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14    <Metadata name="Content">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter One</Metadata>
15    <Metadata name="Page_topic">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter One</Metadata>
16    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
17    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, by JA Froude: Chapter One</Metadata>
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31&lt;table border=&quot;0&quot; cellpadding=&quot;3&quot; width=&quot;100%&quot; height=&quot;667&quot;&gt;
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46    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;The Divorce of&lt;br&gt;Catherine of Aragon&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
47    &lt;font size=&quot;5&quot;&gt;by
48    JA Froude, 1891&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
49    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
50    &lt;img border=&quot;0&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/aragon-new1.jpg&quot; alt=&quot;miniature portrait of Katharine of Aragon by Lucas Horenbout&quot; width=&quot;325&quot; height=&quot;321&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
51    &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
52  &lt;/tr&gt;
53&lt;/table&gt;
54&lt;blockquote&gt;
55  &lt;blockquote&gt;
56    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
57    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
58      &lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;CHAPTER ONE&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
59    &lt;blockquote&gt;
60      &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;Prospects of a disputed succession to the
61      crown -- Various claimants -Catherine incapable of having further children
62      -- Irregularity of her marriage with the King -- Papal dispensations --
63      First mention of the divorce -- Situation of the Papacy -- Charles V. --
64      Policy of Wolsey -- Anglo-French alliance -- Imperial troops in Italy --
65      Appeal of the Pope -- Mission of Inigo de Mendoza -- The Bishop of Tarbes
66      -Legitimacy of the Princess Mary called in question -- Secret meeting of
67      the Legates' court -- Alarms of Catherine -- Sack of Rome by the Duke of
68      Bourbon -- Proposed reform of the Papacy -- The divorce promoted by Wolsey
69      -- Unpopular in England -- Attempts of the Emperor to gain Wolsey.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
70    &lt;/blockquote&gt;
71    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;IN the year 1526 the political prospects of England became
72    seriously clouded. A disputed succession had led in the previous century to
73    a desperate civil war. In that year it became known in private circles that
74    if Henry VIII. was to die the realm would again be left without a certain
75    heir, and that the strife of the Roses might be renewed on an even more
76    distracting scale. The sons who had been born to Queen Catherine had died in
77    childbirth or had died immediately after it. The passionate hope of the
78    country that she might still produce a male child who would survive had been
79    constantly disappointed, and now could be entertained no longer. She was
80    eight years older than her husband. She had &amp;quot;certain diseases&amp;quot; which made it
81    impossible that she should be again pregnant, and Henry had for two years
82    ceased to cohabit with her. He had two children still living -- the Princess
83    Mary, Catherine's daughter, then a girl of eleven, and an illegitimate son
84    born in 1519, the mother being a daughter of Sir John Blount, and married
85    afterwards to Sir Gilbert Talboys. By presumptive law the Princess was the
86    next heir; but no woman had ever sat on the throne of England alone and in
87    her own right, and it was doubtful whether the nation would submit to a
88    female sovereign. The boy, though excluded by his birth from the prospect of
89    the crown, was yet brought up with exceptional care, called a prince by his
90    tutors, and probably regarded by his father as a possible successor should
91    his sister go the way of her brothers. In 1525, after the King had
92    deliberately withdrawn from Catherine, he was created Duke of Richmond -- a
93    title of peculiar significance, since it had been borne by his grandfather,
94    Henry VII. -- and he was granted precedence over the rest of the peerage.
95    Illegitimacy was a serious, but, it might be thought, was not an absolute,
96    bar. The Conqueror had been himself a bastard. The Church, by its habits of
97    granting dispensations for irregular marriages or of dissolving them on
98    pleas of affinity or consanguinity or other pretext, had confused the
99    distinction between legitimate and illegitimate. A Church Court had
100    illegitimatised the children of Edward IV. and Elizabeth Grey, on the ground
101    of one of Edward's previous connections; yet no one regarded the princes
102    murdered in the Tower as having been illegitimate in reality; and to prevent
103    disputes and for an adequate object, the Duke of Richmond, had he grown to
104    manhood, might, in the absence of other claims, have been recognised by
105    Parliament. But the Duke was still a child, and might die as Henry's other
106    sons had died; and other claims there were which, in the face of the bar
107    sinister, could not fail to be asserted. James V. of Scotland was next in
108    blood, being the son of Henry's eldest sister, Margaret. There were the
109    Greys, inheriting from the second sister, Mary. Outside the royal house
110    there were the still popular representatives of the White Rose, the Marquis
111    of Exeter, who was Edward IV.'s grandson; the Countess of Salisbury,
112    daughter of Edward's brother the Duke of Clarence, and sister of the
113    murdered Earl of Warwick; and Henry's life was the only obstacle between the
114    collision of these opposing pretensions. James, it was quite certain, would
115    not be allowed to succeed without a struggle. National rivalry forbade it.
116    Yet it was no less certain that he would try, and would probably be backed
117    by France. There was but one escape from convulsions which might easily be
118    the ruin of the realm. The King was in the flower of his age, and might
119    naturally look for a Prince of Wales to come after him if he was married to
120    a woman capable of bearing one. It is neither unnatural nor, under the
121    circumstances, a matter to be censured if he and others began to reflect
122    upon the peculiar character of his connection with Catherine of Aragon. It
123    is not sufficiently remembered that the marriage of a widow with her
124    husband's brother was then, as it is now, forbidden by the laws of all
125    civilised countries. Such a marriage at the present day would be held &lt;i&gt;
126    ipso facto&lt;/i&gt; invalid and not a marriage at all. An irregular power was
127    then held to rest with the successors of St. Peter to dispense, under
128    certain conditions, with the inhibitory rules. The popes are now understood
129    to have never rightly possessed such an authority, and therefore, according
130    to modern law and sentiment, Henry and Catherine never were husband and wife
131    at all. At the time it was uncertain whether the dispensing power extended
132    so far as to sanction such a union, and when the discussion rose upon it the
133    Roman canonists were themselves divided. Those who maintained the widest
134    view of thepapal faculty yet agreed that such a dispensation could only be
135    granted for urgent cause, such as to prevent foreign wars or internal
136    seditions, and no such cause was alleged to have existed when Ferdinand and
137    Henry VII. arranged the marriage between their children. The dispensation
138    had been granted by Pope Julius with reluctance, had been acted upon after
139    considerable hesitation, and was of doubtful validity, since the necessary
140    conditions were absent. The marriages of kings were determined with little
141    reference to the personal affection of the parties. Between Henry and
142    Catherine there was probably as much and as little personal attachment as
143    there usually is in such cases. He respected and perhaps admired her
144    character; but she was not beautiful, she was not attractive, while she was
145    as proud and intractable as her mother Isabella. Their union had been
146    settled by the two fathers to cement the alliance between England and Spain.
147    Such connections rest on a different foundation from those which are
148    voluntarily entered into between private persons. What is made up for
149    political reasons may pardonably be dissolved when other reasons of a
150    similar kind require it; and when it became clear that Catherine could never
151    bear another child, that the penalty threatened in the Levitical law against
152    marriages of this precise kind had been literally enforced in the death of
153    the male offspring, and that civil war was imminent in consequence upon the
154    King's death, Henry may have doubted in good faith whether she had ever been
155    his wife at all -- whether, in fact, the marriage was not of the character
156    which everyone would now allow to attach to similar unions. Had there been a
157    Prince of Wales, the question would never have arisen, and Henry, like other
158    kings, would have borne his fate. But there was no prince, and the question
159    had risen, and there was no reason why it should not. There was no trace at
160    the outset of an attachment to another woman. If there had been, there would
161    be little to condemn; but Anne Boleyn, when it was first mooted, was no more
162    to the King than any other lady of the court. He required a wife who could
163    produce a son to secure the succession. The powers which had allowed an
164    irregular marriage could equally dissolve it, and the King felt that he had
165    a right to demand a familiar concession which other sovereigns had often
166    applied for in one form or another, and rarely in vain. &lt;/p&gt;
167    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Thus as early as 1526 certainly, and probably as much as a
168    year before, Cardinal Wolsey had been feeling his way at Rome for a
169    separation between Henry and Catherine. On September 7 in that year the
170    Bishop of Bath, who was English Ambassador at Paris, informed the Cardinal
171    of the arrival there of a confidential agent of Pope Clement VII. The agent
172    had spoken to the Bishop on this especial subject, and had informed him that
173    there would be difficulties about it. The &amp;quot;blessed divorce&amp;quot; -- &lt;i&gt;benedictum
174    divorcium&lt;/i&gt; the Bishop calls it -- had been already under consideration at
175    Rome. The difficulties were not specified, but the political features of the
176    time obliged Clement to be circumspect, and it was these that were probably
177    referred to. Francis I. had been defeated and taken prisoner by the
178    Imperialists at Pavia. He had been carried to Spain, and had been released
179    at Henry's intercession, under severe conditions, to which he had
180    reluctantly consented, and his sons had been left at Madrid as hostages for
181    the due fulfilment of them. The victorious army, half Spanish, half German,
182    remained under the Duke of Bourbon to complete the conquest of Italy; and
183    Charles V., with his already vast dominions and a treasury which the world
184    believed to be inexhaustibly supplied from the gold mines of the New World,
185    seemed advancing to universal empire. &lt;/p&gt;
186    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;France in the preceding centuries had been the hereditary
187    enemy of England; Spain and Burgundy her hereditary friends. The marriage of
188    Catherine of Aragon had been a special feature of the established alliance.
189    She was given first to Prince Arthur, and then to Henry, as link in the
190    confederacy which was to hold in check French ambition. Times were changing.
191    Charles V. had been elected emperor, largely through English influence; but
192    Charles was threatening to be a more serious danger to Europe than France
193    had been. The Italian princes were too weak to resist the conqueror of Pavia.
194    Italy once conquered, the Papacy would become a dependency of the empire,
195    and, with Charles's German subjects in open revolt against it, the Church
196    would lose its authority, and the organisation of the Catholic world would
197    fall into hopeless decrepitude. So thought Wolsey, the most sharp-sighted of
198    English ministers. He believed that the maintenance of the Papacy was the
199    best defence of order and liberty. The only remedy which he could see was a
200    change of partners. England held the balance between the great rival powers.
201    If the English alliance could be transferred from the Empire to France, the
202    Emperor could be held in check, and his supposed ambition neutralised.
203    Wolsey was utterly mistaken; but the mistake was not an unnatural one.
204    Charles, busy with his Italian wars, had treated the Lutheran schism with
205    suspicious forbearance. Notwithstanding his Indian ingots his finances were
206    disordered. Bourbon's lansquenets had been left to pay themselves by
207    plunder. They had sacked monasteries, pillaged cathedral plate, and ravished
208    nuns with irreverent ferocity. The estates of the Church had been as little
209    spared by them as Lombardy; and to Clement VII. the invasion was another
210    inroad of barbarians, and Bourbon a second Attila. What Bourbon's master
211    meant by it, and what he might intend to do, was as uncertain to Clement as
212    perhaps it was to Charles himself. In the prostrate, degraded, and desperate
213    condition into which the Church was falling, any resolution was possible. To
214    the clearest eyes in Europe the Papacy seemed tottering to its fall, and
215    Charles's hand, if he chose to raise it, might precipitate the catastrophe.
216    To ask a pope at such a time to give mortal offence to the Spanish nation by
217    agreeing to the divorce of Catherine of Aragon was to ask him to sign his
218    death-warrant. No wonder, therefore, that he found difficulties. Yet it was
219    to France and England that Clement had to look for help in his extremities.
220    The divorce perhaps had as yet been no more than a suggestion, a part of a
221    policy which was still in its infancy. It could wait at any rate for a more
222    convenient season. Meantime he sent his secretary, Sanga, to Paris to beg
223    aid; and to Henry personally he made a passionate appeal, imploring him not
224    to desert the Apostolic See in its hour of extreme need. He apologised for
225    his importunacy, but he said he hoped that history would not have to record
226    that Italy had been devastated in the time of Clement VII. to the dishonour
227    of the King and of Wolsey. If France and England failed him, he would
228    himself be ruined. The Emperor would be universal monarch. They would open
229    their eyes at last, but they would open them too late. So piteous was the
230    entreaty that Henry when he read the Pope's letter burst into tears. Clement
231    had not been idle. He had brought his own small army into the field to
232    oppose Bourbon; he joined the Italian League, and prepared to defend
233    himself. He was called the father of Christendom, yet he was at open war
234    with the most Catholic king. But Wolsey reasonably considered that unless
235    the Western powers interfered the end would come. &lt;/p&gt;
236    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;If England was to act, she could act only in alliance with
237    France. The change of policy was ill understood, and was not popular among
238    Henry's subjects. The divorce as yet had not been spoken of. No breath of
239    such a purpose had gone abroad. But English sentiment was imperial, and
240    could endure with equanimity even the afflictions of a pope. The King was
241    more papal than his people; he allowed Wolsey to guide him, and negotiations
242    were set on foot at once for a special treaty with France, one of the
243    conditions of which was to be the marriage of the Princess Mary -- allotted
244    like a card in a game -- either to Francis or to one of his sons; another
245    condition being that the English crown should be settled upon her should
246    Henry die without a legitimate son. Sir John Russell was simultaneously
247    despatched to Rome with money to help the Pope in paying his troops and
248    garrisoning the city. The ducats and the &amp;quot;kind words&amp;quot; which accompanied them
249    &amp;quot;created incredible joy,&amp;quot; encouraged his Holiness to reject unjust
250    conditions which had been offered, and restored him, if for the moment only,
251    &amp;quot;from death to life.&amp;quot; If Russell described correctly what he saw in passing
252    through Italy, Clement had good cause for anxiety. &amp;quot;The Swabians and
253    Spaniards,&amp;quot; he wrote, &amp;quot;had committed horrible atrocities. They had burnt
254    houses to the value of two hundred million ducats, with all the churches,
255    images, and priests that fell into their hands. They had compelled the
256    priests and monks to violate the nuns. Even where they were received without
257    opposition they had burned the place; they had not spared the boys, and they
258    had carried off the girls; and whenever they found the Sacrament of the
259    Church they had thrown it into a river or into the vilest place they could
260    find. If God did not punish such cruelty and wickedness, men would infer
261    that He did not trouble Himself about the affairs of this world.&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
262    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The news from Italy gave a fresh impulse to Wolsey's policy
263    and the Anglo-French Alliance, which was pushed forward in spite of popular
264    disapproval. The Emperor, unable to pay, and therefore unable to control,
265    his troops, became himself alarmed. He found himself pressed into a course
266    which was stimulating the German revolt against the Papacy, and he professed
267    himself anxious to end the war. Inigo de Mendoza, the Bishop of Burgos, was
268    despatched to Paris to negotiate for a general pacification. From Paris he
269    was to proceed to London to assure Henry of the Emperor's inalienable
270    friendship, and above all things to gain over Wolsey by the means which
271    experience had shown to be the nearest way to Wolsey's heart. The great
272    Cardinal was already Charles's pensionary, but the pension was several years
273    in arrear. Mendoza was to tell him not only that the arrears should be
274    immediately paid up, but that a second pension should be secured to him on
275    the revenues of Milan, and that the Emperor would make him a further grant
276    of 6,000 ducats annually out of the income of Spanish bishoprics. No means
277    was to be spared to divert the hostility of so dangerous an enemy.&lt;/p&gt;
278    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Wolsey was not to be so easily gained. He had formed large
279    schemes which he did not mean to part with, and in the matter of pensions
280    Francis I. was as liberal in promises as Charles. The Pope's prospects were
281    brightening. Besides the English money, he had improved his finances by
282    creating six new cardinals, and making 240,000 crowns out of the disposition
283    of these sacred offices. A French embassy, with the Bishop of Tarbes at its
284    head, came to England to complete the treaty with Henry in the Pope's
285    defence. Demands were to be made upon the Emperor; if those demands were
286    refused, war was to follow, and the cement of the alliance was to be the
287    marriage of Mary with a French prince. It is likely that other secret
288    projects were in view also of a similar kind. The marriage of Henry with
289    Catherine had been intended to secure the continuance of the alliance with
290    Spain. Royal ladies were the counters with which politicians played; and
291    probably enough there were thoughts of placing a French princess in
292    Catherine's place. However this may be, the legality of the King's marriage
293    with his nominal queen was suddenly and indirectly raised in the discussion
294    of the terms of the treaty, when the Bishop of Tarbes inquired whether it
295    was certain that Catherine's daughter was legitimate. &lt;/p&gt;
296    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Mr. Brewer, the careful and admirable editor of the &amp;quot;Foreign
297    and Domestic Calendar of State Papers,&amp;quot; doubts whether the Bishop did
298    anything of the kind. I cannot agree with Mr. Brewer. The Bishop of Tarbes
299    was among the best-known diplomatists in Europe. He was actively concerned
300    during subsequent years in the process of the divorce case in London, in
301    Paris, and at Rome. The expressions which he used on this occasion were
302    publicly appealed to by Henry in his addresses to the peers and to the
303    country, in the public pleas which he laid before the English prelates, in
304    the various repeated defences which he made for his conduct. It is
305    impossible that the Bishop should have been ignorant of the use which was
306    made of his name, and impossible equally to suppose that he would have
307    allowed his name to be used unfairly. The Bishop of Tarbes was
308    unquestionably the first person to bring the question publicly forward. It
309    is likely enough, however, that his introduction of so startling a topic had
310    been privately arranged between himself and Wolsey as a prelude to the
311    further steps which were immediately to follow. For the divorce had by this
312    time been finally resolved on as part of a general scheme for the alteration
313    of the balance of power. The domestic reasons for it were as weighty as ever
314    were alleged for similar separations. The Pope's hesitation, it might be
315    assumed, would now be overcome, since he had flung himself for support upon
316    England and France, and his relations with the Emperor could hardly be worse
317    than they were. &lt;/p&gt;
318    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The outer world, and even the persons principally concerned,
319    were taken entirely by surprise. For the two years during which it had been
320    under consideration the secret had been successfully preserved. Not a hint
321    had reached Catherine herself, and even when the match had been lighted by
322    the Bishop of Tarbes the full meaning of it does not seem to have occurred
323    to her. Mendoza, on his arrival in England, had found her disturbed; she was
324    irritated at the position which had been given to the Duke of Richmond; she
325    was angry, of course, at the French alliance; she complained that she was
326    kept in the dark about public affairs; she was exerting herself to the
327    utmost among the friends of the imperial connection to arrest Wolsey's
328    policy and maintain the ancient traditions; but of the divorce she had not
329    heard a word. It was to come upon her like a thunderstroke.&lt;/p&gt;
330    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Before the drama opens a brief description will not be out
331    of place of the two persons who were to play the principal parts on the
332    stage, as they were seen a year later by Ludovico Falieri, the Venetian
333    ambassador in England. Of Catherine his account is brief. &lt;/p&gt;
334    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;The Queen is of low stature and rather stout; very good and
335    very religious; speaks Spanish, French, Flemish, and English; more beloved
336    by the Islanders than any queen that has ever reigned; about forty-five
337    years old, and has been in England thirty years. She has had two sons and
338    one daughter. Both the sons died in infancy. One daughter survives.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
339    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;On the King, Falieri is more elaborate. &lt;/p&gt;
340    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;In the 8th Henry such beauty of mind and body is combined
341    as to surprise and astonish. Grand stature, suited to his exalted position,
342    showing the superiority of mind and character; a face like an angel's, so
343    fair it is; his head bald like CÊsar's, and he wears a beard, which is not
344    the English custom. He is accomplished in every manly exercise, sits his
345    horse well, tilts with his lance, throws the quoit, shoots with his bow
346    excellent well; he is a fine tennis player, and he practises all these gifts
347    with the greatest industry. Such a prince could not fail to have cultivated
348    also his character and his intellect. He has been a student from his
349    childhood; he knows literature, philosophy, and theology; speaks and writes
350    Spanish, French, and Italian, besides Latin and English. He is kind,
351    gracious, courteous, liberal, especially to men of learning, whom he is
352    always ready to help. He appears religious also, generally hears two masses
353    a day, and on holy days High Mass besides. He is very charitable, giving
354    away ten thousand gold ducats annually among orphans, widows, and cripples.&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
355    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Such was the King, such the Queen, whom fate and the
356    preposterous pretensions of the Papacy to dispense with the established
357    marriage laws had irregularly mated, and whose separation was to shake the
358    European world. Pope Clement complained in subsequent years that the burden
359    of decision should have been thrown in the first instance upon himself. If
360    the King had proceeded at the outset to try the question in the English
361    courts; if a judgment had been given unfavourable to the marriage, and had
362    he immediately acted upon it, Queen Catherine might have appealed to the
363    Holy See; but accomplished facts were solid things. Her case might have been
364    indefinitely protracted by legal technicalities till it died of itself. It
365    would have been a characteristic method of escape out of the difficulty, and
366    it was a view which Wolsey himself perhaps at first entertained. He knew
367    that the Pope was unwilling to take the first step.&lt;/p&gt;
368    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;On the 17th of May, 1527, after a discussion of the Treaty
369    with France, he called a meeting of his Legatine court at York Place.
370    Archbishop Warham sate with him as assessor. The King attended, and the
371    Cardinal, having stated that a question had arisen on the lawfulness of his
372    marriage, enquired whether the King, for the sake of public morals and the
373    good of his own soul, would allow the objections to be examined into. The
374    King assented, and named a proctor. The Bull of Julius II. was introduced
375    and considered. Wolsey declared that in a case so intricate the canon
376    lawyers must be consulted, and he asked for the opinions of the assembled
377    bishops. The bishops, one only excepted, gave dubious answers. The aged
378    Bishop of Rochester, reputed the holiest and wisest of them, said decidedly
379    that the marriage was good, and the Bull which legalised it sufficient. &lt;/p&gt;
380    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;These proceedings were not followed up, but the secrecy
381    which had hitherto been observed was no longer possible, and Catherine and
382    her friends learnt now for the first time the measure which was in
383    contemplation. Mendoza, writing on the day following the York Place meeting
384    to the Emperor, informed him, as a fact which he had learnt on reliable
385    authority, that Wolsey, for a final stroke of wickedness, was scheming to
386    divorce the Queen. She was so much alarmed that she did not venture herself
387    to speak of it, but it was certain that the lawyers and bishops had been
388    invited to sign a declaration that, being his brother's widow, she could not
389    be the wife of the King. The Pope, she was afraid, might be tempted to take
390    part against her, or the Cardinal himself might deliver judgment as Papal
391    Legate. Her one hope was in the Emperor. The cause of the action taken
392    against her was her fidelity to the Imperial interests. Nothing as yet had
393    been made formally public, and she begged that the whole matter might be
394    kept as private as possible.&lt;/p&gt;
395    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;That the Pope would be willing, if he dared, to gratify
396    Henry at Charles's expense was only too likely. The German Lutherans and the
397    German Emperor were at the moment his most dangerous enemies. France and
398    England were the only Powers who seemed willing to assist him, and a week
399    before the meeting of Wolsey's court he had experienced in the most terrible
400    form what the imperial hostility might bring upon him. On the 7th of that
401    same month of May the army of the Duke of Bourbon had taken Rome by storm.
402    The city was given up to pillage. Reverend cardinals were dragged through
403    the streets on mules' backs, dishonoured and mutilated. Convents of nuns
404    were abandoned to the licentious soldiery. The horrors of the capture may
405    have been exaggerated, but it is quite certain that to holy things or holy
406    persons no respect was paid, and that the atrocities which in those days
407    were usually perpetrated in stormed towns were on this occasion eminently
408    conspicuous. The unfortunate Pope, shut up in the Castle of St. Angelo,
409    looked down from its battlements upon scenes so dreadful that it must have
410    appeared as if the Papacy and the Church itself had been overtaken by the
411    final judgment. We regard the Spaniards as a nation of bigots, we consider
412    it impossible that the countrymen of Charles and Philip could have been
413    animated by any such bitterness against the centre of Catholic Christendom.
414    Charles himself is not likely to have intended the humiliation of the Holy
415    See. But Clement had reason for his misgivings, and Wolsey's policy was not
416    without excuse. Lope de Soria was Charles's Minister at Genoa, and Lope de
417    Soria's opinions, freely uttered, may have been shared by many a Catholic
418    besides himself. On the 25th of May, a fortnight after the storm, he wrote
419    to his master the following noticeable letter: -- &lt;/p&gt;
420    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;The sack of Rome must be regarded as a visitation from God,
421    who permits his servant the Emperor to teach his Vicar on earth and other
422    Christian princes that their wicked purposes shall be defeated, the unjust
423    wars which they have raised shall cease, peace be restored to Christendom,
424    the faith be exalted, and heresy extirpated. . . . Should the Emperor think
425    that the Church of God is not what it ought to be, and that the Pope's
426    temporal power emboldens him to promote war among Christian princes, I
427    cannot but remind your Majesty that it will not be a sin, but a meritorious
428    action, to reform the Church; so that the Pope's authority be confined
429    exclusively to his own spiritual affairs, and temporal affairs to be left to
430    CÊsar, since by right what is God's belongs to God, and what is CÊsar's to
431    CÊsar. I have been twenty-eight years in Italy, and I have observed that the
432    Popes have been the sole cause of all the wars and miseries during that
433    time. Your Imperial Majesty, as Supreme Lord on earth, is bound to apply a
434    remedy to that evil.&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
435    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Heretical English and Germans were not the only persons who
436    could recognise the fitness of the secular supremacy of princes over popes
437    and Churches. Such thoughts must have passed through the mind of Charles
438    himself, and of many more besides him. De Soria's words might have been
439    dictated by Luther or Thomas Cromwell. Had the Emperor at that moment placed
440    himself at the head of the Reformation, all later history would have been
441    different. One statesman at any rate had cause to fear that this might be
442    what was about to happen. Wolsey was the embodiment of everything most
443    objectionable and odious to the laity in the ecclesiastical administration
444    of Europe. To defend the Papacy and to embarrass Charles was the surest
445    method of protecting himself and his order. The divorce was an incident in
446    the situation, but not the least important. Catherine represented the
447    Imperialist interest in England. To put her away was to make the breach with
448    her countrymen and kindred irreparable. He took upon himself to assure the
449    King that after the last outrage the Pope would agree to anything that
450    France and England demanded of him, and would trust to his allies to bear
451    him harmless. That the divorce was a thing reasonable in itself to ask for,
452    and certain to be conceded by any pope who was free to act on his own
453    judgment, was assumed as a matter of course. Sir Gregory Casalis, the
454    English agent at Rome, was instructed to obtain access to Clement in St.
455    Angelo, to convey to him the indignation felt in England at his treatment,
456    and then to insist on the illegality of the King's relations with Catherine,
457    on the King's own scruples of conscience, and on the anxiety of his subjects
458    that there should be a male heir to the crown. The &amp;quot;urgent cause&amp;quot; such as
459    was necessary to be produced when exceptional actions were required of the
460    popes was the imminence or even certainty of civil war if no such heir was
461    born. &lt;/p&gt;
462    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Catherine meanwhile had again communiated with Mendoza. She
463    had spoken to her husband, and Henry, since further reticence was
464    impossible, had told her that they had been living in mortal sin, and that a
465    separation was necessary. A violent scene had followed, with natural tears
466    and reproaches. The King endeavoured to console her, but it was not a matter
467    where consolation could avail. Wolsey advised him to deal with her gently,
468    till it was seen what the Pope and the King of France would do in the
469    matter. Wolsey himself was to go immediately to Paris to see Francis, and
470    consult with him on the measures necessary to be taken in consequence of the
471    Pope's imprisonment. It was possible that Clement, finding himself helpless,
472    might become a puppet in the Emperor's hands. Under such circumstances he
473    could not be trusted by other countries with the spiritual authority
474    attaching to his office, and schemes were being formed for some interim
475    arrangement by which France and England were to constitute themselves into a
476    separate patriarchate, with Wolsey at its head as Archbishop of Rouen.
477    Mendoza says that this proposal had been actually made to Wolsey by the
478    French Ambassador. In Spain it was even believed to be contemplated as a
479    permanent modification of the ecclesiastical system. The Imperial
480    Councillors at Valladolid told the Venetian Minister that the Cardinal
481    intended to separate the Churches of England and France from that of Rome,
482    saying that as the Pope was a prisoner he was not to be obeyed, and that
483    even if the Emperor released him, he still would not be free unless his
484    fortresses and territory now in the Emperor's hands were restored to him.
485    Wolsey had reason for anxiety, for Catherine and Mendoza were writing to the
486    Emperor insisting that he should make the Pope revoke Wolsey's Legatine
487    powers. &lt;/p&gt;
488    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In spite of efforts to keep secret the intended divorce, it
489    soon became known thoughout England. The Queen was personally popular. The
490    nation generally detested France, and looked on the Emperor as their
491    hereditary friend. The reasons for the divorce might influence statesmen,
492    but did not touch the body of the people. They naturally took the side of an
493    injured wife, and if Mendoza can be believed (and there is no reason why he
494    should not be believed), the first impression was decidedly unfavourable to
495    a project which was regarded as part of the new policy. Mendoza made the
496    most of the opposition. He told the Emperor that if six or seven thousand
497    men were landed in Cornwall, forty thousand Englishmen would rise and join
498    them. He saw Wolsey -- he reasoned with him, and when he found reason
499    ineffectual, he named the bribe which the Emperor was willing to give.
500    Knowing what Francis was bidding, he baited his hook more liberally. He
501    spoke of the Papacy: &amp;quot;how the chair was now in the Emperor's hands, and the
502    Emperor, if Wolsey deserved it, would no doubt promote his elevation.&amp;quot; The
503    glittering temptation was unavailing. The papal chair had been Wolsey's
504    highest ambition, but he remained unmoved. He said that he had served the
505    Emperor in the past out of disinterested regard. He still trusted that the
506    Emperor would replace the Pope and restore the Church. Mendoza's answer was
507    not reassuring to an English statesman. He said that both the spiritual and
508    temporal powers were now centred in his master, and he advised Wolsey, if he
509    desired an arrangement, to extend his journey from France, go on to Spain,
510    and see the Emperor in person. It was precisely this centering which those
511    who had charge of English liberties had a right to resent. Divorce or no
512    divorce, they could not allow a power possessed of so much authority in the
513    rest of Christendom to be the servant of a single prince. The divorce was
514    but an illustration of the situation, and such a Papacy as Mendoza
515    contemplated would reduce England and all Catholic Europe into fiefs of the
516    Empire. &lt;/p&gt;
517    &lt;/font&gt;
518    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
519    &lt;hr&gt;
520    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon:
521    The Story as Told by the Imperial Ambassadors Resident at the Court of Henry
522    VIII&lt;/i&gt; by J.A. Froude.&amp;nbsp; Published in New York by C. Scribner's Sons,
523    1891.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
524  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
525&lt;/blockquote&gt;
526
527&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
528&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2ffroudetwo.html&quot;&gt;to Chapter Two&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
529&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html&quot;&gt;
530&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;to Secondary Sources&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
531&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
532&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2faragon.html&quot;&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;to
533Katharine of Aragon website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
534    &lt;/font&gt;
535&lt;blockquote&gt;
536  &lt;blockquote&gt;
537    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
538    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
539    &lt;/font&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
540    &lt;/font&gt;
541    &lt;p class=&quot;3text&quot; align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
542    &lt;/font&gt;
543  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
544&lt;/blockquote&gt;
545
546
547
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550</Content>
551</Section>
552</Archive>
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