devotion to the Catholic cause. </p>
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| 216 | <p align="left">The last two years of the Council of Trent (1562-3) were the
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| 217 | starting-point of the modern Catholic Church. Many proposals had been made
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| 218 | for compromise with Protestantism. But the Fathers of Trent saw that the
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| 219 | only chance of survival for a Church claiming to be Catholic was to remain
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| 220 | on the old lines. By the canons and decrees of the Council, ratified by Pius
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| 221 | IV., the old doctrines and discipline were confirmed and definitely
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| 222 | formulated. One branch indeed of the Papal power was irretrievably gone.
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| 223 | Royal authority had become absolute, and the kings, including Philip II.,
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| 224 | refused to tolerate any interference with it. The Papacy had to acquiesce in
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| 225 | the loss of its power over sovereigns. But as regards the bishops and
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| 226 | clergy, and things strictly appertaining to religion, its spiritual
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| 227 | autocracy, which the great councils of the last century had aimed at
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| 228 | breaking, was re-established, and has continued. The new situation, though
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| 229 | it seemed to place the Popes on a humbler footing than in the days of
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| 230 | Gregory VII. or Innocent III., was a healthy one. It confined them to their
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| 231 | spiritual domain, and drove them to make the best of it. </p>
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| 232 | <p align="left">Until the decrees of the Council of Trent, the split between
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| 233 | Protestants and Catholics was not definitely and irrevocably decided. Many
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| 234 | on both sides had shrunk from admitting it. The Catholic world might seem to
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| 235 | be narrowed by the defection of the Protestant States. But all the more
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| 236 | clearly did it appear that a Church claiming to be universal is not
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| 237 | concerned with political boundaries. The resistance to the spread of heresy
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| 238 | had hitherto consisted of many local struggles, in which the repressive
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| 239 | measures had emanated from the orthodox sovereigns, and had therefore been
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| 240 | fitful and unconnected. But not long after the Tridentine reorganisation,
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| 241 | the Pope appears again as commander-in-chief of the Catholic forces,
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| 242 | surveying and directing combined operations from one end of Europe to the
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| 243 | other. Pius IV. had been with difficulty prevented by Philip from
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| 244 | excommunicating Elizabeth. Pius V had launched his bull, as we have seen, a
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| 245 | few months too late (1570); and even then it was not allowed to be published
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| 246 | in either Spain or France. The life of that Pope was wasted in earnest
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| 247 | remonstrances with the Catholic sovereigns for not executing the sentence of
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| 248 | the Church against the heretic Queen. Gregory XIII, who succeeded him just
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| 249 | before the Bartholomew Massacre, took the attack into his own hands. He was
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| 250 | a warm patron of the Jesuits, who were especially devoted to the
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| 251 | centralising system re-established at Trent. He and they had made up their
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| 252 | minds that England was the key of the Protestant position; that until
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| 253 | Elizabeth was removed no advance was to be hoped for anywhere. </p>
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| 254 | <p align="left">The decline of a religion may be accompanied by a positive
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| 255 | increase of earnestness and activity on the part of its remaining votaries,
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| 256 | deluding them into a belief that they are but passing through, or have
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| 257 | successfully passed through, a period of temporary depression and eclipse.
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| 258 | Among the Catholics of the latter part of the sixteenth century there was
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| 259 | all the enthusiasm of a religious revival. In no place did this show itself
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| 260 | more than at Oxford. There the weak points of popular movements have never
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| 261 | been allowed to pass without challenge, and what is really valuable or
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| 262 | beautiful in time worn faiths has been sure of receiving fair-play and
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| 263 | something more. The gloss of the Reformation was already worn off. The
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| 264 | worldly and carnal were its supporters and directors. It no longer demanded
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| 265 | enthusiasm and sacrifice. It walked in purple and fine linen. Young men of
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| 266 | quick intellect and high aspirations who, a generation earlier, would have
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| 267 | been captivated by its fair promise and have thrown themselves into its
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| 268 | current, yielded now to the eternal spell of the older Church, cleansed as
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| 269 | she was of her pollutions, and purged of her dross by the discipline of
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| 270 | adversity. </p>
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| 271 | <p align="left">The leader of these Oxford enthusiasts was a young fellow of
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| 272 | Oriel, William Allen. In the third year of Elizabeth, at the age of
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| 273 | twenty-eight, he resigned the Principalship of St. Mary Hall. The next eight
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| 274 | years were spent partly abroad, partly in secret missionary work in England,
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| 275 | carried on at the peril of his life. The old priests, who with more or less
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| 276 | concealment and danger continued to exercise their office among the English
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| 277 | Catholics, were gradually dying off. In order to train successors to them,
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| 278 | Allen founded an English seminary at Douai (1568). To this important step it
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| 279 | was mainly due that the Catholic religion did not become extinct in this
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| 280 | country. In the first five years of its existence the college at Douai sent
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| 281 | nearly a hundred priests to England. </p>
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| 282 | <p align="left">It was the aim of Allen to put an end to the practical
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| 283 | toleration allowed to Catholic laymen of the quieter sort. The Catholic who
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| 284 | began by putting in the compulsory number of attendances at his parish
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| 285 | church was likely to end by giving up his faith altogether. If he did not,
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| 286 | his son would. Allen deliberately preferred a sweeping persecution--one that
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| 287 | would make the position of Catholics intolerable, and ripen them for
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| 288 | rebellion. He wanted martyrs. The ardent young men whom he trained at Douai
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| 289 | and (after 1578) at Rheims, went back to their native land with the clear
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| 290 | understanding that of all the services they could render to the Church the
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| 291 | greatest would be to die under the hangman's knife. </p>
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| 292 | <p align="left">Gregory XIII hoped great things from Allen's seminary, and
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| 293 | furnished funds for its support. In 1579 Allen went to Rome, and enlisted
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| 294 | the support of Mercurian, General of the Jesuits. Two English Jesuits,
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| 295 | Robert Parsons and Edward Campion, exfellows of Balliol and St. John's, were
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| 296 | selected as missionaries. Campion was eight years younger than Allen. He had
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| 297 | had a brilliant career at Oxford, being especially distinguished for his
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| 298 | eloquence. He was at that time personally known to both Cecil and the Queen,
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| 299 | and enjoyed their favour. He took deacon's orders in 1568, but not long
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| 300 | afterwards joined Allen at Douai, and formally abjured the Anglican Church.
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| 301 | He had been six years a Jesuit when he was despatched on his dangerous
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| 302 | mission to England. </p>
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| 303 | <p align="left">Tired of waiting for the initiative of Philip, Gregory XIII.
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| 304 | and the Jesuits had planned a threefold attack on Elizabeth in England,
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| 305 | Scotland, and Ireland. In England a revivalist movement was to be carried on
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| 306 | among the Catholics by the missionaries. Catholic writers have been at great
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| 307 | pains to argue that this was a purely religious movement, prosecuted with
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| 308 | the single object of saving souls. The Jesuits have always known their men
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| 309 | and employed them with discrimination. Saving of souls was very likely the
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| 310 | simple object of a man of Campion's saintly and exalted nature. He himself
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| 311 | declared that he had been strictly forbidden to meddle with worldly concerns
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| 312 | or affairs of State, and nothing inconsistent with this declaration was
|
---|
| 313 | proved against him at his trial. But without laying any stress on statements
|
---|
| 314 | extracted from prisoners under torture, we cannot doubt that his employers
|
---|
| 315 | aimed at re-establishing Catholicism in England by rebellion and foreign
|
---|
| 316 | invasion. This was thoroughly understood by every missionary who crossed the
|
---|
| 317 | sea; and if Campion never alluded to it even in his most familiar
|
---|
| 318 | conversations he must have had an extraordinary control over his tongue. </p>
|
---|
| 319 | <p align="left">The evidence that the assassination of the Queen was a
|
---|
| 320 | recognised part of the Jesuit plan, determined by the master spirits and
|
---|
| 321 | accepted by all the subordinate agents, is perhaps not quite conclusive. If
|
---|
| 322 | proved, it would only show that they were not more scrupulous than most
|
---|
| 323 | statesmen and politicians of the time. Lax as sixteenth century notions were
|
---|
| 324 | about political murder, there were always some consciences more tender than
|
---|
| 325 | others. It is likely enough that Campion personally disapproved of such
|
---|
| 326 | projects, and that they were not thrust upon his attention. But he can
|
---|
| 327 | hardly have avoided being aware that they were contemplated by the less
|
---|
| 328 | squeamish of his brethren. </p>
|
---|
| 329 | <p align="left">Campion and Parsons came to England in disguise in the
|
---|
| 330 | summer of 1580. Their mission was not a success. It only served to show how
|
---|
| 331 | much more securely Elizabeth was seated on her throne than in the earlier
|
---|
| 332 | years of her reign. In his letters to Rome, Campion boasts of the welcome he
|
---|
| 333 | met with everywhere, the crowds that attended his preaching, the ardour of
|
---|
| 334 | the Catholics, and the disrepute into which Protestantism was falling. He
|
---|
| 335 | had evidently worked himself up to such a state of ecstasy that he was
|
---|
| 336 | living in a world of his own imagination, and was no competent witness of
|
---|
| 337 | facts. He crept about England in various disguises, and when he was in
|
---|
| 338 | districts where the nobles and gentry favoured the old religion, he preached
|
---|
| 339 | with a publicity which seems extraordinary to us in these days when the laws
|
---|
| 340 | are executed with prompt uniformity by means of railways, telegraphs, and a
|
---|
| 341 | well-organised police. In the sixteenth century England had nothing that can
|
---|
| 342 | be called an organised machinery for the prevention and detection of crime.
|
---|
| 343 | If an outbreak occurred the Government collected militia, and trampled it
|
---|
| 344 | out with an energy that took no account of law and feared no consequences.
|
---|
| 345 | But in ordinary times it had to depend on the local justices of the peace
|
---|
| 346 | and parish constables, and if they were remiss the laws were a dead letter.
|
---|
| 347 | There were no newspapers. The high-roads were few and bad. One parish did
|
---|
| 348 | not know what was going on in the next. Campion could be passed on from one
|
---|
| 349 | gentleman's house to another on horses quite as good as any officer of the
|
---|
| 350 | Government rode, and could travel all over England without ever using a
|
---|
| 351 | high-road or showing his face in a town. If he preached to a hundred people
|
---|
| 352 | in some Lancashire village, Lord Derby did not want to know it, and before
|
---|
| 353 | the news reached Burghley or Walsingham he would be in another county, or
|
---|
| 354 | perhaps back in London--then, as now, the safest of all hiding-places. Thus,
|
---|
| 355 | though a warrant was issued for his arrest as soon as he arrived in England,
|
---|
| 356 | it was not till July in the next year (1581) that he was taken, after an
|
---|
| 357 | unusually public and pro. tracted appearance in the neighbourhood of Oxford.
|
---|
| 358 | </p>
|
---|
| 359 | <p align="left">He had little or nothing to show for his twelve months'
|
---|
| 360 | tour, and this although the Government had, as Allen hoped, allowed itself
|
---|
| 361 | to be provoked into an increase of severity which seems to have been quite
|
---|
| 362 | unnecessary. The large majority of Catholic laymen would evidently have
|
---|
| 363 | preferred that both Seminarists and Jesuits should keep away. They did not
|
---|
| 364 | want civil war. They did not want to be persecuted. They were against a
|
---|
| 365 | foreign invasion, without which they knew very well that Elizabeth could not
|
---|
| 366 | be deposed. They were even loyal to her. They were content to wait till she
|
---|
| 367 | should disappear in the course of nature and make room for the Queen of
|
---|
| 368 | Scots. Mendoza writes to Philip that &quot;they place themselves in the hands of
|
---|
| 369 | God, and are willing to sacrifice life and all in the service, <i>but
|
---|
| 370 | scarcely with that burning zeal which they ought to show</i>.&quot; </p>
|
---|
| 371 | <p align="left">By the bull of Pius V, Englishmen were forbidden to
|
---|
| 372 | acknowledge Elizabeth as their Queen; in other words, they were ordered to
|
---|
| 373 | expose themselves to the penalties of treason. If the Pope would be
|
---|
| 374 | satisfied with nothing less than this, it was quite certain that he would
|
---|
| 375 | alienate most of his followers in England. Gregory XIII therefore had
|
---|
| 376 | authorised the Jesuits to explain that although the Protestants, by <i>
|
---|
| 377 | willingly</i> acknowledging the Queen, were incurring the damnation
|
---|
| 378 | pronounced by the bull, Catholics would be excused for <i>unwillingly</i>
|
---|
| 379 | acknowledging her until some opportunity arrived for dethroning her.
|
---|
| 380 | Protestant writers have exclaimed against this distinction as treacherous.
|
---|
| 381 | It was perfectly reasonable. It represents, for instance, the attitude of
|
---|
| 382 | every Alsatian who accords an unwilling recognition to the German Emperor.
|
---|
| 383 | But the English Government intolerantly and unwisely made it the occasion
|
---|
| 384 | for harassing the consciences of men who were most of them guiltless of any
|
---|
| 385 | intention to rebel. </p>
|
---|
| 386 | <p align="left">Amongst other persecuting laws passed early in 1581, was one
|
---|
| 387 | which raised the fine for non-attendance at church to twenty pounds a month.
|
---|
| 388 | Such a measure was calculated to excite much more wide-spread disaffection
|
---|
| 389 | than the hanging of a few priests. It was not intended to be a <i>brutum
|
---|
| 390 | fulmen</i>. The names of all recusants in each parish were returned to the
|
---|
| 391 | Council. They amounted to about 50,000, and the fines exacted became a not
|
---|
| 392 | inconsiderable item in the royal revenue. That number certainly formed but a
|
---|
| 393 | small portion of the Catholic population. But if all the rest had been in
|
---|
| 394 | the habit of going to church, contrary to the Pope's express injunction,
|
---|
| 395 | rather than pay a small fine, the Government ought to have seen that they
|
---|
| 396 | were not the stuff of which rebels are made. </p>
|
---|
| 397 | <p align="left">Campion, after being compelled by torture to disclose the
|
---|
| 398 | names of his hosts in different counties, was called on to maintain the
|
---|
| 399 | Catholic doctrines in a three days' discussion before a large audience
|
---|
| 400 | against four Protestant divines, who do not seem to have been ashamed of
|
---|
| 401 | themselves. He was offered pardon if he would attend once in church. As he
|
---|
| 402 | steadfastly refused, he was racked again till his limbs were dislocated.
|
---|
| 403 | When he had partially recovered he was put on his trial, along with several
|
---|
| 404 | of his companions, not under any of the recent anti-catholic laws but under
|
---|
| 405 | the ordinary statute of Edward III., for &quot;compassing and imagining the
|
---|
| 406 | Queen's death&quot;--such a horror had the Burghleys and Walsinghams of anything
|
---|
| 407 | like religious persecution! Being unable to hold up his hand to plead Not
|
---|
| 408 | Guilty, &quot;two of his companions raised it for him, first kissing the broken
|
---|
| 409 | joints.&quot; According to Mendoza (whom on other occasions we are invited to
|
---|
| 410 | accept as a witness of truth), his nails had been torn from his fingers.
|
---|
| 411 | Apart from his religious belief nothing treasonable was proved against him
|
---|
| 412 | in deed or word. He acknowledged Elizabeth for his rightful sovereign, as
|
---|
| 413 | the new interpretation of the papal bull permitted him to do, but he
|
---|
| 414 | declined to give any opinion about the Pope's right to depose princes. This
|
---|
| 415 | was enough for the judge and jury, and he was found guilty. At the place of
|
---|
| 416 | execution he was again offered his pardon if he would deny the papal right
|
---|
| 417 | of deposition, or even hear a Protestant sermon. He wished the Queen a long
|
---|
| 418 | and quiet reign and all prosperity, but more he would not say. At the
|
---|
| 419 | quartering &quot;a drop of blood spirted on the clothes of a youth named Henry
|
---|
| 420 | Walpole, to whom it came as a divine command. Walpole, converted on the
|
---|
| 421 | spot, became a Jesuit, and soon after met the same fate on the same spot.&quot;
|
---|
| 422 | </p>
|
---|
| 423 | <p align="left">Mr. Froude's comment is that &quot;if it be lawful in defence of
|
---|
| 424 | national independence to kill open enemies in war, it is more lawful to
|
---|
| 425 | execute the secret conspirator who is teaching doctrines in the name of God
|
---|
| 426 | which are certain to be fatal to it.&quot; It would perhaps be enough to remark
|
---|
| 427 | that this reasoning amply justifies some of the worst atrocities of the
|
---|
| 428 | French Revolution. Hallam and Macaulay have condemned it by anticipation in
|
---|
| 429 | language which will commend itself to all who are not swayed by religious,
|
---|
| 430 | or, what is more offensive, anti-religious bigotry.</p>
|
---|
| 431 | <p align="left">Cruel as the English criminal law was, and long remained, it
|
---|
| 432 | never authorised the use of torture to extract confession. The rack in the
|
---|
| 433 | Tower is said to have made its appearance, with other innovations of
|
---|
| 434 | absolute government, in the reign of Edward IV But it seems to have been
|
---|
| 435 | little used before the reign of Elizabeth, under whom it became the ordinary
|
---|
| 436 | preliminary to a political trial. For this the chief blame must rest
|
---|
| 437 | personally on Burghley. Opinions may differ as to his rank as a statesman,
|
---|
| 438 | but no one will contest his eminent talents as a minister of police. In the
|
---|
| 439 | former capacity he had sufficient sense of shame to publish a Pecksniffian
|
---|
| 440 | apology for his employment of the rack. &quot;None,&quot; he says, &quot;of those who were
|
---|
| 441 | at any time put to the rack were asked, during their torture, any question
|
---|
| 442 | as to points of doctrine, but merely concerning their plots and
|
---|
| 443 | conspiracies, and the persons with whom they had dealings, and <i>what was
|
---|
| 444 | their own opinion</i> as to the Pope's right to deprive the Queen of her
|
---|
| 445 | crown.&quot; What was this but a point of doctrine? The wretched victim who
|
---|
| 446 | conscientiously believed it (as all Christendom once did), but wished to
|
---|
| 447 | save himself by silence, was driven either to tell a lie or to consign
|
---|
| 448 | himself to rope and knife. &quot;The Queen's servants, the warders, whose office
|
---|
| 449 | and act it is to handle the rack, were ever, by those that attended the
|
---|
| 450 | examinations, specially charged to use it in so charitable a manner as such
|
---|
| 451 | a thing might be.&quot; It may be hoped that there are not many who would dissent
|
---|
| 452 | from Hallam's remark that &quot;such miserable excuses serve only to mingle
|
---|
| 453 | contempt with our detestation.&quot; He adds: &quot;It is due to Elizabeth to observe
|
---|
| 454 | that she ordered the torture to be disused.&quot; I do not know what authority
|
---|
| 455 | there is for this statement. Three years later the Protestant Archbishop of
|
---|
| 456 | Dublin was puzzled how to torture the Catholic Archbishop of Cashel, because
|
---|
| 457 | there was no &quot;rack or other engine&quot; in Dublin. Walsingham, on being
|
---|
| 458 | consulted, suggested that his feet might be toasted against the fire, which
|
---|
| 459 | was accordingly done. Some of the Anglican bishops, as might be expected
|
---|
| 460 | from fanatics, were forward in recommending torture. But Cecil was no more
|
---|
| 461 | of a fanatic than his mistress. What both of them cared for was not a
|
---|
| 462 | particular religious belief--they bad both of them conformed to Popery under
|
---|
| 463 | Queen Mary--but the sovereign's claim to prescribe religious belief, or
|
---|
| 464 | rather religious profession, and they were provoked with the missionaries
|
---|
| 465 | for thwarting them. Provoking it was, no doubt. But everything seems to show
|
---|
| 466 | that it would have been better to pursue the earlier policy of the reign; to
|
---|
| 467 | be content with enacting severe laws which practically were not put into
|
---|
| 468 | execution. </p>
|
---|
| 469 | <p align="left">The English branch of the Jesuit attack was, for political
|
---|
| 470 | purposes, a dead failure. A few persons of rank, who at heart were Catholics
|
---|
| 471 | before, were formally reconciled to the Pope. Mendoza claims that among them
|
---|
| 472 | were six peers whose names he conceals. These peers, if he is to be
|
---|
| 473 | believed, were treasonable enough in their designs. But, even by his
|
---|
| 474 | account, they were determined not to stir unless a foreign army should have
|
---|
| 475 | first entered England. </p>
|
---|
| 476 | <p align="left">How far Mendoza's master was from seeing his way to attack
|
---|
| 477 | England at this time was strikingly shown by his behaviour under the most
|
---|
| 478 | audacious outrage that Elizabeth had yet inflicted on him. Some twelve
|
---|
| 479 | months before (October 1580), Drake had returned from his famous voyage
|
---|
| 480 | round the world. That voyage was nothing else than a piratical expedition,
|
---|
| 481 | for which it was notorious that the funds had been mainly furnished by
|
---|
| 482 | Elizabeth and Leicester. On sea and land Drake had robbed Philip of gold,
|
---|
| 483 | silver, and precious stones to the value of at least £750,000. In vain did
|
---|
| 484 | Mendoza clamour for restitution and talk about war. Elizabeth kept the
|
---|
| 485 | booty, knighted Drake, and openly showed him every mark of confidence and
|
---|
| 486 | favour. When Mendoza told her that as she would not hear words, they must
|
---|
| 487 | come to cannon and see if she would hear them, she replied (&quot;quietly in her
|
---|
| 488 | most natural voice&quot;) that, if he used threats of that kind, she would throw
|
---|
| 489 | him into prison. The correspondence between the Spanish ambassador and his
|
---|
| 490 | master shows that, however big they might talk about cannon, they felt
|
---|
| 491 | themselves paralysed by Elizabeth's intimate relations with France. She had
|
---|
| 492 | managed to keep free from any offensive alliance with Henry III. But at the
|
---|
| 493 | first sound of the Spanish cannon she could have it. She was, therefore,
|
---|
| 494 | secure. Probably the whole history of diplomacy does not show another
|
---|
| 495 | instance of such a complicated balance of forces so dexterously manipulated.
|
---|
| 496 | </p>
|
---|
| 497 | <p align="left">The Irish branch of the Papal attack, the landing of the
|
---|
| 498 | legate Sanders, the insurrection of Desmond (1579-1583), the massacre of the
|
---|
| 499 | Pope's Italian soldiers at Smerwick (1580), must be passed over here. It is
|
---|
| 500 | enough to say that, in Ireland, too, the Catholics were beaten. We turn now
|
---|
| 501 | to their attempt to get hold of Scotland (1579-1582). </p>
|
---|
| 502 | <p align="left">Scotland was in a state of anarchy, from which it could only
|
---|
| 503 | be rescued by an able and courageous king. The nobles, instead of becoming
|
---|
| 504 | weaker, as elsewhere, had acquired a strength and independence greater even
|
---|
| 505 | than their fathers had enjoyed. Thirty years earlier, the Church had
|
---|
| 506 | possessed quite half the land of the country, and had steadily supported the
|
---|
| 507 | crown. Almost the whole of this wealth had been seized in one form or
|
---|
| 508 | another by the nobles. And though, as compared with English noblemen, they
|
---|
| 509 | were still poor in money, they were much bigger men relatively to their
|
---|
| 510 | sovereign. The power of the crown was extensive enough in theory. What was
|
---|
| 511 | wanted was a king who should know how to convert it into a reality. That was
|
---|
| 512 | more than any regent could do. Even Moray had not succeeded. The house of
|
---|
| 513 | Douglas was one of the most powerful in Scotland, and Morton, who had been
|
---|
| 514 | looked on as its head during the minority of the Earl of Angus, was an able
|
---|
| 515 | and daring man. But he had not the large views, the public spirit, or the
|
---|
| 516 | integrity of Moray. He was feared by all, hated by many, respected by none.
|
---|
| 517 | As a mere party chief, no one would have been better able to hold his own.
|
---|
| 518 | As representing the crown, he had every man's hand against him. To subsidise
|
---|
| 519 | such a man was perfectly useless. If Elizabeth was to make his cause her
|
---|
| 520 | own, she might just as well undertake the conquest of Scotland at once. </p>
|
---|
| 521 | <p align="left">The essence of the good understanding between England and
|
---|
| 522 | France was that both countries should keep their hands off Scotland.
|
---|
| 523 | Elizabeth, knowing that if worst came to worst, she could always be
|
---|
| 524 | beforehand with France in the northern kingdom, could afford to respect this
|
---|
| 525 | arrangement, and she did mean to respect it, France, on the other hand,
|
---|
| 526 | being also well aware of the advantage given to England by geographical
|
---|
| 527 | situation, was always tempted to steal a march on her, and even when most
|
---|
| 528 | desirous of her alliance, never quite gave up intrigues in Scotland. This
|
---|
| 529 | was equally the case whatever party was uppermost at the French court,
|
---|
| 530 | whether its policy was being directed by the King or by the Duke of Guise.
|
---|
| 531 | </p>
|
---|
| 532 | <p align="left">The Jesuits looked on Guise as their fighting man, who was
|
---|
| 533 | to do the work which they could not prevail on crowned heads to undertake.
|
---|
| 534 | James, though only thirteen, had been declared of age. It was too late to
|
---|
| 535 | think of deposing him. If his character was feeble, his understanding and
|
---|
| 536 | acquirements were much beyond his years, and his preferences were already a
|
---|
| 537 | force to be reckoned with in Scotch politics. His interests were evidently
|
---|
| 538 | opposed to those of his mother. But the Jesuits hoped to persuade him that
|
---|
| 539 | his seat would never be secure unless he came to a compromise with her on
|
---|
| 540 | the terms that he was to accept the crown as her gift and recognise her
|
---|
| 541 | joint-sovereignty. This would throw him entirely into the hands of the
|
---|
| 542 | Catholic nobles, and would be a virtual declaration of war against
|
---|
| 543 | Elizabeth. He would have to proclaim himself a Catholic, and call in the
|
---|
| 544 | French. It was hoped that Philip, jealous though he had always been of
|
---|
| 545 | French interference, would not object to an expedition warranted by the
|
---|
| 546 | Jesuits and commanded by Guise, who was more and more sinking into a tool of
|
---|
| 547 | Spain and Rome. A combined army of Scotch and French would pour across the
|
---|
| 548 | Border. It would be joined by the English Catholics. Elizabeth would be
|
---|
| 549 | deposed, and Mary set on the throne. </p>
|
---|
| 550 | <p align="left">It was a pretty scheme on paper, but certain to break down
|
---|
| 551 | in every stage of its execution. James might chaffer with his mother; but,
|
---|
| 552 | young as he was, he knew well that she meant to overreach him. He would be
|
---|
| 553 | glad enough to get rid of Morton, but he did not want to be a puppet in the
|
---|
| 554 | hands of the Marians. He did not like the Presbyterian preachers; but the
|
---|
| 555 | young pedant already valued himself on his skill in confuting the apologists
|
---|
| 556 | of Popery. He resented Elizabeth's lectures; but he knew that his succession
|
---|
| 557 | to the English crown depended on her good will, and he meant to keep on good
|
---|
| 558 | terms with her. No approval of the scheme could be obtained from Philip, and
|
---|
| 559 | if he did not peremptorily forbid the expedition, it was because he did not
|
---|
| 560 | believe it would come off. If a French army had appeared in Scotland, it
|
---|
| 561 | would have been treated as all foreigners were in that country. And finally,
|
---|
| 562 | if, <i>per impossibile</i>, the French and Scotch had entered England, they
|
---|
| 563 | would have been overwhelmed by such an unanimous uprising of the English
|
---|
| 564 | people of all parties and creeds as had never been witnessed in our history.
|
---|
| 565 | </p>
|
---|
| 566 | <p align="left">Historians, who would have us believe that Elizabeth was
|
---|
| 567 | constantly bringing England to the verge of ruin by her stinginess and want
|
---|
| 568 | of spirit, represent this combination as highly formidable. It required
|
---|
| 569 | careful watching; but the only thing that could make it really dangerous was
|
---|
| 570 | rash and premature employment of force by England--the course advocated not
|
---|
| 571 | only by Burghley, but by the whole Council. Elizabeth seems to have stood
|
---|
| 572 | absolutely alone in her opinion; but here, as always, though she allowed her
|
---|
| 573 | ministers to speak their minds freely, she did not fear to act on her own
|
---|
| 574 | judgment against their unanimous advice. </p>
|
---|
| 575 | <p align="left">To carry out their schemes, Guise and the Jesuits sent to
|
---|
| 576 | Scotland a nephew of the late Regent Lennox, Esmé Stuart, who had been
|
---|
| 577 | brought up in France, and bore the title of Count d'Aubigny (September
|
---|
| 578 | 1579). He speedily won the heart of the King, who created him Earl, and
|
---|
| 579 | afterwards Duke of Lennox. Elizabeth soon obtained proof of his designs, and
|
---|
| 580 | urged Morton to resist them by force. But the favourite, professing to be
|
---|
| 581 | converted to Protestantism, enlisted the preachers on his side, and, by this
|
---|
| 582 | unnatural coalition, Morton was brought to the scaffold (June 1581). During
|
---|
| 583 | the interval between his arrest and execution, the English Council were
|
---|
| 584 | urgent with Elizabeth to invade Scotland, rescue the Anglophile leader, and
|
---|
| 585 | crush Lennox. She went all lengths in the way of threats. Lord Hunsdon was
|
---|
| 586 | even ordered to muster an army on the Border. But this last step at once
|
---|
| 587 | produced an energetic protest from the French ambassador; and in Scotland
|
---|
| 588 | there was a general rally of all parties against the &quot;auld enemies.&quot;
|
---|
| 589 | Elizabeth had never meant to make her threats good, and Morton was left to
|
---|
| 590 | his fate. She was quite right not to invade Scotland; but, that being her
|
---|
| 591 | intention, she should not have tempted Morton to treason by the promise of
|
---|
| 592 | her protection. No male statesman would have been so insensible to dishonour.
|
---|
| 593 | </p>
|
---|
| 594 | <p align="left">The death of the man who, next to Moray, had been the
|
---|
| 595 | mainstay of the Reformation and the scourge of the Marian party, was
|
---|
| 596 | received with a shout of exultation from Catholic Europe. Already in their
|
---|
| 597 | heated imaginations the Jesuits saw the Kirk overthrown and the vantage
|
---|
| 598 | ground gained for an attack on England. Some modern historians--with less
|
---|
| 599 | excuse, since they have the sequel before their eyes --make the same
|
---|
| 600 | blunder. The situation was really unchanged. Morton, who had the true
|
---|
| 601 | antipathy of a Scottish noble to clerics of all sorts, had plundered the
|
---|
| 602 | Kirk ministers, and tried to bring them under the episcopal yoke. He had
|
---|
| 603 | quarrelled with most of his old associates of the Congregation. It was their
|
---|
| 604 | enmity quite as much as the attack of Lennox that had pulled him down. When
|
---|
| 605 | he was out of the way they naturally reverted to an Anglophile policy. The
|
---|
| 606 | weakness of the Catholic party was plainly shown by the fact that Lennox
|
---|
| 607 | himself, the pupil of the Jesuits, never ventured to throw off the disguise
|
---|
| 608 | of a heretic. </p>
|
---|
| 609 | <p align="left">The further development of the Jesuit scheme met with
|
---|
| 610 | difficulties on all sides. Most even of the Catholic lords were alarmed by
|
---|
| 611 | the suggestion that James should hold the crown by the gift of his mother,
|
---|
| 612 | because it would imply that hitherto he had not been lawful King; and this
|
---|
| 613 | would invalidate their titles to all the lands they had grabbed from Church
|
---|
| 614 | and crown during the last fourteen years. It would seem therefore that, if
|
---|
| 615 | they had harassed the Government during all that time, it was from a liking
|
---|
| 616 | for anarchy rather than from attachment to Mary. Two Jesuits, Crichton and
|
---|
| 617 | Holt, who were sent in disguise to Scotland, found Lennox desponding. He was
|
---|
| 618 | obliged to confess that, greatly as he had fascinated the King, he could not
|
---|
| 619 | move him an inch in his religious opinions. On the contrary, James imagined
|
---|
| 620 | that his controversial skill had converted Lennox, and was extremely proud
|
---|
| 621 | of the feat. The only course remaining was to seize him, and send him to
|
---|
| 622 | France or Spain, Lennox in the meantime administering the Government in the
|
---|
| 623 | name of Mary. But to carry out this stroke, Lennox said he must have a
|
---|
| 624 | foreign army. In view of the mutual jealousy of France and Spain it was
|
---|
| 625 | suggested that, if Philip would furnish money underhand, the Pope might send
|
---|
| 626 | an Italian army direct to Scotland, via the Straits of Gibraltar. Crichton
|
---|
| 627 | went to Rome to arrange this precious scheme, and Holt was proceeding to
|
---|
| 628 | Madrid. But Philip forbade him to come. If Lennox could convert James, or
|
---|
| 629 | send him to Spain, well and good. But until one of these preliminaries was
|
---|
| 630 | accomplished he was to expect no help from Philip. Nor were prospects more
|
---|
| 631 | hopeful on the side of France. Mary from her prison implored Guise to
|
---|
| 632 | undertake the long-planned expedition. But he would not venture it without
|
---|
| 633 | the assent of his own sovereign and the King of Spain. While he was
|
---|
| 634 | hesitating, the Anglophiles patched up their differences and got possession
|
---|
| 635 | of the King's person (Raid of Ruthven, August 1582). His tears were
|
---|
| 636 | unavailing. &quot;Better bairns greet,&quot; said the Master of Glamis, &quot;than bearded
|
---|
| 637 | men.&quot; The favourite fled to France, where he died in the next year. </p>
|
---|
| 638 | <p align="left">Thus once more had it been clearly shown that if the
|
---|
| 639 | Anglophiles were left to depend on themselves they would not fail to do all
|
---|
| 640 | that was necessary to safeguard English interests. &quot;Anglophiles&quot; is a
|
---|
| 641 | convenient appellation. But, strictly speaking, there was no party in
|
---|
| 642 | Scotland that loved England. There was a religious party to whom it was of
|
---|
| 643 | the highest importance that Elizabeth should be safe and powerful. She was
|
---|
| 644 | therefore certain of its co-operation. This party would not be always
|
---|
| 645 | uppermost; for Scottish nobles were too selfish, too treacherous, too much
|
---|
| 646 | interested in disorder to permit any stability. But, whether in power or in
|
---|
| 647 | opposition, it would be able and it would be obliged to serve English
|
---|
| 648 | interests. There was only one way in which it could be paralyzed or
|
---|
| 649 | alienated, and that was by a recurrence on the part of England to the
|
---|
| 650 | traditions of armed interference inherited by Elizabeth's councillors from
|
---|
| 651 | Henry VIII, and the Protector Somerset. </p>
|
---|
| 652 | <p align="left">Such is the plain history of this Jesuit and Papal scheme
|
---|
| 653 | which we are asked to believe was so dangerous to England and so
|
---|
| 654 | inadequately handled by Elizabeth. She had not shown much concern for her
|
---|
| 655 | honour. But her coolness, her intrepidity, her correct estimate of the
|
---|
| 656 | forces with which she had to deal, her magnificent confidence in her own
|
---|
| 657 | judgment, saved England from the endless expenditure of blood and treasure
|
---|
| 658 | into which her advisers would have plunged, and prolonged the formal peace
|
---|
| 659 | with her three principal neighbours, a peace of already unexampled duration,
|
---|
| 660 | and of incalculable advantage to her country. </p>
|
---|
| 661 | <p align="left">The policy which Elizabeth had thus deliberately adopted
|
---|
| 662 | towards Scotland she persisted in. The successful Anglophiles clamoured for
|
---|
| 663 | pensions, and her ministers were for gratifying them. She was willing to
|
---|
| 664 | give a moderate pension to James, but not a penny to the nobles. &quot;Her
|
---|
| 665 | servants and favourites,&quot; she said, &quot;professed to love her for her high
|
---|
| 666 | qualities, Alençon for her beauty, and the Scots for her crown; but they all
|
---|
| 667 | wanted the same thing in the end; they wanted nothing but her money, and
|
---|
| 668 | they should not have it.&quot; She had ascertained that James regarded his mother
|
---|
| 669 | as his rival for the crowns of both kingdoms, and that, whatever he might
|
---|
| 670 | sometimes pretend, his real wish was that she should be kept under lock and
|
---|
| 671 | key. She had also satisfied herself that the Scottish noblemen on whom Mary
|
---|
| 672 | counted would, with very few exceptions, throw every difficulty in the way
|
---|
| 673 | of her restoration, out of regard for their own private interest--the only
|
---|
| 674 | <i>datum</i> from which it was safe to calculate in dealing with a Scottish
|
---|
| 675 | nobleman. She therefore felt herself secure. By communicating her knowledge
|
---|
| 676 | to Mary she could show her the hopelessness of her intrigues in Scotland;
|
---|
| 677 | while a resumption of friendly negotiations for her restoration would always
|
---|
| 678 | be a cheap and effectual way of intimidating James. Thus she could look on
|
---|
| 679 | with equanimity when his new favourite Stewart, Earl of Arran, again chased
|
---|
| 680 | the Anglophiles into England ( December 1583). Arran himself urgently
|
---|
| 681 | entreated her to accept him and his young master as the genuine Anglophiles.
|
---|
| 682 | Walsingham's voice was still for war. But, with both factions at her feet
|
---|
| 683 | and suing for her favour, Elizabeth had good reason to be satisfied with her
|
---|
| 684 | policy of leaving the Scottish nobles to worry it out among themselves.</p>
|
---|
| 685 | </font>
|
---|
| 686 | <hr>
|
---|
| 687 | <p align="left"><font style="font-family: Times New Roman" size="2">From <i>
|
---|
| 688 | Queen Elizabeth</i> by Edward Spencer Beesly.&nbsp; Published in London by
|
---|
| 689 | Macmillan and Co., 1892.</font></p>
|
---|
| 690 | </font>
|
---|
| 691 | <font face="Times New Roman" size="2">
|
---|
| 692 | </blockquote>
|
---|
| 693 | </blockquote>
|
---|
| 694 |
|
---|
| 695 | <p align="center">
|
---|
| 696 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fbeeslychaptereight.html">to Chapter
|
---|
| 697 | VIII: The Protectorate of the Netherlands: 1584-1586</a></p>
|
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| 698 | <p align="center">
|
---|
| 699 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2feliz1.html">to the Queen
|
---|
| 700 | Elizabeth I website</a>&nbsp; /&nbsp;
|
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| 701 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2frelative%2fmaryqos.html">to the Mary,
|
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| 702 | queen of Scots website</a></p>
|
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| 703 | <p align="center"><a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html">
|
---|
| 704 | to Secondary Sources</a></p>
|
---|
| 705 | </font>
|
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| 706 |
|
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| 707 |
|
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| 708 |
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| 709 | <!-- text below generated by server. PLEASE REMOVE --><!-- Counter/Statistics data collection code --><script language="JavaScript" src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fhostingprod.com%2fjs%5fsource%2fgeov2.js"></script><script language="javascript">geovisit();</script><noscript><img src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;el=direct&amp;href=http://visit.webhosting.yahoo.com/visit.gif?us1108082626" alt="setstats" border="0" width="1" height="1"></noscript>
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| 711 | </Content>
|
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| 712 | </Section>
|
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| 713 | </Archive>
|
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