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| 3 | <Archive>
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| 4 | <Section>
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| 5 | <Description>
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| 6 | <Metadata name="gsdlsourcefilename">import/englishhistory.net/tudor/monarchs/henry7.html</Metadata>
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| 10 | <Metadata name="Source">henry7.html</Metadata>
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| 12 | <Metadata name="Language">en</Metadata>
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| 14 | <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
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| 15 | <Metadata name="Title">Tudor Monarchs - Henry VII, one</Metadata>
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| 16 | <Metadata name="FileFormat">HTML</Metadata>
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| 17 | <Metadata name="URL">http://englishhistory.net/tudor/monarchs/henry7.html</Metadata>
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| 18 | <Metadata name="UTF8URL">http://englishhistory.net/tudor/monarchs/henry7.html</Metadata>
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| 19 | <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Monarchs</Metadata>
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| 26 | </Description>
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| 27 | <Content>
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| 28 |
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| 29 |
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| 30 |
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| 31 | <center><b><blink><font size=5>NOTE</font></blink></b><font size="5"> </font>
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| 32 | <p>I am redesigning the Henry VII pages as of <b>March 2004</b>.
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| 33 |
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| 34 | <br>Until the new design is posted, you can read the old (and lengthy) biography here.<br><br>You can also view portraits of Henry VII at the
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| 35 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2fimages.html">Tudor
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| 36 |
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| 37 | England: Images</a> site.</p>
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| 38 | <p>Sorry for any inconvenience. <i>-Marilee</i></p>
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| 39 | </center>
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| 40 |
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| 41 | <b><font size="6">King Henry VII </font></b>
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| 42 |
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| 43 | <br>
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| 44 |
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| 45 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
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| 46 |
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| 47 | <blockquote>If Henry VII's reign was to usher in '<font color="#000000">smooth-faced
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| 48 |
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| 49 | peace,</font> w<font color="#000000">ith smiling plenty, and fair prosperous
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| 50 |
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| 51 | days', few could have predicted it in 1485.&nbsp; </font>The Battle of
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| 52 |
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| 53 | Bosworth Field on 22 August 1485 was the last armed confrontation between
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| 54 |
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| 55 | Lancastrians and Yorkists, those two factions that had fought for decades
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| 56 |
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| 57 | in The Wars of the Roses.&nbsp; The Lancastrians triumphed under the leadership
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| 58 |
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| 59 | of a 28-year-old exile named Henry Tudor.&nbsp; After winning the throne
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| 60 |
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| 61 | of England, he wed Elizabeth of York, the eldest daughter of the dead Yorkist
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| 62 |
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| 63 | king Edward IV.&nbsp; Thus, the two warring houses were joined in marriage.
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| 64 |
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| 65 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The union was both symbolic and necessary.&nbsp;
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| 66 |
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| 67 | Despite his victory at Bosworth, the exiled nobleman who took the name
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| 68 |
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| 69 | Henry VII needed the support of those sympathetic to the defeated Yorkist
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| 70 |
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| 71 | cause.&nbsp; He also needed the legitimacy of his wife's claim to the throne.&nbsp;
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| 72 |
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| 73 | He had spent years in exile and campaigned tirelessly to win support for
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| 74 |
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| 75 | his claim to the English throne.&nbsp; It had not been an easy task.&nbsp;
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| 76 |
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| 77 | In fact, it was only when Richard duke of York usurped the throne from
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| 78 |
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| 79 | his young nephew Edward (son and heir of Edward IV) that Henry Tudor became
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| 80 |
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| 81 | a viable candidate for king.
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| 82 |
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| 83 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry Tudor's claim to the throne was never based
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| 84 |
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| 85 | on ancestry alone.&nbsp; He knew, none better, that such a claim would
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| 86 |
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| 87 | be flimsy at best.&nbsp; His royal blood came from women - his mother,
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| 88 |
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| 89 | Margaret Beaufort, was the granddaughter of John Beaufort (died 1410),
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| 90 |
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| 91 | the eldest of the bastard sons of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster.&nbsp;
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| 92 |
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| 93 | Gaunt's eldest legitimate son was the first Lancastrian king of England.&nbsp;
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| 94 |
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| 95 | The Beauforts were so named because Margaret's grandfather had been born
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| 96 |
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| 97 | in Beaufort Castle in Champagne; his mother was Gaunt's mistress and later
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| 98 |
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| 99 | became his third wife.&nbsp; After the marriage, their children were declared
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| 100 |
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| 101 | legitimate by an act of Parliament in 1397 (during Richard II's reign).&nbsp;
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| 102 |
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| 103 | When their fellow kinsman Henry IV Bolingbroke came to the throne, he confirmed
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| 104 |
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| 105 | this act of legitimacy but added a stipulation that the Beauforts should
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| 106 |
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| 107 | never succeed to the English throne (1407).&nbsp; Certainly no act of government
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| 108 |
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| 109 | could alter the fact that the Beauforts had been born illegitimate; and
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| 110 |
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| 111 | Henry IV's declaration regarding the succession is equally ambivalent -
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| 112 |
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| 113 | after all, what practical effect could it guarantee?&nbsp; The end result
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| 114 |
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| 115 | was that the Beauforts occupied an odd position in the English nobility
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| 116 |
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| 117 | and, taken together as a group, posed a unique threat to the security of
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| 118 |
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| 119 | the throne.
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| 120 |
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| 121 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Margaret Beaufort's father John succeeded to the
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| 122 |
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| 123 | earldom of Somerset in 1418 and, after a life of military embarrassment
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| 124 |
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| 125 | (including seventeen years in a French prison), he married Margaret Beauchamp,
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| 126 |
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| 127 | daughter of Sir John Beauchamp of Blestoe.&nbsp; A year after their marriage,
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| 128 |
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| 129 | John was created duke of Somerset.&nbsp; Margaret, his only child, was
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| 130 |
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| 131 | born on 31 May 1443; she never knew her father.&nbsp; John had led yet
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| 132 |
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| 133 | another disastrous military expedition to France and ended up dying in
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| 134 |
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| 135 | Dorset a few days before her first birthday.&nbsp; It was rumored that
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| 136 |
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| 137 | he committed suicide.&nbsp; Her mother, meanwhile, married again - this
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| 138 |
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| 139 | time to Lionel, Lord Welles, and survived another four decades.&nbsp; Margaret,
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| 140 |
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| 141 | however, was the sole heir to the dukedom of Somerset and its vast holdings.
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| 142 |
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| 143 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Since she was a great heiress, she was betrothed
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| 144 |
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| 145 | while still a child to John de la Pole, the son and heir of Henry VI's
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| 146 |
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| 147 | chief minister, the marquess of Suffolk.&nbsp; A conspiracy followed which
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| 148 |
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| 149 | alleged that Suffolk was planning to place Margaret and his son on the
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| 150 |
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| 151 | throne if Henry VI died childless; there is no proof but it indicates how
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| 152 |
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| 153 | important Margaret's royal blood was, even tainted with her grandfather's
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| 154 |
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| 155 | illegitimacy.&nbsp; Suffolk was murdered in May 1450 and in early 1453,
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| 156 |
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| 157 | the marriage between Margaret and John de la Pole was annulled.&nbsp; A
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| 158 |
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| 159 | child of ten, she was a pawn once more.&nbsp; Henry VI wanted to wed her
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| 160 |
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| 161 | to his half-brother Edmund Tudor so, at the age of twelve, she was married
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| 162 |
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| 163 | again.&nbsp; Her new husband was the earl of Richmond.&nbsp; His ancestry
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| 164 |
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| 165 | was even more colorful than her own.
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| 166 |
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| 167 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Edmund Tudor was the eldest son of a princess of
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| 168 |
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| 169 | France and Queen of England and her Welsh attendant.&nbsp; Catherine of
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| 170 |
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| 171 | Valois was the youngest daughter of Charles VI of France and Queen Isabelle.&nbsp;
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| 172 |
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| 173 | At the age of eighteen, Catherine had wed that great warrior-king Henry
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| 174 |
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| 175 | V.&nbsp; He was fifteen years her senior and, even in life, recognized
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| 176 |
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| 177 | as one of England's greatest kings.&nbsp; His triumph at Agincourt in 1415
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| 178 |
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| 179 | inspired one of Shakespeare's greatest plays, <i>Henry V</i>, and led Charles
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| 180 |
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| 181 | VI to sue for peace.&nbsp; Charles promised that, upon his death, Henry
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| 182 |
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| 183 | would inherit the French throne; to show his good faith and secure Henry's
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| 184 |
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| 185 | claim, he was wed to Catherine.&nbsp; She was, by all accounts, quite beautiful
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| 186 |
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| 187 | and vivacious.&nbsp; They were married in May 1420 and, in December, made
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| 188 |
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| 189 | a triumphal entry into Paris.&nbsp; From there, they sailed to Dover and
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| 190 |
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| 191 | Catherine was crowned at Westminster Abbey in February 1421.&nbsp; She
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| 192 |
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| 193 | joined Henry on his public progress through England for a few months but,
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| 194 |
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| 195 | in June 1421, a year after their marriage, Henry departed again for France.&nbsp;
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| 196 |
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| 197 | He left knowing his wife was pregnant and, on 6 December 1421, she gave
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| 198 |
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| 199 | birth to their son, the future Henry VI, at Windsor.&nbsp; Henry V would
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| 200 |
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| 201 | never see his son.&nbsp; Catherine traveled to France without the child
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| 202 |
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| 203 | to visit Henry but he then left to besiege Meaux and Catherine went to
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| 204 |
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| 205 | her parents north of Paris.&nbsp; During the siege, Henry contracted dysentery
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| 206 |
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| 207 | and died at the chateaux of Vincennes on 31 August 1422.&nbsp; The glorious
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| 208 |
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| 209 | king of England and heir to the French throne had fallen victim to the
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| 210 |
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| 211 | scourge of armies everywhere.
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| 212 |
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| 213 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; His great achievements were not forgotten but, immediately
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| 214 |
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| 215 | after his death, confusion swept through England.&nbsp; Henry V had died,
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| 216 |
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| 217 | leaving behind a twenty-year-old widow and an infant son.&nbsp; On 21 October
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| 218 |
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| 219 | 1422, her father suddenly died, after suffering years of intermittent insanity.&nbsp;
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| 220 |
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| 221 | The infant Henry VI was now king of both England and France.&nbsp; Catherine,
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| 222 |
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| 223 | quite naturally, remained at her son's side, accompanying him to the various
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| 224 |
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| 225 | public and ceremonial appearances he made as a child.&nbsp; However, her
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| 226 |
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| 227 | presence was a novel problem in 15th century England - a Dowager Queen
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| 228 |
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| 229 | who was remaining in England until her son's majority and would, in all
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| 230 |
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| 231 | likelihood, wish to marry again.&nbsp; She was, after all, still young
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| 232 |
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| 233 | and beautiful and contemporaries noted her energy and flirtatiousness.&nbsp;
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| 234 |
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| 235 | For the protector of the realm (Humphrey, duke of Gloucester) and the royal
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| 236 |
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| 237 | council, Catherine's remarriage was a very real concern.&nbsp; Whomever
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| 238 |
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| 239 | she wed would become step-father to the king; understandably, they viewed
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| 240 |
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| 241 | such a man as a threat to their own positions of authority.&nbsp; Since
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| 242 |
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| 243 | they were unable to agree on whom would be allowed to court the queen,
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| 244 |
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| 245 | they passed a law in 1427 stating that no dowager queen could marry without
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| 246 |
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| 247 | the king's permission; furthermore, permission could only be granted once
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| 248 |
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| 249 | the king reached the age of discretion.&nbsp; Since Henry VI was only six
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| 250 |
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| 251 | years old in 1427, the council felt that they had effectively delayed any
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| 252 |
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| 253 | remarriage for some years - at least until the king could no longer be
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| 254 |
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| 255 | influenced by a step-father.&nbsp; (In fairness to the council, there was
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| 256 |
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| 257 | no precedent for the problem Catherine of Valois presented; neither of
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| 258 |
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| 259 | the two queens of England who had outlived their spouses and married a
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| 260 |
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| 261 | second time - King John and Richard II's wives - had remained in England.&nbsp;
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| 262 |
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| 263 | Also, no dowager queen since the twelfth century had married one of her
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| 264 |
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| 265 | husband's subjects.)
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| 266 |
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| 267 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The council was also careful to keep Catherine under
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| 268 |
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| 269 | watch.&nbsp; From 1427 until about 1430 she and her entourage lived in
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| 270 |
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| 271 | Henry VI's household.&nbsp; In April 1430 she traveled with her son to
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| 272 |
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| 273 | Paris for his coronation as king of France.&nbsp; Her activities were thus
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| 274 |
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| 275 | restricted and watched.&nbsp; However, the council was not completely successful
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| 276 |
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| 277 | at isolating the eligible dowager queen and, around 1431, Catherine met
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| 278 |
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| 279 | a Welshman named Owen ap Maredudd ap Tudur.&nbsp; Their love affair and
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| 280 |
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| 281 | marriage resulted in four children, the eldest of whom was Henry VII's
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| 282 |
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| 283 | father.&nbsp; So, once again, Henry Tudor inherited royal blood from a
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| 284 |
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| 285 | female.
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| 286 |
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| 287 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The origin of Catherine and Owen's romance is obscure.&nbsp;
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| 288 |
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| 289 | Later chroniclers attributed it to drunkenness (at a ball, Owen was so
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| 290 |
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| 291 | drunk that he stumbled and fell into the queen's lap) or voyeurism (the
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| 292 |
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| 293 | queen saw Owen bathing in a stream and was attracted to him; she secretly
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| 294 |
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| 295 | traded places with her maid and arranged to meet him in disguise; Owen
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| 296 |
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| 297 | was too passionate and attempted to kiss her; she pulled away and received
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| 298 |
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| 299 | a scratch on her cheek; the next evening, as he was serving her dinner,
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| 300 |
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| 301 | he saw the wound and was ashamed of his behavior; she forgave him, they
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| 302 |
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| 303 | fell in love and married.)&nbsp; Whatever the case, they were attracted
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| 304 |
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| 305 | to one another, fell in love, and married.&nbsp; The legitimacy of the
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| 306 |
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| 307 | union was never questioned (not even by Richard III when Henry Tudor positioned
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| 308 |
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| 309 | himself as claimant).&nbsp; Certainly the council was unhappy with her
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| 310 |
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| 311 | choice for the Welsh were regarded by many as barbarians but, in her choice,
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| 312 |
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| 313 | she showed good sense.&nbsp; The 1427 statute had stipulated that any man
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| 314 |
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| 315 | who married the queen without the king's permission would be subject to
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| 316 |
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| 317 | fines, imprisonment, and forfeiture of lands.&nbsp; By marrying a man who
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| 318 |
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| 319 | was simply a member of her household (perhaps the manager of some lands),
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| 320 |
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| 321 | Catherine effectively protected Owen from retribution.&nbsp; (No one knows
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| 322 |
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| 323 | the true nature of Owen's work in the queen's household but he probably
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| 324 |
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| 325 | functioned as a steward.)
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| 326 |
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| 327 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In 1432 Owen was made an English citizen and in March
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| 328 |
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| 329 | 1434 Catherine gifted him with some lands of his own in Flintshire.&nbsp;
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| 330 |
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| 331 | They lived together in the countryside, away from court intrigues, for
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| 332 |
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| 333 | some years.&nbsp; During this time, he began to follow the English use
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| 334 |
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| 335 | of surnames and became known, however inaccurately, as Owen Tudor.&nbsp;
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| 336 |
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| 337 | The couple had four children - three sons and a daughter, though the daughter
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| 338 |
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| 339 | died young.&nbsp; Their sons were named Edmund, Jasper, and Owen.&nbsp;
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| 340 |
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| 341 | The latter became a Benedictine monk while his two older brothers struggled
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| 342 |
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| 343 | to survive in an increasingly hostile England.&nbsp; On 3 January 1437
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| 344 |
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| 345 | Catherine had died of an unspecified illness which had plagued her for
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| 346 |
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| 347 | some time.&nbsp; With her death, Owen lacked protection from the king's
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| 348 |
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| 349 | council.&nbsp; They were now determined to finally prosecute him for breaking
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| 350 |
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| 351 | the 1427 law.&nbsp; Owen appeared before the council and acquitted himself
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| 352 |
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| 353 | of all charges but, after his release, was arrested.&nbsp; He managed to
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| 354 |
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| 355 | escape Newgate Prison but was recaptured and sent to Windsor Castle in
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| 356 |
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| 357 | July 1438.
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| 358 |
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| 359 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Eventually Owen would be released and pardoned (1440)
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| 360 |
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| 361 | and taken into his step-son Henry VI's household.&nbsp; In the years following
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| 362 |
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| 363 | Catherine's death and Owen's imprisonment, Edmund and Jasper Tudor were
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| 364 |
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| 365 | cared for by the abbess Katherine de la Pole, the earl of Suffolk's sister.&nbsp;
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| 366 |
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| 367 | Around 1442, their half-brother Henry VI began to take an interest in their
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| 368 |
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| 369 | upbringing and they were brought to London.&nbsp; In 1452, it was decided
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| 370 |
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| 371 | that the two brothers, now teenagers, should be ennobled.&nbsp; Henry VI
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| 372 |
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| 373 | decided this out of both affection and politics.&nbsp; He knew he had to
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| 374 |
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| 375 | recognize his half-brothers in some public manner, making them an official
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| 376 |
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| 377 | part of the royal family; he also cared for them deeply.&nbsp; So on 23
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| 378 |
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| 379 | November 1452, Edmund was created earl of Richmond and Jasper was created
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| 380 |
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| 381 | earl of Pembroke.&nbsp; They were now the premier earls of England and
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| 382 |
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| 383 | had precedence over all other laymen except dukes.&nbsp; They were also
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| 384 |
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| 385 | gifted with estates and rich gifts.&nbsp; On their behalf, the Commons
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| 386 |
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| 387 | petitioned Henry VI to recognize them as his 'uterine' brothers (born of
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| 388 |
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| 389 | the same mother); this he did, and more.&nbsp; Since no earl, especially
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| 390 |
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| 391 | the brother of the king, could be penniless, Henry continued to grant his
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| 392 |
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| 393 | brothers numerous lands and annuities.&nbsp; And, as mentioned before,
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| 394 |
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| 395 | he also arranged a rich marriage for Edmund to Margaret Beaufort.
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| 396 |
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| 397 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The importance of their Welsh blood should not be
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| 398 |
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| 399 | underestimated.&nbsp; Both Edmund and Jasper strove to maintain the king's
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| 400 |
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| 401 | authority in both south and west Wales and their Welsh ancestry (discussed
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| 402 |
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| 403 | in the Welsh Connection section) made them popular in much of Wales.&nbsp;
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| 404 |
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| 405 | Welsh support would later prove critical to Henry VII during the battle
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| 406 |
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| 407 | at Bosworth.</blockquote>
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| 408 |
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| 409 |
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| 410 |
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| 411 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
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| 412 |
|
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| 413 | <blockquote>Henry's youth was spent in the shadow of Henry VI's disgrace.&nbsp;
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| 414 |
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| 415 | When Edward IV came to the throne, he was determined to avenge his late
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| 416 |
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| 417 | father, the duke of York.&nbsp; Henry VI was increasingly deranged, perhaps
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| 418 |
|
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| 419 | having inherited his French grandfather's mental illness.&nbsp; As a result
|
---|
| 420 |
|
---|
| 421 | of his dementia, his queen Margaret of Anjou, increasingly dominated the
|
---|
| 422 |
|
---|
| 423 | Lancastrian party.&nbsp; She was determined to protect her son's inheritance
|
---|
| 424 |
|
---|
| 425 | and, to that end, dedicated her life to a dangerous and complex problem.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 426 |
|
---|
| 427 | The Lancastrian and Yorkist forces met definitively at the Battle of Tewkesbury
|
---|
| 428 |
|
---|
| 429 | in summer 1471.&nbsp; Edward, Margaret and Henry's son, was killed in battle
|
---|
| 430 |
|
---|
| 431 | and Henry VI was captured and taken to the Tower of London where he was
|
---|
| 432 |
|
---|
| 433 | killed.
|
---|
| 434 |
|
---|
| 435 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Lancastrian cause seemed dead.&nbsp; Edward IV
|
---|
| 436 |
|
---|
| 437 | was, unlike Henry, a capable and strong king.&nbsp; Soon after becoming
|
---|
| 438 |
|
---|
| 439 | king he married an unknown widow named Elizabeth Woodville.&nbsp; Understandably,
|
---|
| 440 |
|
---|
| 441 | she was anxious to promote the interests of her own family which created
|
---|
| 442 |
|
---|
| 443 | conflict with the old nobility.&nbsp; Edward and Elizabeth had many children,
|
---|
| 444 |
|
---|
| 445 | including two sons.&nbsp; (Their eldest daughter, also named Elizabeth,
|
---|
| 446 |
|
---|
| 447 | would become Henry Tudor's wife.&nbsp; She was known as Elizabeth of York.)&nbsp;
|
---|
| 448 |
|
---|
| 449 | By all accounts, the marriage was happy despite the conflict between the
|
---|
| 450 |
|
---|
| 451 | Woodvilles and Edward's noble Yorkist supporters.&nbsp; The succession
|
---|
| 452 |
|
---|
| 453 | was secure and with support from his brother, Richard duke of Gloucester,
|
---|
| 454 |
|
---|
| 455 | Edward's rule was successful.&nbsp; However, Edward died in 1483 and Richard
|
---|
| 456 |
|
---|
| 457 | usurped the throne from his two young nephews.&nbsp; This changed the course
|
---|
| 458 |
|
---|
| 459 | of English history.
|
---|
| 460 |
|
---|
| 461 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Had Richard not betrayed his nephews, there is every
|
---|
| 462 |
|
---|
| 463 | possibility the Yorkist dynasty would have survived.&nbsp; But Richard's
|
---|
| 464 |
|
---|
| 465 | own future would have been quite difficult; he was despised by Elizabeth
|
---|
| 466 |
|
---|
| 467 | Woodville, and - as Edward IV's only brother - he would become the focus
|
---|
| 468 |
|
---|
| 469 | of Woodville discontent.&nbsp; That would not have lasted for long and
|
---|
| 470 |
|
---|
| 471 | Edward V would have followed his mother's wishes.&nbsp; The boy had, after
|
---|
| 472 |
|
---|
| 473 | all, been raised and tutored by his Woodville relations and hardly knew
|
---|
| 474 |
|
---|
| 475 | Richard.
|
---|
| 476 |
|
---|
| 477 | <p>(NOTE: <b>The story of Richard III's claiming of the throne is told
|
---|
| 478 |
|
---|
| 479 | in great detail <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2fplant%2fkings%2frichard3.html">at
|
---|
| 480 |
|
---|
| 481 | his site</a>.</b>&nbsp; Please read those pages to gain a better understanding
|
---|
| 482 |
|
---|
| 483 | of the events of 1483-1485.&nbsp; I have not included the information here
|
---|
| 484 |
|
---|
| 485 | since this page is about Henry VII.)
|
---|
| 486 |
|
---|
| 487 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Ricahrd was an able administrator but faced quite
|
---|
| 488 |
|
---|
| 489 | a few obstacles during his brief reign.&nbsp; If Edward IV had died with
|
---|
| 490 |
|
---|
| 491 | no rightful heir, Richard's ascension would have been viewed much differently.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 492 |
|
---|
| 493 | Then, he would have been the rightful king.&nbsp; And since he wed Anne
|
---|
| 494 |
|
---|
| 495 | Neville of Warwick, daughter of the 'Kingmaker', he would have had crucial
|
---|
| 496 |
|
---|
| 497 | support.&nbsp; But Richard's only son and wife died with months of one
|
---|
| 498 |
|
---|
| 499 | another in 1484.&nbsp; He was grief-stricken and also struggling with the
|
---|
| 500 |
|
---|
| 501 | nobility, particularly the ambitious duke of Buckingham (a brash and arrogant
|
---|
| 502 |
|
---|
| 503 | man with his own share of Plantagenet blood.)
|
---|
| 504 |
|
---|
| 505 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Meanwhile, over in France, Henry Tudor was positioning
|
---|
| 506 |
|
---|
| 507 | himself as heir to his murdered uncle Henry VI.&nbsp; With the support
|
---|
| 508 |
|
---|
| 509 | of exiled Lancastrians and the French monarchy, Henry planned to mount
|
---|
| 510 |
|
---|
| 511 | an invasion of England.
|
---|
| 512 |
|
---|
| 513 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What had prepared Henry for this moment?&nbsp; At
|
---|
| 514 |
|
---|
| 515 | twenty-eight he was hardly an experienced soldier but he was used to a
|
---|
| 516 |
|
---|
| 517 | life of sudden change.&nbsp; In the 1450s his father Edmund and uncle Jasper
|
---|
| 518 |
|
---|
| 519 | were Henry VI's closest relatives, part of a small group of influential
|
---|
| 520 |
|
---|
| 521 | advisors to the king.&nbsp; Other than these half-brothers, Henry VI was
|
---|
| 522 |
|
---|
| 523 | bereft of close blood relatives; his uncles, the dukes of Bedford, Clarence
|
---|
| 524 |
|
---|
| 525 | and Gloucester, had all died without legitimate heirs and this left both
|
---|
| 526 |
|
---|
| 527 | an emotional and dynastic void at the court.&nbsp; Also, Henry's government
|
---|
| 528 |
|
---|
| 529 | was reviled as inefficient and corrupt.&nbsp; His two most prominent ministers
|
---|
| 530 |
|
---|
| 531 | were the dukes of Suffolk and Somerset and the English people reviled them.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 532 |
|
---|
| 533 | Henry had also raised taxes and spent heavily to assert his right to the
|
---|
| 534 |
|
---|
| 535 | French throne.&nbsp; Perhaps if he had been successful at it, the English
|
---|
| 536 |
|
---|
| 537 | people would not have grumbled about the taxes.&nbsp; But he wasn't successful
|
---|
| 538 |
|
---|
| 539 | and, as the defeats multiplied, the people grew naturally resentful of
|
---|
| 540 |
|
---|
| 541 | the taxation and Henry's attempts to enforce it.&nbsp; Also, many Englishmen
|
---|
| 542 |
|
---|
| 543 | (commoner and noble alike) were uncertain about the very survival of Henry's
|
---|
| 544 |
|
---|
| 545 | dynasty.&nbsp; After eight years of marriage, he and Margaret of Anjou
|
---|
| 546 |
|
---|
| 547 | had no children.&nbsp; Increasingly, eyes turned to Henry's cousin Richard,
|
---|
| 548 |
|
---|
| 549 | duke of York, for stability and reform.&nbsp; Henry, perhaps feeling as
|
---|
| 550 |
|
---|
| 551 | if Richard were being positioned to either dominate his government or usurp
|
---|
| 552 |
|
---|
| 553 | the throne, turned to his small group of advisors for guidance.
|
---|
| 554 |
|
---|
| 555 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Since Edmund and Jasper were young, their role at
|
---|
| 556 |
|
---|
| 557 | court was peripheral.&nbsp; Their upbringing had also been quite different
|
---|
| 558 |
|
---|
| 559 | from most young noblemen.&nbsp; However, they were not fools and were careful
|
---|
| 560 |
|
---|
| 561 | to never alienate the powerful duke of York during Henry's reign.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 562 |
|
---|
| 563 | In the summer of 1453, Henry VI suffered an intermittent bout of madness
|
---|
| 564 |
|
---|
| 565 | so severe that he recognized no one, never spoke and had to carried from
|
---|
| 566 |
|
---|
| 567 | place to place.&nbsp; Immediate steps had to be taken to ensure the survival
|
---|
| 568 |
|
---|
| 569 | of the royal government.&nbsp; The winter of 1453 and 1454 was occupied
|
---|
| 570 |
|
---|
| 571 | with the struggle between Queen Margaret and Richard to be declared regent.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 572 |
|
---|
| 573 | For whatever reason, the Tudor brothers sided with the duke of York.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 574 |
|
---|
| 575 | Finally, on 3 April 1454, Parliament decided to appoint Richard regent
|
---|
| 576 |
|
---|
| 577 | during the king's illness.
|
---|
| 578 |
|
---|
| 579 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There are records showing the brothers attended council
|
---|
| 580 |
|
---|
| 581 | meetings and parliamentary sessions; they were also involved in the extensive
|
---|
| 582 |
|
---|
| 583 | reform of the king's household, of which they were members.&nbsp; At that
|
---|
| 584 |
|
---|
| 585 | time, their relationship with the duke of York was not regarded as incompatible
|
---|
| 586 |
|
---|
| 587 | with their attachment to Henry VI and his Lancastrian dynasty.&nbsp; At
|
---|
| 588 |
|
---|
| 589 | any rate, around Christmas 1454, Henry VI suddenly recovered and the duke
|
---|
| 590 |
|
---|
| 591 | of York was no longer in power.&nbsp; Instead, Henry VI restored his old
|
---|
| 592 |
|
---|
| 593 | favorites to their former positions, notably the hated Somerset (who was
|
---|
| 594 |
|
---|
| 595 | the uncle of Edmund Tudor's wife.)&nbsp; The duke of York and his allies
|
---|
| 596 |
|
---|
| 597 | left London in apparent disgust.&nbsp; The Tudor brothers, and most of
|
---|
| 598 |
|
---|
| 599 | the court, realized that a breach had been opened in the nobility.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 600 |
|
---|
| 601 | Most were happy to see the king recover but they were not happy to see
|
---|
| 602 |
|
---|
| 603 | the capable York depart; further, the duke was hated by the queen after
|
---|
| 604 |
|
---|
| 605 | their struggle for the regency.&nbsp; If the two groups clashed, which
|
---|
| 606 |
|
---|
| 607 | side would the Tudors choose?
|
---|
| 608 |
|
---|
| 609 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The 'Battle' of St Albans on 1 May 1455 revealed
|
---|
| 610 |
|
---|
| 611 | the extent of the problem.&nbsp; The king had left London to visit Leicester,
|
---|
| 612 |
|
---|
| 613 | accompanied by his half-brother Jasper and the duke of Somerset.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 614 |
|
---|
| 615 | They spent the evening at Watford and the next day rode on to St Albans;
|
---|
| 616 |
|
---|
| 617 | the duke of York and the earls of Warwick and Salisbury were waiting for
|
---|
| 618 |
|
---|
| 619 | them.&nbsp; There was a skirmish, several of the king's servants (including
|
---|
| 620 |
|
---|
| 621 | Somerset) were killed, and the king himself suffered a wound on the neck.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 622 |
|
---|
| 623 | There was also violent fighting in the streets of the town.&nbsp; The Yorkist
|
---|
| 624 |
|
---|
| 625 | forces were successful in capturing the king and escorted him back to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 626 |
|
---|
| 627 | On 26 May, Parliament was summoned to meet at Westminster in six weeks.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 628 |
|
---|
| 629 | As peers of the realm, the Tudor brothers were required to attend.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 630 |
|
---|
| 631 | All the lords gathered there swore allegiance to Henry VI but measures
|
---|
| 632 |
|
---|
| 633 | were undertaken to fix the kingdom's disastrous finances.&nbsp; To that
|
---|
| 634 |
|
---|
| 635 | end, every grant Henry had made during his reign was revoked - with the
|
---|
| 636 |
|
---|
| 637 | notable exceptions of Edmund and Jasper's lands.&nbsp; This exemption shows
|
---|
| 638 |
|
---|
| 639 | that York and his allies wanted Tudor support.&nbsp; They were, after all,
|
---|
| 640 |
|
---|
| 641 | members of the royal family.
|
---|
| 642 |
|
---|
| 643 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 644 |
|
---|
| 645 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The second session of Parliament was in November
|
---|
| 646 |
|
---|
| 647 | 1455 and the brothers did not attend.&nbsp; They were in Wales, ostensibly
|
---|
| 648 |
|
---|
| 649 | to keep the king's peace there.&nbsp; They had been sent on such a mission
|
---|
| 650 |
|
---|
| 651 | before (their only real task given by the king), perhaps because their
|
---|
| 652 |
|
---|
| 653 | father had been a Welshman.&nbsp; Eventually, the respect many Welsh felt
|
---|
| 654 |
|
---|
| 655 | for the Tudor brothers, particularly Jasper, would aid his nephew Henry
|
---|
| 656 |
|
---|
| 657 | Tudor; after all, Henry landed in Pembrokeshire in 1485.
|
---|
| 658 |
|
---|
| 659 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Wales was always a problem for Henry VI for a major
|
---|
| 660 |
|
---|
| 661 | rebellion had ended just 40 years before and occasional fighting was not
|
---|
| 662 |
|
---|
| 663 | uncommon.&nbsp; Edmund Tudor, as the eldest brother, went there as a representative
|
---|
| 664 |
|
---|
| 665 | of the English king.&nbsp; While the duke of York was regent, Edmund led
|
---|
| 666 |
|
---|
| 667 | a raid to reassert the duke's authority on his lands, centered on the castle
|
---|
| 668 |
|
---|
| 669 | Carmarthen.&nbsp; He fought - and won - the castle back from a Welsh rebel
|
---|
| 670 |
|
---|
| 671 | who had seized it.&nbsp; While the duke was regent, this success was acceptable;
|
---|
| 672 |
|
---|
| 673 | Edmund held the castle for Richard and his authority as regent.&nbsp; But
|
---|
| 674 |
|
---|
| 675 | after Richard left London in some disgrace, his English supporters in and
|
---|
| 676 |
|
---|
| 677 | near Wales were worried.&nbsp; What if Edmund Tudor attempted to return
|
---|
| 678 |
|
---|
| 679 | Carmarthen and its lands to Henry VI rather than the duke?&nbsp; Edmund
|
---|
| 680 |
|
---|
| 681 | was no longer a representative of the duke as regent; he was now a representative
|
---|
| 682 |
|
---|
| 683 | of the king.&nbsp; Determined&nbsp; to reassert Richard's authority in
|
---|
| 684 |
|
---|
| 685 | West Wales, they led a raid on Carmarthen and imprisoned Edmund sometime
|
---|
| 686 |
|
---|
| 687 | in September 1456.&nbsp; Edmund was released soon after but had already
|
---|
| 688 |
|
---|
| 689 | developed a fatal illness.&nbsp; He died on 1 November 1456 at Carmarthen
|
---|
| 690 |
|
---|
| 691 | and was given a fine burial at the nearby Greyfriars Church.&nbsp; No one
|
---|
| 692 |
|
---|
| 693 | was ever accused of directly causing his death and it is possible that
|
---|
| 694 |
|
---|
| 695 | he always suffered from ill health; government records show he was absent
|
---|
| 696 |
|
---|
| 697 | from meetings far more than Jasper.&nbsp; Then again, Edmund was also a
|
---|
| 698 |
|
---|
| 699 | husband and on, 28 January 1457, a father; sadly, he died before his son
|
---|
| 700 |
|
---|
| 701 | was born.&nbsp; This son would be called Henry and would become the first
|
---|
| 702 |
|
---|
| 703 | Tudor king of England.</blockquote>
|
---|
| 704 |
|
---|
| 705 |
|
---|
| 706 |
|
---|
| 707 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 708 |
|
---|
| 709 | <blockquote>
|
---|
| 710 |
|
---|
| 711 | <ul>
|
---|
| 712 |
|
---|
| 713 | <ul>
|
---|
| 714 |
|
---|
| 715 | <ul>
|
---|
| 716 |
|
---|
| 717 | <ul>Kingdoms are but cares,
|
---|
| 718 |
|
---|
| 719 | <br>State is devoid of stay,
|
---|
| 720 |
|
---|
| 721 | <br>Riches are ready snares,
|
---|
| 722 |
|
---|
| 723 | <br>And hasten to decay.
|
---|
| 724 |
|
---|
| 725 | <br>Pleasure is a privy prick
|
---|
| 726 |
|
---|
| 727 | <br>Which vice doth still provoke;
|
---|
| 728 |
|
---|
| 729 | <br>Pomp, imprompt; and fame, a flame;
|
---|
| 730 |
|
---|
| 731 | <br>Power, a smoldering smoke,
|
---|
| 732 |
|
---|
| 733 | <br>Who meaneth to remove the rock
|
---|
| 734 |
|
---|
| 735 | <br>Out of the slimy mud,
|
---|
| 736 |
|
---|
| 737 | <br>Shall mire himself, and hardly 'scape
|
---|
| 738 |
|
---|
| 739 | <br>The swelling of the flood.
|
---|
| 740 |
|
---|
| 741 | <br><b><font size=-1>- Henry VI, written while he was</font></b>
|
---|
| 742 |
|
---|
| 743 | <br><b><font size=-1>a prisoner in the Tower of London</font></b></ul>
|
---|
| 744 |
|
---|
| 745 | </ul>
|
---|
| 746 |
|
---|
| 747 | </ul>
|
---|
| 748 |
|
---|
| 749 | </ul>
|
---|
| 750 |
|
---|
| 751 | </blockquote>
|
---|
| 752 |
|
---|
| 753 |
|
---|
| 754 |
|
---|
| 755 | <p><br><font size=-1>NOTE: This is a terribly convoluted tale.&nbsp; I
|
---|
| 756 |
|
---|
| 757 | have tried to whittle it down to the bare essentials while still conveying
|
---|
| 758 |
|
---|
| 759 | the most important information.&nbsp; For a more detailed description of
|
---|
| 760 |
|
---|
| 761 | all the battles and plots, find a good book - like 'The Making of the Tudor
|
---|
| 762 |
|
---|
| 763 | Dynasty' - and devote your weekend to reading it.&nbsp; If you're wondering
|
---|
| 764 |
|
---|
| 765 | why all this stuff about Jasper Tudor is important...&nbsp; well, it consumed
|
---|
| 766 |
|
---|
| 767 | the early years of Henry Tudor's life.&nbsp; Even if he wasn't directly
|
---|
| 768 |
|
---|
| 769 | involved, they were his relatives and their success - or failure - had
|
---|
| 770 |
|
---|
| 771 | a direct impact on his life.</font>
|
---|
| 772 |
|
---|
| 773 | <br><font size=-1><b>Also, the state of the monarchy pre-Henry VII:&nbsp;</b>
|
---|
| 774 |
|
---|
| 775 | Edward IV, the first Yorkist king, was the only English king since Henry
|
---|
| 776 |
|
---|
| 777 | II to die solvent.&nbsp; Having repossessed the lands of the exiled Lancastrian
|
---|
| 778 |
|
---|
| 779 | nobility and seeking support from the middle-class, he was able to run
|
---|
| 780 |
|
---|
| 781 | England effectively and efficiently.&nbsp; Whatever his faults as a man
|
---|
| 782 |
|
---|
| 783 | (unfaithful and increasingly debauched), he was a good king.</font>
|
---|
| 784 |
|
---|
| 785 | <blockquote>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 786 |
|
---|
| 787 | <br><font size=+1>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</font> Since Henry VII spent most
|
---|
| 788 |
|
---|
| 789 | of his formative years away from this court, he could claim no special
|
---|
| 790 |
|
---|
| 791 | understanding of English politics; indeed, if his early life taught him
|
---|
| 792 |
|
---|
| 793 | anything it was the tenuousness of a title.&nbsp; His uncle Jasper's life
|
---|
| 794 |
|
---|
| 795 | was the ultimate lesson.&nbsp; On 3 February 1461 Edward, earl of March
|
---|
| 796 |
|
---|
| 797 | and son of the duke of York, triumphed over the Lancastrian forces at Mortimer's
|
---|
| 798 |
|
---|
| 799 | Cross in Herefordshire.&nbsp; It was a terrible blow for Henry VI and Jasper,
|
---|
| 800 |
|
---|
| 801 | particularly since Jasper and the earl of Wiltshire had shared command
|
---|
| 802 |
|
---|
| 803 | over the defeated army.&nbsp; His father, Owen Tudor, was executed after
|
---|
| 804 |
|
---|
| 805 | the battle.&nbsp; Jasper had choice but to flee in disguise, seeking refuge
|
---|
| 806 |
|
---|
| 807 | at his lordship of Pembroke.&nbsp; While he tried to solicit Welsh allies,
|
---|
| 808 |
|
---|
| 809 | Margaret of Anjou and her son Prince Edward had gathered a large army of
|
---|
| 810 |
|
---|
| 811 | northerners.&nbsp; They reached St Albans in Hertfordshire on 17 February
|
---|
| 812 |
|
---|
| 813 | and soundly defeated the Yorkist forces led by the ill-prepared earl of
|
---|
| 814 |
|
---|
| 815 | Warwick.&nbsp; This victory enabled Margaret to free her husband, prisoner
|
---|
| 816 |
|
---|
| 817 | of the Yorkists since the previous summer (the skirmish at St Albans).&nbsp;
|
---|
| 818 |
|
---|
| 819 | Her plan was to march straight to London while Jasper Tudor led forces
|
---|
| 820 |
|
---|
| 821 | from South Wales.&nbsp; But Jasper was unable to raise enough troops in
|
---|
| 822 |
|
---|
| 823 | time and Margaret's northern soldiers made the fatal mistake of pillaging
|
---|
| 824 |
|
---|
| 825 | the English countryside.&nbsp; The Londoners were understandably terrified
|
---|
| 826 |
|
---|
| 827 | of the advancing northerners and refused to allow Margaret's men into London.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 828 |
|
---|
| 829 | They did, however, open their gates to the future Edward IV and the earl
|
---|
| 830 |
|
---|
| 831 | of Warwick.&nbsp; Henry VI and his family fled to Scotland and Jasper Tudor
|
---|
| 832 |
|
---|
| 833 | was left in Wales.
|
---|
| 834 |
|
---|
| 835 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Jasper's lands were seized and he was hunted mercilessly
|
---|
| 836 |
|
---|
| 837 | by Edward IV's ally William Herbert.&nbsp; There is no record of his whereabouts
|
---|
| 838 |
|
---|
| 839 | but he did successfully elude capture, eventually escaping to Scotland.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 840 |
|
---|
| 841 | His nephew, four-year-old Henry, was left behind at Pembroke Castle, seat
|
---|
| 842 |
|
---|
| 843 | of Jasper's power in Pembrokeshire.&nbsp; Since William Herbert was awarded
|
---|
| 844 |
|
---|
| 845 | Jasper's lands by Edward IV, Henry was in his custody.&nbsp; Because the
|
---|
| 846 |
|
---|
| 847 | young earl of Richmond was a member of the Lancastrian royal family, Herbert
|
---|
| 848 |
|
---|
| 849 | paid 1000 pds for his wardship; furthermore, he was given control over
|
---|
| 850 |
|
---|
| 851 | the boy's future marriage.&nbsp; Herbert was never cruel to the boy; in
|
---|
| 852 |
|
---|
| 853 | fact, he and his wife, Anne Devereux, had a large family of their own and
|
---|
| 854 |
|
---|
| 855 | Henry was part of it.&nbsp; Anne was particularly kind to the boy and,
|
---|
| 856 |
|
---|
| 857 | when he triumphed in 1485, Henry Tudor sent for her to come to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 858 |
|
---|
| 859 | At their home, he was known as the earl of Richmond though his inheritance
|
---|
| 860 |
|
---|
| 861 | had been given to Edward IV's brother George, duke of Clarence.&nbsp; His
|
---|
| 862 |
|
---|
| 863 | education was good - two Oxford scholars named Scot and Haseley who were
|
---|
| 864 |
|
---|
| 865 | also remembered when he became king.
|
---|
| 866 |
|
---|
| 867 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; But Henry rarely saw his mother.&nbsp; A few months
|
---|
| 868 |
|
---|
| 869 | after his birth in 1457, she married a man named Henry Stafford.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 870 |
|
---|
| 871 | They lived in Lincolnshire and, later, Surrey, long distances from Pembrokeshire.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 872 |
|
---|
| 873 | Also, the fall of Pembroke Castle and Herbert's purchase of her son's wardship
|
---|
| 874 |
|
---|
| 875 | were obstacles.&nbsp; But Margaret's husband made peace with the new king
|
---|
| 876 |
|
---|
| 877 | around 1461 and, while her son was not allowed to return to her guardianship,
|
---|
| 878 |
|
---|
| 879 | she was allowed to visit and write to him.
|
---|
| 880 |
|
---|
| 881 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, the exiled Lancastrian nobility (Henry's
|
---|
| 882 |
|
---|
| 883 | family) were involved in countless plots to return to power.&nbsp; Captured
|
---|
| 884 |
|
---|
| 885 | spies exaggerated reports of their strength; one told Edward IV that the
|
---|
| 886 |
|
---|
| 887 | kings of France, Denmark, Portugal, and Aragon were planning a Lancastrian-led
|
---|
| 888 |
|
---|
| 889 | invasion.&nbsp; Certainly any monarch would be uneasy after such reports.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 890 |
|
---|
| 891 | Edward IV captured the earl of Oxford and his son, believed to be Lancastrian
|
---|
| 892 |
|
---|
| 893 | sympathizers, and executed them for treason.&nbsp; Though the plot was
|
---|
| 894 |
|
---|
| 895 | not as grand as the spy alleged, it had involved French support and Jasper
|
---|
| 896 |
|
---|
| 897 | Tudor made his way to the continent.&nbsp; Eventually, a convoluted agreement
|
---|
| 898 |
|
---|
| 899 | was made with Louis XI the French king.&nbsp; This second plan failed around
|
---|
| 900 |
|
---|
| 901 | Christmas 1462.&nbsp; In 1464, Louis XI decided to switch loyalties to
|
---|
| 902 |
|
---|
| 903 | Edward IV and urged the other Lancastrian ally, Francis II duke of Brittany,
|
---|
| 904 |
|
---|
| 905 | to do the same.
|
---|
| 906 |
|
---|
| 907 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It is difficult not to admire the tenacity the Lancastrian
|
---|
| 908 |
|
---|
| 909 | exiles maintained during these years of planning and defeat.&nbsp; Jasper
|
---|
| 910 |
|
---|
| 911 | increasingly began to see Wales as the perfect place for invasion since
|
---|
| 912 |
|
---|
| 913 | it was always hostile to the English monarchy.&nbsp; The Welsh were understandably
|
---|
| 914 |
|
---|
| 915 | sympathetic to any cause which involved this high-ranking Welshman.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 916 |
|
---|
| 917 | To many, Jasper was a national hero - a Welshman who had succeeded at the
|
---|
| 918 |
|
---|
| 919 | English court and could be counted upon to support their rights.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 920 |
|
---|
| 921 | In the spring of 1468, they had cause to rejoice because Jasper was coming
|
---|
| 922 |
|
---|
| 923 | to Wales.&nbsp; Edward IV had just made a treaty with independent French
|
---|
| 924 |
|
---|
| 925 | nobles which angered Louis XI of France.&nbsp; Accordingly, he decided
|
---|
| 926 |
|
---|
| 927 | to once again lend his support to the Lancastrian struggle.&nbsp; But,
|
---|
| 928 |
|
---|
| 929 | once again, the support was not as much as necessary.&nbsp; Jasper arrived
|
---|
| 930 |
|
---|
| 931 | in Wales and, though he gathered 2000 men, he was eventually routed at
|
---|
| 932 |
|
---|
| 933 | Harlech Castle.&nbsp; Jasper once again escaped, some say by impersonating
|
---|
| 934 |
|
---|
| 935 | a peasant.&nbsp; Once again, he was in France, still exiled and still defeated.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 936 |
|
---|
| 937 | One can only imagine his frustration.
|
---|
| 938 |
|
---|
| 939 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; But Jasper's invasion, however slight, did create
|
---|
| 940 |
|
---|
| 941 | a breach in the Yorkist party.&nbsp; Edward IV's supporter, the earl of
|
---|
| 942 |
|
---|
| 943 | Warwick who had marched with him to London in 1461, was becoming dissatisfied
|
---|
| 944 |
|
---|
| 945 | with the king.&nbsp; Called the 'kingmaker' because of his ability, Warwick
|
---|
| 946 |
|
---|
| 947 | wanted more power than Edward was willing to give.&nbsp; In early 1469,
|
---|
| 948 |
|
---|
| 949 | the two former allies were not speaking and Warwick raised an army.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 950 |
|
---|
| 951 | He was victorious over William Herbert's army at Edgecote.&nbsp; (Herbert
|
---|
| 952 |
|
---|
| 953 | was Henry VII's guardian and Edward IV's ally.)&nbsp; Warwick realized
|
---|
| 954 |
|
---|
| 955 | he could not claim the throne for himself; instead, he had to switch sides
|
---|
| 956 |
|
---|
| 957 | and support Henry VI.&nbsp; So, with Edward IV's brother George duke of
|
---|
| 958 |
|
---|
| 959 | Clarence, unhappy with his brother as well, Warwick went to France.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 960 |
|
---|
| 961 | There, Louis XI attempted to reconcile Warwick with his former enemies.
|
---|
| 962 |
|
---|
| 963 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Margaret of Anjou didn't want Warwick for an ally.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 964 |
|
---|
| 965 | She didn't trust him; he had, after all, had a major role in arresting
|
---|
| 966 |
|
---|
| 967 | and deposing her husband in 1461.&nbsp; But Margaret's desire to reassert
|
---|
| 968 |
|
---|
| 969 | Lancastrian authority was great and she reluctantly agreed to his help.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 970 |
|
---|
| 971 | Another invasion was planned.&nbsp; Warwick and Jasper would go through
|
---|
| 972 |
|
---|
| 973 | Wales and Margaret and Prince Edward follow when it was safe.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
| 974 |
|
---|
| 975 | Tudor was now thirteen years old, certainly old enough to understand the
|
---|
| 976 |
|
---|
| 977 | danger he was in after the Battle at Edgecote.&nbsp; Since his guardian
|
---|
| 978 |
|
---|
| 979 | had been killed by Warwick, he was under the sole protection of Anne Devereux.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 980 |
|
---|
| 981 | She took him and her Herbert children to her family's home in Herefordshire.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 982 |
|
---|
| 983 | Henry's mother tried to regain custody of her son after Herbert's death;
|
---|
| 984 |
|
---|
| 985 | however, her attempts soon didn't matter.&nbsp; For when Jasper and Warwick's
|
---|
| 986 |
|
---|
| 987 | army arrived in England, Edward IV was not in London and was unable to
|
---|
| 988 |
|
---|
| 989 | reach London before the Lancastrian forces.&nbsp; Therefore, Edward fled
|
---|
| 990 |
|
---|
| 991 | to Holland on 2 October 1470.&nbsp; Meanwhile, a relative of Anne Devereux's
|
---|
| 992 |
|
---|
| 993 | had taken Henry Tudor to Hereford and given him to Jasper when he arrived
|
---|
| 994 |
|
---|
| 995 | at the city.&nbsp; The reunion of uncle and nephew was undoubtedly emotional
|
---|
| 996 |
|
---|
| 997 | for Jasper, an exile from his country for years.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Warwick
|
---|
| 998 |
|
---|
| 999 | entered London and freed Henry VI from the Tower.
|
---|
| 1000 |
|
---|
| 1001 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It was also a reunion for Henry and his mother.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1002 |
|
---|
| 1003 | Within a few days, he and Jasper had joined Margaret and her husband.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1004 |
|
---|
| 1005 | They entered London together and spent about six weeks there.&nbsp; On
|
---|
| 1006 |
|
---|
| 1007 | 12 November, Henry left his mother again to leave with Jasper.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
| 1008 |
|
---|
| 1009 | VI's restoration immeasurably increased Jasper Tudor's wealth and prestige
|
---|
| 1010 |
|
---|
| 1011 | (he was rewarded with lands, monies, grants); but Henry Tudor was not made
|
---|
| 1012 |
|
---|
| 1013 | the earl of Richmond.&nbsp; His father's title had been given to Edward
|
---|
| 1014 |
|
---|
| 1015 | IV's brother George duke of Clarence and Clarence would not give it back.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1016 |
|
---|
| 1017 | Since he was an ally of Warwick's, there was nothing Jasper or Margaret
|
---|
| 1018 |
|
---|
| 1019 | could do for the boy.&nbsp; Jasper, having spent ten years in exile and
|
---|
| 1020 |
|
---|
| 1021 | with little money or prestige, kept his nephew with him and enjoyed his
|
---|
| 1022 |
|
---|
| 1023 | success.&nbsp; Alas, it did not last.&nbsp; Once again, Edward IV and the
|
---|
| 1024 |
|
---|
| 1025 | Lancastrians met on the battlefield - this time at a town called Tewkesbury.
|
---|
| 1026 |
|
---|
| 1027 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; On 12 March 1471, Edward returned from Europe and
|
---|
| 1028 |
|
---|
| 1029 | landed in Yorkshire.&nbsp; He marched south to London, reaching there on
|
---|
| 1030 |
|
---|
| 1031 | 11 April; on 14 April, he fought Warwick at the Battle of Barnet.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1032 |
|
---|
| 1033 | Edward won and promptly killed Warwick.&nbsp; He also regained custody
|
---|
| 1034 |
|
---|
| 1035 | of Henry VI.&nbsp; The situation was once again dire; Jasper Tudor promptly
|
---|
| 1036 |
|
---|
| 1037 | began to raise an army to fight Edward.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Margaret of Anjou
|
---|
| 1038 |
|
---|
| 1039 | and Prince Edward arrived in England as planned so many months ago.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1040 |
|
---|
| 1041 | She knew nothing of Warwick's defeat and her husband's capture.&nbsp; Upon
|
---|
| 1042 |
|
---|
| 1043 | hearing the news, she was devastated but unbowed.&nbsp; She gathered an
|
---|
| 1044 |
|
---|
| 1045 | army in the West Country and marched north toward Wales; she was planning
|
---|
| 1046 |
|
---|
| 1047 | to meet and join forces with Jasper.&nbsp; Edward IV was no fool and realized
|
---|
| 1048 |
|
---|
| 1049 | that he must make a quick, decisive strike.&nbsp; He was determined to
|
---|
| 1050 |
|
---|
| 1051 | meet Margaret's army before she met up with Jasper.&nbsp; Edward and Margaret
|
---|
| 1052 |
|
---|
| 1053 | met south of Tewkesbury on 4 May 1471.&nbsp; Margaret was soundly defeated
|
---|
| 1054 |
|
---|
| 1055 | and her son killed during or after the battle.&nbsp; Captured like her
|
---|
| 1056 |
|
---|
| 1057 | husband and with their only child killed, Margaret was taken to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1058 |
|
---|
| 1059 | Jasper Tudor, unable to reach her in time, was an exile once again - and,
|
---|
| 1060 |
|
---|
| 1061 | this time, so was his nephew.</blockquote>
|
---|
| 1062 |
|
---|
| 1063 |
|
---|
| 1064 |
|
---|
| 1065 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 1066 |
|
---|
| 1067 | <br>The defeat at Tewkesbury was devastating to the Lancastrian cause.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1068 |
|
---|
| 1069 | Only hours after Edward IV returned in triumph to London, Henry VI was
|
---|
| 1070 |
|
---|
| 1071 | dead in the Tower.&nbsp; The circumstances of his death were mysterious
|
---|
| 1072 |
|
---|
| 1073 | but the execution of his supporter the duke of Somerset was an open warning.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1074 |
|
---|
| 1075 | Jasper Tudor had good reason to fear for both his and Henry's safety.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1076 |
|
---|
| 1077 | Margaret Beaufort and her husband almost immediately declared allegiance
|
---|
| 1078 |
|
---|
| 1079 | to Edward to protect themselves.&nbsp; But her son, as one of the few surviving
|
---|
| 1080 |
|
---|
| 1081 | males with Lancastrian blood, was destined for France.&nbsp; Jasper hoped
|
---|
| 1082 |
|
---|
| 1083 | that their old ally Louis XI would aid them once again.
|
---|
| 1084 |
|
---|
| 1085 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Before he arrived in France, however, he fought a
|
---|
| 1086 |
|
---|
| 1087 | battle in Wales at Chepstow.&nbsp; Edward IV was still determined to capture
|
---|
| 1088 |
|
---|
| 1089 | him and sent Sir Roger Vaughan to do so.&nbsp; Jasper Tudor managed to
|
---|
| 1090 |
|
---|
| 1091 | defeat Vaughan and executed him.&nbsp; This ruthless act was uncharacteristic
|
---|
| 1092 |
|
---|
| 1093 | for Jasper but can be easily explained - Vaughan had killed his father,
|
---|
| 1094 |
|
---|
| 1095 | Owen Tudor, almost ten years before at the battle of Mortimer's Cross.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1096 |
|
---|
| 1097 | The satisfaction of this execution was Jasper's only comfort as he fought
|
---|
| 1098 |
|
---|
| 1099 | his way to the coast.&nbsp; From there, he, his nephew, and a few servants
|
---|
| 1100 |
|
---|
| 1101 | made their way to France.&nbsp; They ended up landing in Brittany, where
|
---|
| 1102 |
|
---|
| 1103 | the duke Francis II had long supported them.&nbsp; Francis was desperate
|
---|
| 1104 |
|
---|
| 1105 | to preserve his duchy's independence from the French state and recognized
|
---|
| 1106 |
|
---|
| 1107 | Jasper and Henry as powerful diplomatic tools.&nbsp; If Edward would aid
|
---|
| 1108 |
|
---|
| 1109 | him, then perhaps he would return the Tudors - that was Francis's official
|
---|
| 1110 |
|
---|
| 1111 | diplomatic message.&nbsp; Edward made several attempts to gain custody
|
---|
| 1112 |
|
---|
| 1113 | of the Tudors but was unsuccessful.&nbsp; His concern, however, was intermittent
|
---|
| 1114 |
|
---|
| 1115 | since they were not in England and he was more concerned with his own family
|
---|
| 1116 |
|
---|
| 1117 | and rule.
|
---|
| 1118 |
|
---|
| 1119 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp; From 1471 to Edward's death twelve years later, Jasper
|
---|
| 1120 |
|
---|
| 1121 | and Henry remained in Brittany, staying at the castle of Suscinio, traditionally
|
---|
| 1122 |
|
---|
| 1123 | used as the duke's summer residence.&nbsp; Louis XI of France, meanwhile,
|
---|
| 1124 |
|
---|
| 1125 | was engaged in more diplomatic rivalry.&nbsp; Resenting Edward's relations
|
---|
| 1126 |
|
---|
| 1127 | with his enemies, he sought the release of Jasper and Henry into his custody.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1128 |
|
---|
| 1129 | He told the duke of Brittany that the Tudors had, after all, intended to
|
---|
| 1130 |
|
---|
| 1131 | go to France itself - their landing in Brittany had been a mistake of bad
|
---|
| 1132 |
|
---|
| 1133 | weather.&nbsp; Also, Jasper had been given a pension by Louis during their
|
---|
| 1134 |
|
---|
| 1135 | earlier stay; consequently, he was a servant of the king and under his
|
---|
| 1136 |
|
---|
| 1137 | protection.&nbsp; Both men wanted to use the Tudors as diplomatic pawns
|
---|
| 1138 |
|
---|
| 1139 | but Francis II was unwilling to give up his advantage.&nbsp; The Tudors
|
---|
| 1140 |
|
---|
| 1141 | stayed in Brittany, under increasingly strict control.&nbsp; There were
|
---|
| 1142 |
|
---|
| 1143 | reports that Edward IV wanted Henry killed and that Louis XI was going
|
---|
| 1144 |
|
---|
| 1145 | to kidnap them.
|
---|
| 1146 |
|
---|
| 1147 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp; Edward IV had to console himself with Francis II's promise
|
---|
| 1148 |
|
---|
| 1149 | that the Tudors were under protective custody.&nbsp; In the mid-1470s he
|
---|
| 1150 |
|
---|
| 1151 | tried a new strategy, with the aid of Henry's mother.&nbsp; She had extracted
|
---|
| 1152 |
|
---|
| 1153 | a promise from the king that some of her lands would pass to her son on
|
---|
| 1154 |
|
---|
| 1155 | her death.&nbsp; Edward not only agreed but he also suggested an English
|
---|
| 1156 |
|
---|
| 1157 | bride - perhaps one of his own daughters - for the exiled earl.&nbsp; Margaret
|
---|
| 1158 |
|
---|
| 1159 | Beaufort gave her full support to this plan.&nbsp; She wanted her son in
|
---|
| 1160 |
|
---|
| 1161 | England above all else.&nbsp; Whether Edward intended to keep his promise
|
---|
| 1162 |
|
---|
| 1163 | is unknown but it was certainly a good idea.&nbsp; By marrying Henry into
|
---|
| 1164 |
|
---|
| 1165 | his family, he would neutralize this last Lancastrian threat.&nbsp; And,
|
---|
| 1166 |
|
---|
| 1167 | for a while, it seemed he would be successful.&nbsp; In late 1476, worn
|
---|
| 1168 |
|
---|
| 1169 | down by ill health and the English ambassadors, Francis II consented to
|
---|
| 1170 |
|
---|
| 1171 | send Henry to England.&nbsp; Henry developed - or faked - an illness at
|
---|
| 1172 |
|
---|
| 1173 | the port and was able to elude being sent home.&nbsp; It may be that he
|
---|
| 1174 |
|
---|
| 1175 | suspected duplicity on Edward's part or was counseled by his uncle.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1176 |
|
---|
| 1177 | (It seems evident that Henry, the first Tudor king, shared many qualities
|
---|
| 1178 |
|
---|
| 1179 | with his granddaughter, Elizabeth I, last of the Tudor monarchs - both
|
---|
| 1180 |
|
---|
| 1181 | were shaped by perilous upbringings into cautious, careful rulers.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1182 |
|
---|
| 1183 | In truth, they bore little resemblance to Henry VIII, Edward VI &amp; Mary
|
---|
| 1184 |
|
---|
| 1185 | I.&nbsp; They were also far more concerned with domestic policy than foreign
|
---|
| 1186 |
|
---|
| 1187 | entanglements.)
|
---|
| 1188 |
|
---|
| 1189 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Since Henry had, by now, grown into a handsome and
|
---|
| 1190 |
|
---|
| 1191 | affable teenager, he was always welcome at the ducal court.&nbsp; After
|
---|
| 1192 |
|
---|
| 1193 | avoiding being sent to England, he simply returned to the duke's custody.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1194 |
|
---|
| 1195 | There, he continued to be treated fairly - indeed, even generously.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1196 |
|
---|
| 1197 | Every now and again, Edward IV and Margaret Beaufort tried to lure him
|
---|
| 1198 |
|
---|
| 1199 | to England (for different reasons, of course.)&nbsp; Margaret had asked
|
---|
| 1200 |
|
---|
| 1201 | Edward to let Henry stand as heir to her estates and he agreed (in 1472)
|
---|
| 1202 |
|
---|
| 1203 | but by 1482, Edward IV decided this - if Henry returned to England and
|
---|
| 1204 |
|
---|
| 1205 | gained Edward's favor, he would receive Margaret's lands plus other estates.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1206 |
|
---|
| 1207 | But if he stayed in France, he would get nothing.&nbsp; Nothing had been
|
---|
| 1208 |
|
---|
| 1209 | decided when Edward died unexpectedly on 9 April 1483.&nbsp; By this time,
|
---|
| 1210 |
|
---|
| 1211 | Duke Francis was facing instability in his own lands.&nbsp; Naturally enough,
|
---|
| 1212 |
|
---|
| 1213 | this made Henry and Jasper's position more tenuous.&nbsp; Still, they received
|
---|
| 1214 |
|
---|
| 1215 | as much support from the duke as he could provide, including generous gifts
|
---|
| 1216 |
|
---|
| 1217 | of money.
|
---|
| 1218 |
|
---|
| 1219 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp; It may be that, upon Edward's death, Henry seriously thought
|
---|
| 1220 |
|
---|
| 1221 | of returning home.&nbsp; The events which followed the king's demise certainly
|
---|
| 1222 |
|
---|
| 1223 | set him upon that course.&nbsp; As recounted earlier, Richard duke of Gloucester,
|
---|
| 1224 |
|
---|
| 1225 | seized the throne from his nephew, Edward V, his brother's 12-year-old
|
---|
| 1226 |
|
---|
| 1227 | heir.&nbsp; Richard officially seized the throne on 26 June.&nbsp; There
|
---|
| 1228 |
|
---|
| 1229 | was no immediate effect on Henry and Jasper Tudor.&nbsp; But their protectors,
|
---|
| 1230 |
|
---|
| 1231 | the French king Louis XI and Duke Francis II, immediately recognized the
|
---|
| 1232 |
|
---|
| 1233 | possibilities - after all, Richard III's claim was tenuous and he would
|
---|
| 1234 |
|
---|
| 1235 | need to work out some arrangement regarding other claimants.&nbsp; Jasper
|
---|
| 1236 |
|
---|
| 1237 | and Henry Tudor would bear even greater pressure on Richard than they had
|
---|
| 1238 |
|
---|
| 1239 | on Edward.&nbsp; At first, Richard simply tried to establish friendly relations
|
---|
| 1240 |
|
---|
| 1241 | with the king and duke, without explicitly mentioning the Tudors.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1242 |
|
---|
| 1243 | His more immediate concern was the closing of French ports to English exiles
|
---|
| 1244 |
|
---|
| 1245 | (notably former Queen Elizabeth Woodville's brother and a large section
|
---|
| 1246 |
|
---|
| 1247 | of the English fleet.)&nbsp; In England, Margaret still wanted her son
|
---|
| 1248 |
|
---|
| 1249 | to return - though to his rightful position as earl of Richmond, not as
|
---|
| 1250 |
|
---|
| 1251 | king of England.&nbsp; But events soon changed, with the same rapidity
|
---|
| 1252 |
|
---|
| 1253 | of Richard's usurpation, and Henry Tudor dreamed of more than an earldom.
|
---|
| 1254 |
|
---|
| 1255 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard III's usurpation was bad enough to most Englishmen,
|
---|
| 1256 |
|
---|
| 1257 | and especially the nobility.&nbsp; But in 1483, Edward IV's two sons -
|
---|
| 1258 |
|
---|
| 1259 | held in the Tower - mysteriously died.&nbsp; It was whispered that Richard
|
---|
| 1260 |
|
---|
| 1261 | had them murdered and secretly buried.&nbsp; Thus was born the legend of
|
---|
| 1262 |
|
---|
| 1263 | the 'Princes of the Tower'.&nbsp; (What happened remains a matter of conjecture;
|
---|
| 1264 |
|
---|
| 1265 | mystery novelist and playwright, Josephine Tey, wrote<i> The Daughter of
|
---|
| 1266 |
|
---|
| 1267 | Time</i>, a book which convincingly argues for Richard's innocence.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1268 |
|
---|
| 1269 | In that case, Henry VII executed the boys - who would be his brothers-in-law
|
---|
| 1270 |
|
---|
| 1271 | - in order to secure his throne.&nbsp; Morre recently, the lawyer Bertram
|
---|
| 1272 |
|
---|
| 1273 | Fields examines the case in <i>Royal Blood</i>.)&nbsp; The deaths of Edward
|
---|
| 1274 |
|
---|
| 1275 | V and his brother, Richard duke of York, angered the populace and encouraged
|
---|
| 1276 |
|
---|
| 1277 | the image of Richard III as a deceitful murderer.&nbsp; Since Richard never
|
---|
| 1278 |
|
---|
| 1279 | officially responded to the rumors, they were believed to be true.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1280 |
|
---|
| 1281 | Soon enough, the duke of Buckingham, Henry Stafford, created more chaos.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1282 |
|
---|
| 1283 | He led a rebellion against Richard III in October and was captured and
|
---|
| 1284 |
|
---|
| 1285 | executed in November.
|
---|
| 1286 |
|
---|
| 1287 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; First of all, it is important to remember that Buckingham,
|
---|
| 1288 |
|
---|
| 1289 | Richard III and Henry Tudor were the <i>only</i> surviving male heirsto
|
---|
| 1290 |
|
---|
| 1291 | the house of Plantagenet.&nbsp; The reasons why Buckingham led a rebellion
|
---|
| 1292 |
|
---|
| 1293 | against Richard are not clear but several possibilities can be considered
|
---|
| 1294 |
|
---|
| 1295 | - first, he had as legitimate a claim to tthe throne as Richard and, gauging
|
---|
| 1296 |
|
---|
| 1297 | popular dissatisfaction with the new king, Buckingham felt he should take
|
---|
| 1298 |
|
---|
| 1299 | his chances and set himself up as the rival claimant (particularly since
|
---|
| 1300 |
|
---|
| 1301 | Edward V and Richard of York were supposedly murdered); second, as a rival
|
---|
| 1302 |
|
---|
| 1303 | claimant, Buckingham undoubtedly felt uneasy about his own safety (particularly
|
---|
| 1304 |
|
---|
| 1305 | when it was rumored Richard had murdered his two nephews; if he had, it
|
---|
| 1306 |
|
---|
| 1307 | was possible he would decide to murder Buckingham as well.)&nbsp; These
|
---|
| 1308 |
|
---|
| 1309 | two reasons alone are sufficient to explain Buckingham's motivations.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1310 |
|
---|
| 1311 | Later historians, especially Polydore Vergil (Henry VII's official historian)
|
---|
| 1312 |
|
---|
| 1313 | would later claim Buckingham really intended to defeat Richard and place
|
---|
| 1314 |
|
---|
| 1315 | Henry Tudor on the throne.&nbsp; But it hardly seems likely; indeed, Buckingham
|
---|
| 1316 |
|
---|
| 1317 | could legitimately believe he had a more solid claim than Henry.
|
---|
| 1318 |
|
---|
| 1319 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There had been uprisings against Richard III just
|
---|
| 1320 |
|
---|
| 1321 | days after his coronation which highlighted popular dissatisfaction.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1322 |
|
---|
| 1323 | Meanwhile, Margaret Beaufort had become friends with Edward IV's widow,
|
---|
| 1324 |
|
---|
| 1325 | Elizabeth Woodville (or Wydeville).&nbsp; Elizabeth heard the rumors of
|
---|
| 1326 |
|
---|
| 1327 | her sons' deaths in the Tower; she had no way of gauging their truth.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1328 |
|
---|
| 1329 | But she was eager to reassert her family's claim to the throne.&nbsp; With
|
---|
| 1330 |
|
---|
| 1331 | her sons supposedly dead, that left her five daughters - in particular,
|
---|
| 1332 |
|
---|
| 1333 | her eldest Elizabeth of York - to claim the throne.&nbsp; They could do
|
---|
| 1334 |
|
---|
| 1335 | so only through marriage to a male claimant (such as Henry Tudor.)&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1336 |
|
---|
| 1337 | So the plan to wed Elizabeth and Henry began in earnest.&nbsp; Both women
|
---|
| 1338 |
|
---|
| 1339 | knew that such a marriage would imply that Henry Tudor wanted to replace
|
---|
| 1340 |
|
---|
| 1341 | Richard on the throne.&nbsp; Margaret quickly sent Christopher Urswick,
|
---|
| 1342 |
|
---|
| 1343 | a young priest from her household, to Brittany.&nbsp; her son, so long
|
---|
| 1344 |
|
---|
| 1345 | an exile and dependent on others, was to plan a return to England - to
|
---|
| 1346 |
|
---|
| 1347 | claim two great positions, husband <i>and</i> king.&nbsp; Margaret also
|
---|
| 1348 |
|
---|
| 1349 | sent a large sum of money to her son, raised from loans in London.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1350 |
|
---|
| 1351 | She advised him to come to Wales as soon as possible (since he would receive
|
---|
| 1352 |
|
---|
| 1353 | support in Wales, particularly from the duke of Buckingham.)
|
---|
| 1354 |
|
---|
| 1355 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; This, of course, lends credence to the idea that
|
---|
| 1356 |
|
---|
| 1357 | Buckingham wanted to support Henry's claim.&nbsp; But, again, that is conjecture.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1358 |
|
---|
| 1359 | Buckingham did write a letter to Henry on 24 September 1483 which stated
|
---|
| 1360 |
|
---|
| 1361 | he would support the rebellion against Richard, <i>even though </i>he and
|
---|
| 1362 |
|
---|
| 1363 | Henry's interests may not be perfectly compatible.&nbsp; What is certain
|
---|
| 1364 |
|
---|
| 1365 | is that Buckingham suspected his own life was forfeit with Richard III;
|
---|
| 1366 |
|
---|
| 1367 | he and Henry Tudor could sort out things once Richard was defeated.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1368 |
|
---|
| 1369 | He told Henry the rebellion would begin on 18 October, thus giving Henry
|
---|
| 1370 |
|
---|
| 1371 | three weeks notice.&nbsp; He did not mention acknowledging Henry as king
|
---|
| 1372 |
|
---|
| 1373 | - he also did not mention marriage to Elizzabeth of York.&nbsp; Henry received
|
---|
| 1374 |
|
---|
| 1375 | Margaret and Buckingham's letters and talked with the duke of Brittany.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1376 |
|
---|
| 1377 | He needed further financial support but also relied on Francis's advice.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1378 |
|
---|
| 1379 | The duke promised support; another vital link was established.
|
---|
| 1380 |
|
---|
| 1381 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard III had not suspected Buckingham of treachery
|
---|
| 1382 |
|
---|
| 1383 | - at first.&nbsp; Thus, he had no large arrmy assembled to fight the duke.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1384 |
|
---|
| 1385 | But such a massively-planned uprising could not remain secret forever and
|
---|
| 1386 |
|
---|
| 1387 | Richard was informed on 11 October that a vast rebellion would occur in
|
---|
| 1388 |
|
---|
| 1389 | a week.&nbsp; He had heard vague descriptions of a plan a few weeks before
|
---|
| 1390 |
|
---|
| 1391 | and had summoned Buckingham to him.&nbsp; The duke feigned a stomach ache;
|
---|
| 1392 |
|
---|
| 1393 | a more tersely-worded summons soon followed.&nbsp; The duke again refused
|
---|
| 1394 |
|
---|
| 1395 | the summons.&nbsp; By then, the rebellion was a week away and Richard had
|
---|
| 1396 |
|
---|
| 1397 | been informed of Buckingham's involvement and the extent of the rebellion.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1398 |
|
---|
| 1399 | Richard hurriedly assembled his army; and though he had been betrayed by
|
---|
| 1400 |
|
---|
| 1401 | Buckingham, his former friend, he was not bitter - he specifically ordered
|
---|
| 1402 |
|
---|
| 1403 | his troops to not 'rob, spoil or hurt' any of Buckingham's followers.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1404 |
|
---|
| 1405 | Richard was prepared to be merciful.
|
---|
| 1406 |
|
---|
| 1407 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Buckingham's rebellion began - and failed, largely
|
---|
| 1408 |
|
---|
| 1409 | because his Welsh tenants decided they liked him less than Richard III.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1410 |
|
---|
| 1411 | Robbed of this crucial support, he fled to a friend's home but the friend,
|
---|
| 1412 |
|
---|
| 1413 | Ralph Bannaster, turned him in and, on 31 October, Buckingham was taken
|
---|
| 1414 |
|
---|
| 1415 | to Sir James Tyrell and Christopher Wellesbourne, staunch supporters of
|
---|
| 1416 |
|
---|
| 1417 | Richard III.&nbsp; Once Buckingham had been captured, the other rebellions
|
---|
| 1418 |
|
---|
| 1419 | collapsed.&nbsp; Many of the rebels fled to Brittany, to join Henry Tudor,
|
---|
| 1420 |
|
---|
| 1421 | now their last hope.&nbsp; Richard III attempted to prevent this mass exodus
|
---|
| 1422 |
|
---|
| 1423 | of rebels but failed.&nbsp; Meanwhile, at Plymouth Harbor, Henry heard
|
---|
| 1424 |
|
---|
| 1425 | the news of Buckingham's execution on 2 November 1483.&nbsp; (He had been
|
---|
| 1426 |
|
---|
| 1427 | delayed on his way to England because of a storm.)&nbsp; His other rival
|
---|
| 1428 |
|
---|
| 1429 | for the throne had been killed (Buckingham's son and heir was just six
|
---|
| 1430 |
|
---|
| 1431 | years old) but Buckingham's failure was hardly encouraging.&nbsp; He returned
|
---|
| 1432 |
|
---|
| 1433 | to Brittany, once more an exile after twelve years abroad.&nbsp; His position
|
---|
| 1434 |
|
---|
| 1435 | was perhaps more untenable than before - the uprising had been soundly
|
---|
| 1436 |
|
---|
| 1437 | defeated and Richard III was once again making friendly overtures to duke
|
---|
| 1438 |
|
---|
| 1439 | Francis.
|
---|
| 1440 |
|
---|
| 1441 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry's only hope lay with the English exiles now
|
---|
| 1442 |
|
---|
| 1443 | joining him in Brittany.&nbsp; There were roughly 500 men, among them the
|
---|
| 1444 |
|
---|
| 1445 | marquess of Dorset.&nbsp; These exiles told him he must reassemble his
|
---|
| 1446 |
|
---|
| 1447 | allies and attack again, before Richard III became more firmly entrenched
|
---|
| 1448 |
|
---|
| 1449 | as king - and before the duke ended his hospitality.&nbsp; In December,
|
---|
| 1450 |
|
---|
| 1451 | Henry gave a speech at Rennes Cathedral meant to boost morale and inspire
|
---|
| 1452 |
|
---|
| 1453 | his supporters.&nbsp; He promised to marry Elizabeth of York, thus joining
|
---|
| 1454 |
|
---|
| 1455 | the houses of York and Lancaster together.&nbsp; The assembled men swore
|
---|
| 1456 |
|
---|
| 1457 | oaths of loyalty to him.&nbsp; Their next task was more difficult - persuading
|
---|
| 1458 |
|
---|
| 1459 | the duke of Brittany to lend them more money to assemble yet another fleet.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1460 |
|
---|
| 1461 | Again, Henry promised to repay the money.&nbsp; He was fortunate that Richard
|
---|
| 1462 |
|
---|
| 1463 | III had decided to retaliate against Breton and French ships because of
|
---|
| 1464 |
|
---|
| 1465 | their assistance to Henry and Buckingham.&nbsp; The duke was angered and
|
---|
| 1466 |
|
---|
| 1467 | agreed to loan Henry more money.&nbsp; So another flotilla was assembled
|
---|
| 1468 |
|
---|
| 1469 | and final preparations made in mid-spring 1484.&nbsp; But, for some unknown
|
---|
| 1470 |
|
---|
| 1471 | reason, the exiles did not sail for England.
|
---|
| 1472 |
|
---|
| 1473 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Instead, they remained at Vannes in Brittany.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1474 |
|
---|
| 1475 | By this time, Henry fully realized the enormous stakes of the enterprise.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1476 |
|
---|
| 1477 | He was particularly moved by the loyalty of the other exiles.&nbsp; Many
|
---|
| 1478 |
|
---|
| 1479 | were separated from their families and all were wanted men - and they suffered
|
---|
| 1480 |
|
---|
| 1481 | these injuries to support him.&nbsp; He owed them a great debt and it is
|
---|
| 1482 |
|
---|
| 1483 | to his credit that, immediately after Bosworth, he rewarded them.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1484 |
|
---|
| 1485 | Elizabeth Woodville's son by her first husband, the marquess of Dorset,
|
---|
| 1486 |
|
---|
| 1487 | was in Brittany as were her three brothers, Lionel, Edward and Richard.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1488 |
|
---|
| 1489 | They were joined by many loyal servants.&nbsp; All of the exiles were undoubtedly
|
---|
| 1490 |
|
---|
| 1491 | horrified by the supposed murders of Edward V and Richard of York.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1492 |
|
---|
| 1493 | While these men schemed with Henry Tudor, the object of their schemes -
|
---|
| 1494 |
|
---|
| 1495 | Richard III - attempted to nullify their threat.&nbsp; He tried various
|
---|
| 1496 |
|
---|
| 1497 | tactics, mixing friendly overtures with veiled threats.&nbsp; He knew Margaret
|
---|
| 1498 |
|
---|
| 1499 | Beaufort had sent messages to her son and plotted in the rebellion but
|
---|
| 1500 |
|
---|
| 1501 | he couldn't risk alienating her husband, Lord Stanley.&nbsp; So he told
|
---|
| 1502 |
|
---|
| 1503 | Stanley to watch his wife carefully, dismiss the servants who had relayed
|
---|
| 1504 |
|
---|
| 1505 | messages, and prevent any contact with Henry and other rebels.&nbsp; He
|
---|
| 1506 |
|
---|
| 1507 | also gave Stanley possession of Margaret's property for the course of Stanley's
|
---|
| 1508 |
|
---|
| 1509 | life; after his death, the lands would pass to the crown.&nbsp; Still,
|
---|
| 1510 |
|
---|
| 1511 | Margaret had every reason to be grateful for her life.
|
---|
| 1512 |
|
---|
| 1513 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In March of 1484, Richard attempted a reconciliation
|
---|
| 1514 |
|
---|
| 1515 | with his former sister-in-law, Elizabeth Woodville.&nbsp; She and her five
|
---|
| 1516 |
|
---|
| 1517 | daughters had sought sanctuary in Westminster.&nbsp; Richard gathered the
|
---|
| 1518 |
|
---|
| 1519 | lord mayor of London, all leading aristocrats and various aldermen to his
|
---|
| 1520 |
|
---|
| 1521 | palace.&nbsp; He announced that - if Elizabeth and her children left sanctuary
|
---|
| 1522 |
|
---|
| 1523 | - he would protect them; they would be reccognized as his kin and given
|
---|
| 1524 |
|
---|
| 1525 | a pension and dowries.&nbsp; Most importantly, he publicly promised they
|
---|
| 1526 |
|
---|
| 1527 | would not be sent to any prisons, including the Tower of London (the site
|
---|
| 1528 |
|
---|
| 1529 | of their brothers' deaths.)
|
---|
| 1530 |
|
---|
| 1531 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; He also attempted to win over the duke of Brittany
|
---|
| 1532 |
|
---|
| 1533 | again.&nbsp; In this he was aided by the ailing duke's treasurer, Pierre
|
---|
| 1534 |
|
---|
| 1535 | Landais.&nbsp; Landais believed Brittany's fate would be better served
|
---|
| 1536 |
|
---|
| 1537 | with an English alliance.&nbsp; It could be, too, that he disliked the
|
---|
| 1538 |
|
---|
| 1539 | assembled rebels.&nbsp; As a result, Henry asked the French king Charles
|
---|
| 1540 |
|
---|
| 1541 | VIII for asylum at his court.&nbsp; Charles agreed and, soon enough, Henry
|
---|
| 1542 |
|
---|
| 1543 | left Brittany for Paris.&nbsp; It was a dangerous decision and, as it was
|
---|
| 1544 |
|
---|
| 1545 | taken without Francis's permission, would have resulted in his arrest.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1546 |
|
---|
| 1547 | But he managed to arrive in Anjou with his pursuers just an hour behind.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1548 |
|
---|
| 1549 | (His uncle Jasper had left a few days earlier, ostensibly to visit Francis
|
---|
| 1550 |
|
---|
| 1551 | at Rennes.&nbsp; Both he and Henry turned away at the last moment and headed
|
---|
| 1552 |
|
---|
| 1553 | toward Anjou.)&nbsp; There were about 400 rebels left behind.&nbsp; Duke
|
---|
| 1554 |
|
---|
| 1555 | Francis certainly had every right to send them back to England, to face
|
---|
| 1556 |
|
---|
| 1557 | certain death.&nbsp; But he did not - sick as he was, he was determined
|
---|
| 1558 |
|
---|
| 1559 | to undo some of Landais's damage.&nbsp; He allowed the rebels to join Henry
|
---|
| 1560 |
|
---|
| 1561 | in Paris. He also gave them a large gift of money (about 700 livres) to
|
---|
| 1562 |
|
---|
| 1563 | pay for their travel (this was in addition to their living allowance he
|
---|
| 1564 |
|
---|
| 1565 | was also paying!)&nbsp; Henry Tudor was touched by his old protector's
|
---|
| 1566 |
|
---|
| 1567 | kindness and generosity.&nbsp; He sent a letter of thanks, realizing that
|
---|
| 1568 |
|
---|
| 1569 | the treachery had been Landais's and not the duke's.
|
---|
| 1570 |
|
---|
| 1571 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, the French royal family were very eager
|
---|
| 1572 |
|
---|
| 1573 | to use Henry as a diplomatic weapon against the English.&nbsp; But the
|
---|
| 1574 |
|
---|
| 1575 | situation at the French court was confused and problematic; in the end,
|
---|
| 1576 |
|
---|
| 1577 | Henry relied upon the king's older sister, Anne of Beaujeu, for assistance.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1578 |
|
---|
| 1579 | Her role was of vital importance as Henry planned for the greatest battle
|
---|
| 1580 |
|
---|
| 1581 | of his life, Bosworth Field.
|
---|
| 1582 |
|
---|
| 1583 | <br>
|
---|
| 1584 |
|
---|
| 1585 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 1586 |
|
---|
| 1587 | <blockquote>The French court which welcomed Henry Tudor was a curious place.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1588 |
|
---|
| 1589 | King Louis XI had died on 30 August 1483, leaving behind a thirteen-year-old
|
---|
| 1590 |
|
---|
| 1591 | heir who became Charles VIII.&nbsp; As often happened when a minor succeeded
|
---|
| 1592 |
|
---|
| 1593 | to the throne, a power struggle ensued between the new king's relatives
|
---|
| 1594 |
|
---|
| 1595 | over the role of regent.&nbsp; Charles's mother, Charlotte of Savoy, was
|
---|
| 1596 |
|
---|
| 1597 | not a serious contender; she had never been involved in politics and was
|
---|
| 1598 |
|
---|
| 1599 | seriously ill.&nbsp; (She died on 1 December.)&nbsp; So the struggle was
|
---|
| 1600 |
|
---|
| 1601 | between Charles's older sister, Anne, and his younger sister's husband,
|
---|
| 1602 |
|
---|
| 1603 | Louis duc d'Orleans.&nbsp; Anne was twenty-two years old and married to
|
---|
| 1604 |
|
---|
| 1605 | Pierre, Lord Beaujeu, the heir of the duc d'Bourbon.&nbsp; Anne triumphed
|
---|
| 1606 |
|
---|
| 1607 | over her brother-in-law Louis and her gained control of the government.
|
---|
| 1608 |
|
---|
| 1609 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry Tudor's former patron, Duke Francis II, soon
|
---|
| 1610 |
|
---|
| 1611 | became involved in this struggle - at least ostensibly.&nbsp; His servant
|
---|
| 1612 |
|
---|
| 1613 | Pierre Landais (discussed on the previous page) was hated by the Orleans
|
---|
| 1614 |
|
---|
| 1615 | party who were seeking an alliance with his old enemies - namely, the noblemen
|
---|
| 1616 |
|
---|
| 1617 | of Brittany who had fled during Landais's ascendancy.&nbsp; (Naturally
|
---|
| 1618 |
|
---|
| 1619 | enough, they had fled from Brittany to France, where they met with the
|
---|
| 1620 |
|
---|
| 1621 | Orleans party.)&nbsp; On 7 April 1484 these new allies attempted to destroy
|
---|
| 1622 |
|
---|
| 1623 | Landais, breaking into the ducal palace at Nantes and then going to his
|
---|
| 1624 |
|
---|
| 1625 | country house.&nbsp; They failed to find Landais, however, and were forced
|
---|
| 1626 |
|
---|
| 1627 | to flee in shambles.&nbsp; They waited at the town of Ancenis, in Brittany
|
---|
| 1628 |
|
---|
| 1629 | but near the French border.&nbsp; Landais remained in power and seemed
|
---|
| 1630 |
|
---|
| 1631 | to bear no ill will toward the Breton-Orleans conspirators.&nbsp; In autumn,
|
---|
| 1632 |
|
---|
| 1633 | the Orleans party attempted - once again - to make peace between Francis
|
---|
| 1634 |
|
---|
| 1635 | II and his exiled noblemen.&nbsp; This time, they didn't attempt to kidnap
|
---|
| 1636 |
|
---|
| 1637 | Landais as part of their plan!&nbsp; Landais was a pragmatist and undoubtedly
|
---|
| 1638 |
|
---|
| 1639 | wanted to rid himself of the troublesome Breton-Orleans scheming.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1640 |
|
---|
| 1641 | So he supported their plan; in doing so, he knew he would anger the French
|
---|
| 1642 |
|
---|
| 1643 | monarchy.&nbsp; Naturally, he turned to England's King Richard III for
|
---|
| 1644 |
|
---|
| 1645 | assistance, asking that Richard recognize the Orleans-Breton alliance;
|
---|
| 1646 |
|
---|
| 1647 | in return, Landais offered to send Henry Tudor to England.&nbsp; (Landais
|
---|
| 1648 |
|
---|
| 1649 | would then have the support of Burgundy, Orleans, <i>and</i> England against
|
---|
| 1650 |
|
---|
| 1651 | any French designs on Brittany.)
|
---|
| 1652 |
|
---|
| 1653 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, Henry Tudor fled to France where he was
|
---|
| 1654 |
|
---|
| 1655 | welcomed with open arms.&nbsp; With Henry Tudor gone, Brittany had no olive
|
---|
| 1656 |
|
---|
| 1657 | branch to offer England; this would weaken the Breton-English alliance.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1658 |
|
---|
| 1659 | It would also aid Anne of Beaujeu in her struggle against the Orleans party.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1660 |
|
---|
| 1661 | When Henry arrived in Anjou, he sent a messenger to Charles VIII, then
|
---|
| 1662 |
|
---|
| 1663 | at Montargis.&nbsp; The king immediately sent an envoy to greet Henry and
|
---|
| 1664 |
|
---|
| 1665 | bring him to Chartres.&nbsp; The envoy was given the generous sum of 20000
|
---|
| 1666 |
|
---|
| 1667 | francs for expenses on the week-long journey.&nbsp; Charles was, of course,
|
---|
| 1668 |
|
---|
| 1669 | delighted to encourage Henry in his plan to overthrow Richard III - though
|
---|
| 1670 |
|
---|
| 1671 | less delighted to give him large sums of money on a continual basis, as
|
---|
| 1672 |
|
---|
| 1673 | Duke Francis had.&nbsp; Also, Charles may have been unnerved by the large
|
---|
| 1674 |
|
---|
| 1675 | number of Henry's English followers who needed to be housed and fed while
|
---|
| 1676 |
|
---|
| 1677 | awaiting developments.&nbsp; Charles did give Henry about 3000 francs to
|
---|
| 1678 |
|
---|
| 1679 | clothe his army and granted permission for Henry to assemble mercenaries
|
---|
| 1680 |
|
---|
| 1681 | for his army.&nbsp; Henry traveled with the king north to Paris (the court
|
---|
| 1682 |
|
---|
| 1683 | spent autumn in the beautiful Loire valley); on 4 February 1485, they reached
|
---|
| 1684 |
|
---|
| 1685 | the French capital.&nbsp; During this journey, Henry finally realized the
|
---|
| 1686 |
|
---|
| 1687 | necessity of immediate and decisive action.&nbsp; He had spent nearly fourteen
|
---|
| 1688 |
|
---|
| 1689 | years as an exile in France and Landais's betrayal revealed the instability
|
---|
| 1690 |
|
---|
| 1691 | of his position.&nbsp; What if Anne of Beaujeu fell from power?&nbsp; Would
|
---|
| 1692 |
|
---|
| 1693 | he be a pawn for the Orleans cause?&nbsp; Also, it is true that Henry was
|
---|
| 1694 |
|
---|
| 1695 | in his late twenties, strong and healthy and undoubtedly yearning to be
|
---|
| 1696 |
|
---|
| 1697 | his own man.&nbsp; Why would he want to live in other people's homes, dependent
|
---|
| 1698 |
|
---|
| 1699 | on their good will and generosity?
|
---|
| 1700 |
|
---|
| 1701 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard III was certainly unhappy with events in
|
---|
| 1702 |
|
---|
| 1703 | France.&nbsp; He sent word to Charles of his displeasure and also tried
|
---|
| 1704 |
|
---|
| 1705 | to rally English support against Henry.&nbsp; Henry was sending letters
|
---|
| 1706 |
|
---|
| 1707 | to England during the winter of 1484-5 to inspire potential supporters
|
---|
| 1708 |
|
---|
| 1709 | (since many were dissatisfied with Richard's rule, for reasons outlined
|
---|
| 1710 |
|
---|
| 1711 | in previous pages.)&nbsp; Richard was aware of these letters and ordered
|
---|
| 1712 |
|
---|
| 1713 | the mayors and sheriffs throughout England to arrest anyone receiving or
|
---|
| 1714 |
|
---|
| 1715 | distributing them.&nbsp; (One of the letters has survived - click here
|
---|
| 1716 |
|
---|
| 1717 | to read it.)&nbsp; An interesting note about these letters - Henry was
|
---|
| 1718 |
|
---|
| 1719 | styling himself King of England, a deliberate and flagrant disregard of
|
---|
| 1720 |
|
---|
| 1721 | Richard's position.
|
---|
| 1722 |
|
---|
| 1723 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; On 7 December 1484, Richard responded to the letters
|
---|
| 1724 |
|
---|
| 1725 | by sending out his own proclamations.&nbsp; He condemned the exiles supporting
|
---|
| 1726 |
|
---|
| 1727 | Henry in France; he also mocked Henry's use of the royal title.&nbsp; He
|
---|
| 1728 |
|
---|
| 1729 | also reiterated the ancient animosity between England and France, reminding
|
---|
| 1730 |
|
---|
| 1731 | the English people that - in exchange for Charles's support - Henry had
|
---|
| 1732 |
|
---|
| 1733 | supposedly promised to return the English possessions in France and relinquish
|
---|
| 1734 |
|
---|
| 1735 | the traditional English claim to the French throne.&nbsp; These, of course,
|
---|
| 1736 |
|
---|
| 1737 | were matters near and dear to all English hearts.&nbsp; From the 12th century
|
---|
| 1738 |
|
---|
| 1739 | onwards, the English claim to the French throne and territories was a patriotic
|
---|
| 1740 |
|
---|
| 1741 | dream shared by all Englishmen.&nbsp; The great heroes of the past (most
|
---|
| 1742 |
|
---|
| 1743 | gloriously, Henry V) had led their countrymen to battle over those claims;
|
---|
| 1744 |
|
---|
| 1745 | thousands of Englishmen died in those battles.&nbsp; By painting Henry
|
---|
| 1746 |
|
---|
| 1747 | as a traitor to one of the most precious English dreams (that of possessing
|
---|
| 1748 |
|
---|
| 1749 | France), Richard hoped to appeal to English patriotism.&nbsp; He also reminded
|
---|
| 1750 |
|
---|
| 1751 | his subjects that Henry would be invading with mercenaries who would commit
|
---|
| 1752 |
|
---|
| 1753 | 'the most cruel murders, slaughters, robberies and disinheritances that
|
---|
| 1754 |
|
---|
| 1755 | were ever seen in any Christian Realm.'&nbsp; Once again, Richard appealed
|
---|
| 1756 |
|
---|
| 1757 | to a time-honored English abhorrence of invasion.&nbsp; He also attended
|
---|
| 1758 |
|
---|
| 1759 | to more practical matters - ordering sheriffs to prepare troops for muster
|
---|
| 1760 |
|
---|
| 1761 | and raise cash for military payments.
|
---|
| 1762 |
|
---|
| 1763 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; I would like to emphasize - once again - the tenuousness
|
---|
| 1764 |
|
---|
| 1765 | of Henry Tudor's claim.&nbsp; At this point, only he and Richard III were
|
---|
| 1766 |
|
---|
| 1767 | viable claimants to the English throne.&nbsp; But Richard's position was
|
---|
| 1768 |
|
---|
| 1769 | stronger by far (and as will become clear later), the Battle of Bosworth
|
---|
| 1770 |
|
---|
| 1771 | ended in Henry's favor only because a key nobleman betrayed Richard.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1772 |
|
---|
| 1773 | This was hardly an auspicious beginning to Henry's rule.&nbsp; Throughout
|
---|
| 1774 |
|
---|
| 1775 | these pages, I have tried to emphasize the general unpopularity of Richard's
|
---|
| 1776 |
|
---|
| 1777 | rule - <i>with regard to the disappearance of his nephews</i>.&nbsp; The
|
---|
| 1778 |
|
---|
| 1779 | disappearance sullied Richard's character and made those Englishmen who
|
---|
| 1780 |
|
---|
| 1781 | didn't support Henry Tudor less than thrilled about defending Richard III.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1782 |
|
---|
| 1783 | In other words, they would simply wait out the conflict without openly
|
---|
| 1784 |
|
---|
| 1785 | supporting either party.&nbsp; And that is exactly what most of the country
|
---|
| 1786 |
|
---|
| 1787 | did.&nbsp; Personally, I do not believe Richard III murdered his nephews
|
---|
| 1788 |
|
---|
| 1789 | but, of course, the mystery will always remain open to interpretation.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1790 |
|
---|
| 1791 | It is true that Richard III has received a 'raw deal' from historians.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1792 |
|
---|
| 1793 | Can we blame this on Shakespeare?&nbsp; :-)&nbsp; Hey, it is a great play
|
---|
| 1794 |
|
---|
| 1795 | but written during the reign of Henry Tudor's granddaughter.&nbsp; It isn't
|
---|
| 1796 |
|
---|
| 1797 | likely the playwright wanted to offend the monarch (witness the ending
|
---|
| 1798 |
|
---|
| 1799 | to All Is True for proof of that - a sympathetic introduction to Katharine
|
---|
| 1800 |
|
---|
| 1801 | of Aragon which ends with Elizabeth's triumphant birth.)&nbsp; Richard
|
---|
| 1802 |
|
---|
| 1803 | was a capable and intelligent man and - whatever the truth about his nephews
|
---|
| 1804 |
|
---|
| 1805 | - had far more experience in government thhan Henry Tudor.&nbsp; He also
|
---|
| 1806 |
|
---|
| 1807 | reacted to betrayal with an appealing mixture of punishment and forgiveness;
|
---|
| 1808 |
|
---|
| 1809 | he was far more conciliatory than, say, Henry VIII.&nbsp; (During this
|
---|
| 1810 |
|
---|
| 1811 | time, an embarrassing episode occurred which may have furthered Richard's
|
---|
| 1812 |
|
---|
| 1813 | resolve to shore up his support against Henry:&nbsp; John de Vere, the
|
---|
| 1814 |
|
---|
| 1815 | Lancastrian earl of Oxford, was imprisoned at Calais in France; he escaped,
|
---|
| 1816 |
|
---|
| 1817 | along with two English soldiers, to join Henry Tudor in Paris.&nbsp; Understandably,
|
---|
| 1818 |
|
---|
| 1819 | this embarrassed Richard; he issued pardons to the English soldiers at
|
---|
| 1820 |
|
---|
| 1821 | Calais, including de Vere's supporters, but they still rebelled.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1822 |
|
---|
| 1823 | In the end, Henry's morale went up and Richard's fell drastically.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1824 |
|
---|
| 1825 | The Oxford episode indicated the lack of loyalty to Richard's regime.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1826 |
|
---|
| 1827 | This was coupled with the disloyalty of Sir William Stanley, advising Henry
|
---|
| 1828 |
|
---|
| 1829 | from England.)
|
---|
| 1830 |
|
---|
| 1831 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, these domestic actions were accompanied
|
---|
| 1832 |
|
---|
| 1833 | by foreign policy initiatives designed to find Richard prominent allies.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1834 |
|
---|
| 1835 | In this, he was successful as well.&nbsp; Henry Tudor's old ally, Duke
|
---|
| 1836 |
|
---|
| 1837 | Francis of Brittany, entered into a seven-year truce with England on 2
|
---|
| 1838 |
|
---|
| 1839 | March 1485.&nbsp; One of the specific points of the truce was that neither
|
---|
| 1840 |
|
---|
| 1841 | side would support rebellion against the other, thus allying Richard and
|
---|
| 1842 |
|
---|
| 1843 | Duke Francis against the French throne.&nbsp; Not surprisingly, Charles
|
---|
| 1844 |
|
---|
| 1845 | VIII began to fear an English-Breton invasion of France. So he encouraged
|
---|
| 1846 |
|
---|
| 1847 | Henry Tudor to hasten his plans to invade England.&nbsp; In March 1485,
|
---|
| 1848 |
|
---|
| 1849 | Richard's queen, Anne Neville, died and this personal heartbreak had to
|
---|
| 1850 |
|
---|
| 1851 | be shoved aside in the face of Henry Tudor's rebellion.&nbsp; It was soon
|
---|
| 1852 |
|
---|
| 1853 | rumored that Richard would marry Elizabeth of York or her sister Cecily,
|
---|
| 1854 |
|
---|
| 1855 | thus regaining the support of Henry's Yorkist allies.&nbsp; Henry, whom
|
---|
| 1856 |
|
---|
| 1857 | Elizabeth Woodville and Margaret Beaufort intended to wed Elizabeth, was
|
---|
| 1858 |
|
---|
| 1859 | upset but could do little.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Richard kept a shrewd eye on
|
---|
| 1860 |
|
---|
| 1861 | Lord Stanley (I'll let you alert readers figure out the Tudor-Stanley connection
|
---|
| 1862 |
|
---|
| 1863 | from the earlier pages - here's a clue: who was Margaret Beaufort married
|
---|
| 1864 |
|
---|
| 1865 | to?)&nbsp; Around July 1485, Stanley asked permission to visit relative
|
---|
| 1866 |
|
---|
| 1867 | in Lancashire.&nbsp; The king was no fool; he allowed Stanley to leave
|
---|
| 1868 |
|
---|
| 1869 | London but kept his son and heir, George, Lord Strange, as hostage.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1870 |
|
---|
| 1871 | Essentially, Strange remained in Richard's household in order to assure
|
---|
| 1872 |
|
---|
| 1873 | his father's good behavior.
|
---|
| 1874 |
|
---|
| 1875 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Charles VIII was, of course, still encouraging Henry's
|
---|
| 1876 |
|
---|
| 1877 | planned invasion but still hedging about financial support.&nbsp; When
|
---|
| 1878 |
|
---|
| 1879 | news came that Richard might marry Elizabeth of York, Henry became frantic.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1880 |
|
---|
| 1881 | He cast about for another prominent Yorkist bride, with little success.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1882 |
|
---|
| 1883 | More importantly, (with the support of Philippe de Commynes, an influential
|
---|
| 1884 |
|
---|
| 1885 | diplomat) Henry pressed Charles to request money from the French parliament.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1886 |
|
---|
| 1887 | The French king did so on 4 May 1485 and was successful; he returned with
|
---|
| 1888 |
|
---|
| 1889 | Henry to Paris about a month later.&nbsp; Already, plans to assemble an
|
---|
| 1890 |
|
---|
| 1891 | invasion fleet were being approved.&nbsp; At Harfleur, near the mouth of
|
---|
| 1892 |
|
---|
| 1893 | the River Seine, Henry spent about 50000 livres to assemble 4000 men.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1894 |
|
---|
| 1895 | Of these, 1500 were discharged soldiers from a base at Pont de l'Arche.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1896 |
|
---|
| 1897 | The French soldiers were commanded by a nobleman from Savoy called Philibert
|
---|
| 1898 |
|
---|
| 1899 | de Chandee, who later became a good friend of Henry Tudor's.&nbsp; There
|
---|
| 1900 |
|
---|
| 1901 | were also Henry's 400 English supporters who had shared his exile.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1902 |
|
---|
| 1903 | Henry placed these men under the command of Richard Guildford.&nbsp; (It
|
---|
| 1904 |
|
---|
| 1905 | was later rumored that about 1000 Scots joined Henry's force; whether that
|
---|
| 1906 |
|
---|
| 1907 | number is correct or not, some Scots did fight on Henry's side.)
|
---|
| 1908 |
|
---|
| 1909 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry's great enterprise was about to begin.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1910 |
|
---|
| 1911 | On 1 August 1485, Henry and his followers left Honfleur and sailed down
|
---|
| 1912 |
|
---|
| 1913 | the Seine into the Channel.&nbsp; On 7 August, they sailed into Milford
|
---|
| 1914 |
|
---|
| 1915 | Sound near sunset.&nbsp; They actually landed at Mill Bay, inside the Sound.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1916 |
|
---|
| 1917 | This was the land of Pembrokeshire where Henry had been imprisoned as a
|
---|
| 1918 |
|
---|
| 1919 | young man.&nbsp; Upon landing, Henry knelt down and whispered, 'Judge me,
|
---|
| 1920 |
|
---|
| 1921 | Lord, and fight my cause.'&nbsp; He kissed the English soil, crossed himself,
|
---|
| 1922 |
|
---|
| 1923 | and told his men to follow him - in the name of God and St George.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1924 |
|
---|
| 1925 | It was no coincidence that he landed in Wales, his father's native land;
|
---|
| 1926 |
|
---|
| 1927 | it was there that he hoped to gain crucial support for his cause.
|
---|
| 1928 |
|
---|
| 1929 | <br>&nbsp;</blockquote>
|
---|
| 1930 |
|
---|
| 1931 |
|
---|
| 1932 |
|
---|
| 1933 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 1934 |
|
---|
| 1935 | <blockquote>(<font color="#000000">NOTE:&nbsp; Historical sources regarding
|
---|
| 1936 |
|
---|
| 1937 | the actual battle at Bosworth are scanty at best.&nbsp; No one who actually
|
---|
| 1938 |
|
---|
| 1939 | fought at the battle recorded the battle; typically, the chroniclers from
|
---|
| 1940 |
|
---|
| 1941 | London recorded great events but they were far from the action in 1485.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1942 |
|
---|
| 1943 | Also, the supporters of Richard III didn't want to remember their defeat
|
---|
| 1944 |
|
---|
| 1945 | - and unlikely to write about in the chargged political climate.&nbsp; Henry's
|
---|
| 1946 |
|
---|
| 1947 | supporters were concerned with more immediate matters after the battle
|
---|
| 1948 |
|
---|
| 1949 | - namely, beginning the rule of a very ineexperienced monarch who had not
|
---|
| 1950 |
|
---|
| 1951 | been to England in fifteen years.&nbsp; And there is another very important
|
---|
| 1952 |
|
---|
| 1953 | fact - medieval battles are incredibly confusing to describe (just as they
|
---|
| 1954 |
|
---|
| 1955 | were confusing to fight.)&nbsp; Imagine a Revolutionary War battle - the
|
---|
| 1956 |
|
---|
| 1957 | British soldiers in matching red coats, marching in perfect cadence to
|
---|
| 1958 |
|
---|
| 1959 | a fixed point, they shoot, reload and aim with some degree of consistency.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1960 |
|
---|
| 1961 | Medieval warfare did not proceed along those lines.&nbsp; In general, it
|
---|
| 1962 |
|
---|
| 1963 | was chaotic and confusing to the participants - and the chroniclers.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1964 |
|
---|
| 1965 | So if the following account confuses you a little, you're in good company.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1966 |
|
---|
| 1967 | I have tried to be as clear as possible, to the extent of omitting stuff
|
---|
| 1968 |
|
---|
| 1969 | which is particularly confusing (including Henry's mysterious 'disappearance'
|
---|
| 1970 |
|
---|
| 1971 | the night before the battle; that will eventually be included in the Primary
|
---|
| 1972 |
|
---|
| 1973 | Sources section, directly from Polydore Vergil's work.</font>
|
---|
| 1974 |
|
---|
| 1975 | <br><font color="#000000">The most prominent chronicler of the Battle was
|
---|
| 1976 |
|
---|
| 1977 | Polydore Vergil, Henry VII's official court historian.&nbsp; Of course,
|
---|
| 1978 |
|
---|
| 1979 | his version is the official Tudor account but we must rely upon it.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1980 |
|
---|
| 1981 | In most respects, Vergil had little reason to alter anything since the
|
---|
| 1982 |
|
---|
| 1983 | Tudor claimant was victorious.)</font>
|
---|
| 1984 |
|
---|
| 1985 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 1986 |
|
---|
| 1987 | <p><font color="#000000">Henry's force marched to the nearest inhabited
|
---|
| 1988 |
|
---|
| 1989 | area, a settlement called Dale.&nbsp; There they spent the night; the next
|
---|
| 1990 |
|
---|
| 1991 | day (8 August) they left Dale to a castle called Haverfordwest, about 12
|
---|
| 1992 |
|
---|
| 1993 | miles to the north-east.&nbsp; The townsmen actually welcomed the invaders,
|
---|
| 1994 |
|
---|
| 1995 | an indication of their nebulous loyalty to Richard III.&nbsp; Of course,
|
---|
| 1996 |
|
---|
| 1997 | news of Henry's arrival on English soil was only just spreading along the
|
---|
| 1998 |
|
---|
| 1999 | coast.&nbsp; In this northern part of Pembrokeshire, there were fewer castles
|
---|
| 2000 |
|
---|
| 2001 | and - again - it was Jasper Tudor's former home.&nbsp; Also, Richard III
|
---|
| 2002 |
|
---|
| 2003 | had extensive control over south Wales, which shows that Henry's Welsh
|
---|
| 2004 |
|
---|
| 2005 | support was as nebulous as Richard's English support.&nbsp; Richard's control
|
---|
| 2006 |
|
---|
| 2007 | over much of Wales also meant that Henry was forced to march north into
|
---|
| 2008 |
|
---|
| 2009 | the center of Wales.&nbsp; And, of course, it must be recalled that the
|
---|
| 2010 |
|
---|
| 2011 | Stanleys (his mother's in-laws) controlled much of north Wales and Cheshire.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2012 |
|
---|
| 2013 | Sir William Stanley was Richard III's chief lieutenant in Anglesey, Caernarfonshire,
|
---|
| 2014 |
|
---|
| 2015 | and Merioneth, cities which made up the northern part of royal holdings
|
---|
| 2016 |
|
---|
| 2017 | in Wales.&nbsp; (Remember that Sir William was the younger brother of Henry's
|
---|
| 2018 |
|
---|
| 2019 | stepfather.)&nbsp; Henry may have been in touch with the Stanleys immediately
|
---|
| 2020 |
|
---|
| 2021 | upon landing in Wales.&nbsp; Oddly enough, a letter Henry sent to another
|
---|
| 2022 |
|
---|
| 2023 | supporter, John ap Maredudd ab Ieuan ap Mareddud, has survived; it was
|
---|
| 2024 |
|
---|
| 2025 | written about 8 August, immediately after the landing, and designed to
|
---|
| 2026 |
|
---|
| 2027 | gain Welsh support.&nbsp; The letter to ap Mareddud can be read by clicking
|
---|
| 2028 |
|
---|
| 2029 | here.&nbsp; What did ap Mareddud do?&nbsp; We don't know - though it is
|
---|
| 2030 |
|
---|
| 2031 | true that Henry did have some significant Welsh support.&nbsp; Of course,
|
---|
| 2032 |
|
---|
| 2033 | it was nowhere near as great as many later remembered.&nbsp; And it is
|
---|
| 2034 |
|
---|
| 2035 | false to state that
|
---|
| 2036 |
|
---|
| 2037 | <i>every</i> Welshman welcomed the return of Owen Tudor's
|
---|
| 2038 |
|
---|
| 2039 | descendants.&nbsp; Certainly the Tudor dynasty in no way favored Wales
|
---|
| 2040 |
|
---|
| 2041 | or its native population - so any support from the Welsh was not rewarded.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2042 |
|
---|
| 2043 | In 1536, in particular, the Welsh had good cause to resent any support
|
---|
| 2044 |
|
---|
| 2045 | they had given.&nbsp; After Bosworth, certain laudatory poems and songs
|
---|
| 2046 |
|
---|
| 2047 | were written - but as these were dedicated to an actual king than a pretender
|
---|
| 2048 |
|
---|
| 2049 | to the throne, they were naturally fawning.</font>
|
---|
| 2050 |
|
---|
| 2051 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In reality, Henry did not receive
|
---|
| 2052 |
|
---|
| 2053 | a rapturous welcome.&nbsp; On 8 August, at Haverfordwest, he received a
|
---|
| 2054 |
|
---|
| 2055 | crushing blow - John Savage, nephew of Henry's stepfather, and the powerful
|
---|
| 2056 |
|
---|
| 2057 | Welsh lord, Rhys ap Thomas, were not planning to support his cause.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2058 |
|
---|
| 2059 | Of course, they had promised otherwise while he was in France but Richard
|
---|
| 2060 |
|
---|
| 2061 | III suspected both men of disloyalty - and before Henry landed, he made
|
---|
| 2062 |
|
---|
| 2063 | certain they understood the penalty of treason.&nbsp; With this crushing
|
---|
| 2064 |
|
---|
| 2065 | news, even the professed loyalty of Pembroke was small consolation.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2066 |
|
---|
| 2067 | Henry's march from Havefordwest northeast to Cardigan and there to Machynlleth
|
---|
| 2068 |
|
---|
| 2069 | (about 100 miles from the Dale settlement) is not documented.&nbsp; He
|
---|
| 2070 |
|
---|
| 2071 | arrived at Machynlleth on 14 August and wrote a letter to Sir Roger Kynaston,
|
---|
| 2072 |
|
---|
| 2073 | the guardian of the Grey estates; to pass safely to Shrewsbury, Henry needed
|
---|
| 2074 |
|
---|
| 2075 | - at the very least - Kynaston's inaction..&nbsp; The guardian didn't need
|
---|
| 2076 |
|
---|
| 2077 | to declare for him but he could at least not impede his progress. Click
|
---|
| 2078 |
|
---|
| 2079 | here to read the letter to Kynaston.&nbsp; Whatever Kynaston's decision,
|
---|
| 2080 |
|
---|
| 2081 | Henry did pass safely through to Shrewsbury.&nbsp; To get to this point,
|
---|
| 2082 |
|
---|
| 2083 | his force had marched through the mountains of Wales but they had the continual
|
---|
| 2084 |
|
---|
| 2085 | arrival of good news to cheer them on the lonely journey - supporters were
|
---|
| 2086 |
|
---|
| 2087 | marching to join them, bringing along much-needed supplies.&nbsp; Among
|
---|
| 2088 |
|
---|
| 2089 | these supporters was Rhys ap Thomas, who finally decided to honor his previous
|
---|
| 2090 |
|
---|
| 2091 | promise.&nbsp; Rhys later said he brought almost 2000 men with him; if
|
---|
| 2092 |
|
---|
| 2093 | true, his force made up a third of Henry's entire army.&nbsp; They were
|
---|
| 2094 |
|
---|
| 2095 | in time to join Henry at Shrewsbury, the traditional gateway to the English
|
---|
| 2096 |
|
---|
| 2097 | midlands; they marched along the old Roman road even as supporters sent
|
---|
| 2098 |
|
---|
| 2099 | along money to pay the mercenary troops.&nbsp; But at Shrewsbury, Henry's
|
---|
| 2100 |
|
---|
| 2101 | progress was no longer easy.</font>
|
---|
| 2102 |
|
---|
| 2103 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Shrewsbury was an important
|
---|
| 2104 |
|
---|
| 2105 | town and had two bailiffs, Roger Knight and Thomas Mitton, both in power
|
---|
| 2106 |
|
---|
| 2107 | for about two decades.&nbsp; They had prospered under Richard III, notably
|
---|
| 2108 |
|
---|
| 2109 | from the failure of Buckingham's rebellion (notably, Mitton received Buckingham's
|
---|
| 2110 |
|
---|
| 2111 | castle and Shrewsbury's tax bill was significantly reduced.)&nbsp; And
|
---|
| 2112 |
|
---|
| 2113 | one must remember Richard III's admonitions to the English people, specifically
|
---|
| 2114 |
|
---|
| 2115 | warning them of the dangers of mercenary troops.&nbsp; The people of Shrewsbury
|
---|
| 2116 |
|
---|
| 2117 | had no desire for foreign troops to plunder and pillage their town.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2118 |
|
---|
| 2119 | (Keep in mind that Henry's army was not primarily English.)&nbsp; When
|
---|
| 2120 |
|
---|
| 2121 | Henry requested permission to march through the streets, Mitton made a
|
---|
| 2122 |
|
---|
| 2123 | familiar reply - "over my belly."&nbsp; Henry could not afford to go around
|
---|
| 2124 |
|
---|
| 2125 | the city so he retreated.&nbsp; At a nearby village, he composed a letter
|
---|
| 2126 |
|
---|
| 2127 | to the bailiffs, promising that his men would simply march through Shrewsbury
|
---|
| 2128 |
|
---|
| 2129 | peacefully, without causing any damage or harm.&nbsp; He respected the
|
---|
| 2130 |
|
---|
| 2131 | oath of loyalty to Richard III and did not expect any of the townspeople
|
---|
| 2132 |
|
---|
| 2133 | to break it.&nbsp; The letter may not have swayed the bailiffs but the
|
---|
| 2134 |
|
---|
| 2135 | arrival of Rowland Warburton, a retainer of Sir William Stanley, arrived
|
---|
| 2136 |
|
---|
| 2137 | and persuaded the bailiffs to let Henry pass.&nbsp; The Stanley support
|
---|
| 2138 |
|
---|
| 2139 | was impressive enough to sway even Mitton, who lay on the ground so Henry
|
---|
| 2140 |
|
---|
| 2141 | could step over his belly (thus keeping his former oath.)</font>
|
---|
| 2142 |
|
---|
| 2143 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What effect did this 'adventure'
|
---|
| 2144 |
|
---|
| 2145 | have on Henry?&nbsp; He realized, once again, that his support was not
|
---|
| 2146 |
|
---|
| 2147 | widespread.&nbsp; Indeed, in the end he relied upon the apathy of the English
|
---|
| 2148 |
|
---|
| 2149 | population - essentially their decision to not actively support Richard
|
---|
| 2150 |
|
---|
| 2151 | III.&nbsp; Shrewsbury was the first English town he marched through, a
|
---|
| 2152 |
|
---|
| 2153 | test of how the average citizen would respond to his invasion.&nbsp; Since
|
---|
| 2154 |
|
---|
| 2155 | they did not recognize his claim to the throne, Henry had little to celebrate.</font>
|
---|
| 2156 |
|
---|
| 2157 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In a way, his march was as
|
---|
| 2158 |
|
---|
| 2159 | much a public relations enterprise as a military endeavor.&nbsp; Everywhere
|
---|
| 2160 |
|
---|
| 2161 | he went, he attempted to drum up support - and he was often successful.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2162 |
|
---|
| 2163 | More men and prominent lords joined the cause, all for various reasons.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2164 |
|
---|
| 2165 | At Stafford, Henry met up with Sir William Stanley.&nbsp; Stanley brought
|
---|
| 2166 |
|
---|
| 2167 | news that Richard III, informed of Henry's march, was camped at Nottingham.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2168 |
|
---|
| 2169 | From there, it was just a brief march south to block Henry's path to London.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2170 |
|
---|
| 2171 | In other words, Stanley was urging Henry to hurry if he wanted to reach
|
---|
| 2172 |
|
---|
| 2173 | the capital.&nbsp; Henry marched to meet Richard, stopping for the night
|
---|
| 2174 |
|
---|
| 2175 | at Lichfield; as at Shrewsbury, he kept his army outside the walls so as
|
---|
| 2176 |
|
---|
| 2177 | not to offend the citizens.</font>
|
---|
| 2178 |
|
---|
| 2179 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Now it gets a bit confusing:
|
---|
| 2180 |
|
---|
| 2181 | <i>Lord</i>
|
---|
| 2182 |
|
---|
| 2183 | Stanley, whose son Lord Strange was Richard's 'hostage', was marching with
|
---|
| 2184 |
|
---|
| 2185 | about 5000 men toward Lichfield (presumably to meet up with Richard III
|
---|
| 2186 |
|
---|
| 2187 | at Nottingham.)&nbsp; He did not dare meet with Henry Tudor, though he
|
---|
| 2188 |
|
---|
| 2189 | supported his claim.&nbsp; Ostensibly, Lord Stanley was loyal to Richard.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2190 |
|
---|
| 2191 | So he avoided Henry's army though, supposedly, sent a message assuring
|
---|
| 2192 |
|
---|
| 2193 | him of eventual support.&nbsp; Of course, promises can be easily broken
|
---|
| 2194 |
|
---|
| 2195 | and Henry was uneasy.&nbsp; He knew Richard had scouts watching Stanley
|
---|
| 2196 |
|
---|
| 2197 | and held his son hostage.&nbsp; Under such circumstances, Stanley's support
|
---|
| 2198 |
|
---|
| 2199 | was not completely assured.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Lord Stanley's brother - Sir
|
---|
| 2200 |
|
---|
| 2201 | William - had met up with Henry's army at Lichfield on 20 August.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2202 |
|
---|
| 2203 | Lord Stanley had arrived near Atherstone, close to the actual battlefield.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2204 |
|
---|
| 2205 | On this Saturday (20 August, still!), Lord Stanley sent his brother a message
|
---|
| 2206 |
|
---|
| 2207 | that Richard was near and fighting could begin in just three hours.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2208 |
|
---|
| 2209 | This, of course, did not happen.&nbsp; But the Stanleys apparently met
|
---|
| 2210 |
|
---|
| 2211 | together and decided on a course of action - namely, they would not publicly
|
---|
| 2212 |
|
---|
| 2213 | declare their support for either Richard or Henry.&nbsp; On Sunday, they
|
---|
| 2214 |
|
---|
| 2215 | apparently decided upon their battle plans - namely, Lord Stanley's betrayal
|
---|
| 2216 |
|
---|
| 2217 | of Richard.</font>
|
---|
| 2218 |
|
---|
| 2219 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Lord Stanley was, of course,
|
---|
| 2220 |
|
---|
| 2221 | Henry's stepfather but his waffling is understandable.&nbsp; But it caused
|
---|
| 2222 |
|
---|
| 2223 | both Richard III and Henry a great deal of anxiety.&nbsp; Henry secretly
|
---|
| 2224 |
|
---|
| 2225 | met with the Stanleys on 21 August but, after the meeting, was still unsure
|
---|
| 2226 |
|
---|
| 2227 | of their unqualified support.&nbsp; Under such circumstances, Henry's nervousness
|
---|
| 2228 |
|
---|
| 2229 | was greater than the king's.&nbsp; But Richard was far from secure himself.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2230 |
|
---|
| 2231 | He was at Nottingham when he heard of Henry's arrival in Pembrokeshire
|
---|
| 2232 |
|
---|
| 2233 | and, from there, his steady march through Wales to the midlands.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2234 |
|
---|
| 2235 | As mentioned earlier, Richard had made preparations for this moment in
|
---|
| 2236 |
|
---|
| 2237 | 1484.&nbsp; So he ordered his nobles and gentry to assemble according to
|
---|
| 2238 |
|
---|
| 2239 | plan.&nbsp; He was undoubtedly unnerved that Henry was receiving some measure
|
---|
| 2240 |
|
---|
| 2241 | of support and that his march was essentially unimpeded.&nbsp; He called
|
---|
| 2242 |
|
---|
| 2243 | the dukes of Northumberland and Norfolk to him, as well as the lieutenant
|
---|
| 2244 |
|
---|
| 2245 | of the Tower of London (where most of the king's weaponry was stored.)&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2246 |
|
---|
| 2247 | Because Sir William Stanley did not respond to summons, Richard declared
|
---|
| 2248 |
|
---|
| 2249 | him a traitor.&nbsp; He also intimidated Lord Strange enough for the young
|
---|
| 2250 |
|
---|
| 2251 | man to confess to some sort of 'conspiracy' to betray the king.&nbsp; This
|
---|
| 2252 |
|
---|
| 2253 | simply confirmed Richard's fears.&nbsp; He realized as well that Henry
|
---|
| 2254 |
|
---|
| 2255 | was trying to reach London as quickly as possible.&nbsp; So he gathered
|
---|
| 2256 |
|
---|
| 2257 | his own forces to prevent this; he was later called a coward for not confronting
|
---|
| 2258 |
|
---|
| 2259 | Henry sooner but consider this - Richard wanted to assemble as many supporters
|
---|
| 2260 |
|
---|
| 2261 | as possible while dragging out the ordeal for Henry's army.&nbsp; The assembled
|
---|
| 2262 |
|
---|
| 2263 | mercenaries were tired, hungry, and - like Henry - knew the crucial Stanley
|
---|
| 2264 |
|
---|
| 2265 | support was not secure.&nbsp; Richard's army was a bit larger than Henry's
|
---|
| 2266 |
|
---|
| 2267 | though exact figures do not exist.&nbsp; They marched south in traditional
|
---|
| 2268 |
|
---|
| 2269 | square battle formation, Richard and his guard behind two groups of horsemen.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2270 |
|
---|
| 2271 | There were about 100 knights and noblemen who had responded to Richard's
|
---|
| 2272 |
|
---|
| 2273 | summons.&nbsp; Most of these men were from the north, specifically Yorkshire
|
---|
| 2274 |
|
---|
| 2275 | and Lancashire.&nbsp; Richard marched with these men as the King of England,
|
---|
| 2276 |
|
---|
| 2277 | wearing his crown and coat-of-arms.&nbsp; It was imperative that every
|
---|
| 2278 |
|
---|
| 2279 | Englishman who watched the march be reminded the Richard was the king and
|
---|
| 2280 |
|
---|
| 2281 | Henry just a pretender.&nbsp; He would be crushed just like the duke of
|
---|
| 2282 |
|
---|
| 2283 | Buckingham.</font>
|
---|
| 2284 |
|
---|
| 2285 | <p><font color="#000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Finally, on 21 August (Sunday),
|
---|
| 2286 |
|
---|
| 2287 | both armies knew battle was near.&nbsp; Richard knew Henry's camp was near
|
---|
| 2288 |
|
---|
| 2289 | Atherstone; he himself camped at the plain of Redmoor.&nbsp; The next day
|
---|
| 2290 |
|
---|
| 2291 | the forces would meet on the battlefield, a place later called Bosworth
|
---|
| 2292 |
|
---|
| 2293 | Field.</font></blockquote>
|
---|
| 2294 |
|
---|
| 2295 |
|
---|
| 2296 |
|
---|
| 2297 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 2298 |
|
---|
| 2299 | <blockquote>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2300 |
|
---|
| 2301 | <br>(I wanted to point out an interesting fact about Henry's tactics prior
|
---|
| 2302 |
|
---|
| 2303 | to Bosworth; by marching toward London, he essentially determined where
|
---|
| 2304 |
|
---|
| 2305 | the battle would be fought - <i>wherever he and Richard met up on the way
|
---|
| 2306 |
|
---|
| 2307 | to London</i>.&nbsp; So Bosworth Field was not chosen for any purpose other
|
---|
| 2308 |
|
---|
| 2309 | than the two armies met there.&nbsp; Today, it is impossible to adequately
|
---|
| 2310 |
|
---|
| 2311 | understand the geography of the battlefield and Richard and Henry's camps
|
---|
| 2312 |
|
---|
| 2313 | prior to the battle; hundreds of years of building, etc. have altered the
|
---|
| 2314 |
|
---|
| 2315 | landscape.)
|
---|
| 2316 |
|
---|
| 2317 | <br>(Also: William Brandon, Henry's standard bearer, was slain at this
|
---|
| 2318 |
|
---|
| 2319 | battle.&nbsp; His son, Charles, would become Henry VIII's best friend,
|
---|
| 2320 |
|
---|
| 2321 | husband to Princess Mary Tudor &amp; grandfather of Lady Jane Grey.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2322 |
|
---|
| 2323 | His biography is available at Tudor Citizens.)
|
---|
| 2324 |
|
---|
| 2325 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2326 |
|
---|
| 2327 | <p>The actual battle supposedly took place on Redmoor plain, near Richard
|
---|
| 2328 |
|
---|
| 2329 | III's encampment.&nbsp; Long after the battle, it came to be called the
|
---|
| 2330 |
|
---|
| 2331 | Battle of Bosworth Field because the town of Market Bosworth lay to the
|
---|
| 2332 |
|
---|
| 2333 | north of Redmoor plain.&nbsp; Also, a Welsh chronicler asserted that the
|
---|
| 2334 |
|
---|
| 2335 | battle actually took place at the town.&nbsp; In other words, there is
|
---|
| 2336 |
|
---|
| 2337 | some debate about where the battle took place - <i>though one can reasonably
|
---|
| 2338 |
|
---|
| 2339 | assert it occurred at Redmoor plain</i>.
|
---|
| 2340 |
|
---|
| 2341 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Sunday 22 August began inauspiciously for Richard
|
---|
| 2342 |
|
---|
| 2343 | III and one of his most powerful allies, the duke of Norfolk.&nbsp; Richard
|
---|
| 2344 |
|
---|
| 2345 | admitted he had slept little and suffered bad dreams; in the superstitious
|
---|
| 2346 |
|
---|
| 2347 | medieval world this did not bode well.&nbsp; Also, the duke of Norfolk
|
---|
| 2348 |
|
---|
| 2349 | found a sign outside his quarters which read, 'Jack of Norfolk be not so
|
---|
| 2350 |
|
---|
| 2351 | bold, For Dykon thy master is bought and sold.'&nbsp; After his sleepless
|
---|
| 2352 |
|
---|
| 2353 | night, Richard arose earlier than even his chaplain (so there was no morning
|
---|
| 2354 |
|
---|
| 2355 | mass) and had no breakfast.&nbsp; He insisted on wearing his crown throughout
|
---|
| 2356 |
|
---|
| 2357 | the day, as he had insisted upon marching to Redmoor clad in his ceremonial
|
---|
| 2358 |
|
---|
| 2359 | robes and crown.&nbsp; Henry Tudor had spent a sleepless night as well,
|
---|
| 2360 |
|
---|
| 2361 | and his morning began with disturbing news.&nbsp; His stepfather, Lord
|
---|
| 2362 |
|
---|
| 2363 | Stanley, was still officially part of Richard's force.&nbsp; In fact, Stanley's
|
---|
| 2364 |
|
---|
| 2365 | force waited between Henry and Richard's camps.&nbsp; But when Henry pushed
|
---|
| 2366 |
|
---|
| 2367 | his stepfather to join him, Stanley still demurred (this on the day of
|
---|
| 2368 |
|
---|
| 2369 | the battle!)&nbsp; One can imagine Henry's response.&nbsp; Stanley sent
|
---|
| 2370 |
|
---|
| 2371 | Henry a brief message; he should prepare his army for battle and wait for
|
---|
| 2372 |
|
---|
| 2373 | Stanley to join him at the appropriate moment.&nbsp; (Note: Richard's archers
|
---|
| 2374 |
|
---|
| 2375 | were under the command of the duke of Norfolk while Henry's archers were
|
---|
| 2376 |
|
---|
| 2377 | under the command of John de Vere, the earl of Oxford.&nbsp; The actual
|
---|
| 2378 |
|
---|
| 2379 | make-up of each army is a matter of debate as well, as is their size.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2380 |
|
---|
| 2381 | They each had a number of infantry and cavalry, complemented with cannon
|
---|
| 2382 |
|
---|
| 2383 | and guns and - of course - the traditional bows and swords.&nbsp; One chronicler
|
---|
| 2384 |
|
---|
| 2385 | estimated Richard's cannon at 140; Henry had cannon brought from France.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2386 |
|
---|
| 2387 | As to the actual numbers involved, chroniclers are always prone to exaggeration
|
---|
| 2388 |
|
---|
| 2389 | and this time was no exception.&nbsp; We know Henry landed in Wales with
|
---|
| 2390 |
|
---|
| 2391 | about 4000 and was joined by a large number of reinforcements; Richard's
|
---|
| 2392 |
|
---|
| 2393 | force must have been equal - at least.&nbsp; Sir William Stanley led about
|
---|
| 2394 |
|
---|
| 2395 | 3000 troops.)
|
---|
| 2396 |
|
---|
| 2397 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; One more mention of the Stanleys: Richard was less
|
---|
| 2398 |
|
---|
| 2399 | troubled by their waffling than Henry.&nbsp; After all, Richard would have
|
---|
| 2400 |
|
---|
| 2401 | been content if they simply stayed out of the battle whereas Henry was
|
---|
| 2402 |
|
---|
| 2403 | desperate for their support.&nbsp; Therefore, Richard's army had higher
|
---|
| 2404 |
|
---|
| 2405 | morale - and supposedly larger numbers.
|
---|
| 2406 |
|
---|
| 2407 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry marched northeast at a leisurely pace toward
|
---|
| 2408 |
|
---|
| 2409 | Richard's camp.&nbsp; Were his troops wary of attacking first?&nbsp; Undoubtedly;
|
---|
| 2410 |
|
---|
| 2411 | but, in the end, Richard decided to order his attack when Henry's force
|
---|
| 2412 |
|
---|
| 2413 | passed by a march.&nbsp; At this time, he also realized that Lord Stanley
|
---|
| 2414 |
|
---|
| 2415 | was not joining him.&nbsp; (He could see Stanley's army motionless on the
|
---|
| 2416 |
|
---|
| 2417 | field.)&nbsp; Richard ordered his hostage, Lord Strange, beheaded but in
|
---|
| 2418 |
|
---|
| 2419 | the heat and confusion of battle, the order was not carried out.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2420 |
|
---|
| 2421 | The first moments of battle were an indication of the chaos to come.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2422 |
|
---|
| 2423 | Immediately, arrows were exchanged and then hand-to-hand combat began.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2424 |
|
---|
| 2425 | Swords, pikes, aces, spears....&nbsp; These were the weapons of choice.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2426 |
|
---|
| 2427 | (Interesting note: Richard's ally, the duke of Northumberland, waited at
|
---|
| 2428 |
|
---|
| 2429 | the rear of the army with a well equipped force which never entered battle
|
---|
| 2430 |
|
---|
| 2431 | for one simple reason - the topography of the battlefield.)
|
---|
| 2432 |
|
---|
| 2433 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Richard's scouts told him that Henry, too, remained
|
---|
| 2434 |
|
---|
| 2435 | outside the fighting, observing the battle with a small group of supporters.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2436 |
|
---|
| 2437 | By identifying Henry's standard, Richard determined his exact position.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2438 |
|
---|
| 2439 | Then he undertook a most courageous and incredible feat - he spurred his
|
---|
| 2440 |
|
---|
| 2441 | horse to ride directly at Henry, the pretender to his throne.&nbsp; He
|
---|
| 2442 |
|
---|
| 2443 | knew that if Henry was slain - before Stanley intervention - the battle
|
---|
| 2444 |
|
---|
| 2445 | would end.&nbsp; On his horse, at full gallop, he slay a great number of
|
---|
| 2446 |
|
---|
| 2447 | those around Henry (notably his standard bearer, William Brandon, and that
|
---|
| 2448 |
|
---|
| 2449 | respected soldier, the 'giant' John Cheyne.)&nbsp; Henry, of course, was
|
---|
| 2450 |
|
---|
| 2451 | innocent of real experience in battle but he did not run - though he also
|
---|
| 2452 |
|
---|
| 2453 | kept a horse nearby in case the battle was lost.&nbsp; Still, the tide
|
---|
| 2454 |
|
---|
| 2455 | would have turned against Henry except....&nbsp; the Stanleys finally entered
|
---|
| 2456 |
|
---|
| 2457 | the battle, on the Tudor side!
|
---|
| 2458 |
|
---|
| 2459 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It cannot be emphasized enough that Richard III died
|
---|
| 2460 |
|
---|
| 2461 | valiantly in battle.&nbsp; Every later chronicler asserted his bravery
|
---|
| 2462 |
|
---|
| 2463 | and skill.&nbsp; One wrote that, after Stanley's men swarmed around him,
|
---|
| 2464 |
|
---|
| 2465 | Richard fought 'manfully in the thickest press of his enemies.'&nbsp; According
|
---|
| 2466 |
|
---|
| 2467 | to Polydore Vergil, 'that day he would make end either of war or life';
|
---|
| 2468 |
|
---|
| 2469 | he would 'die like a king or win victory in this field.'&nbsp; He was wounded
|
---|
| 2470 |
|
---|
| 2471 | several times but refused the advice of his few companions to flee.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2472 |
|
---|
| 2473 | He also refused the offer of a horse.&nbsp; His heroism was evident to
|
---|
| 2474 |
|
---|
| 2475 | all.&nbsp; In the end, he could not prevail.&nbsp; His crown was knocked
|
---|
| 2476 |
|
---|
| 2477 | from his head; his head was struck so many times that the helmet was beaten
|
---|
| 2478 |
|
---|
| 2479 | into the skull; even after his death, his body continued to be beaten.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2480 |
|
---|
| 2481 | Around him lay the bodies of his few companions - Conyers, Brackenbury,
|
---|
| 2482 |
|
---|
| 2483 | Ratcliffe....&nbsp; There is a legend that his crown landed in a hawthorne
|
---|
| 2484 |
|
---|
| 2485 | bush; true or not, it was soon enough in Henry Tudor's hands - and not
|
---|
| 2486 |
|
---|
| 2487 | because of any personal bravery on the part of the first Tudor king.
|
---|
| 2488 |
|
---|
| 2489 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The battle lasted about two hours.&nbsp; Its outcome
|
---|
| 2490 |
|
---|
| 2491 | - Henry's triumph - was only made possiblee by Stanley's disgraceful betrayal
|
---|
| 2492 |
|
---|
| 2493 | of his king.&nbsp; Had he waited a few moments longer, Henry may have been
|
---|
| 2494 |
|
---|
| 2495 | personally killed by Richard.&nbsp; That single action inaugurated the
|
---|
| 2496 |
|
---|
| 2497 | Tudor dynasty - and it was a shameful inauguration.&nbsp; Whatever his
|
---|
| 2498 |
|
---|
| 2499 | qualities before the battle, his actions immediately afterwards are not
|
---|
| 2500 |
|
---|
| 2501 | endearing.&nbsp; Richard III, who had fought so heroically and suffered
|
---|
| 2502 |
|
---|
| 2503 | an awful death, continued to be humiliated and abused.&nbsp; His body was
|
---|
| 2504 |
|
---|
| 2505 | slung naked over a horse, arms and legs hanging over the sides; a halter
|
---|
| 2506 |
|
---|
| 2507 | was tossed around his neck to symbolize his defeat.&nbsp; In this manner,
|
---|
| 2508 |
|
---|
| 2509 | he was taken to a friary in Leicester where his body lay on view for two
|
---|
| 2510 |
|
---|
| 2511 | days; it was naked from the waist down except for a scant and cheap black
|
---|
| 2512 |
|
---|
| 2513 | cloth.&nbsp; He was buried at the friary with no ceremony.&nbsp; The church
|
---|
| 2514 |
|
---|
| 2515 | no longer exists - Henry's son ordered the dissolution of the monasteries
|
---|
| 2516 |
|
---|
| 2517 | in the 1530s and Richard's grave was opened and the body thrown out.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2518 |
|
---|
| 2519 | Later, the coffin was supposedly used as a horse trough and cellar steps
|
---|
| 2520 |
|
---|
| 2521 | in a nearby manor.&nbsp; Richard III remains the only English king since
|
---|
| 2522 |
|
---|
| 2523 | 1066 to have no burial place.&nbsp; He was also the last English king to
|
---|
| 2524 |
|
---|
| 2525 | die in battle.
|
---|
| 2526 |
|
---|
| 2527 | <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Henry Tudor had now declared himself Henry VII and
|
---|
| 2528 |
|
---|
| 2529 | Lord Stanley placed Richard's crown upon his stepson's head.&nbsp; His
|
---|
| 2530 |
|
---|
| 2531 | officers were busy settling old scores, executing old foes and rounding
|
---|
| 2532 |
|
---|
| 2533 | up the prisoners.&nbsp; In the end, we can reasonably estimate that about
|
---|
| 2534 |
|
---|
| 2535 | 400 men - in total - died that day.&nbsp; Of course, after the battle few
|
---|
| 2536 |
|
---|
| 2537 | wanted to talk about the actual fighting - those two hours which ended
|
---|
| 2538 |
|
---|
| 2539 | in betrayal and death for one king and the beginning of one of the most
|
---|
| 2540 |
|
---|
| 2541 | celebrated dynasties in English history.</blockquote>
|
---|
| 2542 |
|
---|
| 2543 |
|
---|
| 2544 |
|
---|
| 2545 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 2546 |
|
---|
| 2547 | <blockquote><font size=-1>On a personal note....</font>
|
---|
| 2548 |
|
---|
| 2549 | <br><font size=-1>I do want to stress that Henry Tudor did nto participate
|
---|
| 2550 |
|
---|
| 2551 | in the fighting - and, in fact, he kept a horse nearby so he could flee
|
---|
| 2552 |
|
---|
| 2553 | if the battle was lost.&nbsp; In other words, he planned to 'turn tail
|
---|
| 2554 |
|
---|
| 2555 | and run', as the cliché goes.</font>
|
---|
| 2556 |
|
---|
| 2557 | <br><font size=-1>It might seem odd that a king who supposedly won his crown in
|
---|
| 2558 | battle was actually quite cowardly on the battlefield, and didn't participate
|
---|
| 2559 | - but it's the truth.&nbsp; Richard III only lost because Lord Stanley
|
---|
| 2560 | disgracefully betrayed his king.&nbsp; And he did so after Richard had already
|
---|
| 2561 | forgiven him numerous offenses (many bordering on treason), and had treated
|
---|
| 2562 | him kindly.&nbsp; Henry may have claimed a crown that day, but he claimed no
|
---|
| 2563 | glory.</font><center>
|
---|
| 2564 | <p><font size=-1>You may visit the <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.r3.org">Richard
|
---|
| 2565 |
|
---|
| 2566 | III Society</a> site for the other side of the story.</font></p>
|
---|
| 2567 | </center>
|
---|
| 2568 |
|
---|
| 2569 | <font size=-1></font>
|
---|
| 2570 |
|
---|
| 2571 | <p>
|
---|
| 2572 |
|
---|
| 2573 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 2574 |
|
---|
| 2575 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2576 |
|
---|
| 2577 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2578 |
|
---|
| 2579 | <blockquote>Henry Tudor as King
|
---|
| 2580 |
|
---|
| 2581 | <p>'His [Henry VII] body was slender but well built and strong; his height
|
---|
| 2582 |
|
---|
| 2583 | above the average.&nbsp; His appearance was remarkably attractive and his
|
---|
| 2584 |
|
---|
| 2585 | face was cheerful especially when speaking; his eyes were small and blue;
|
---|
| 2586 |
|
---|
| 2587 | his teeth few, poor and blackish; his hair was thin and grey; his complexion
|
---|
| 2588 |
|
---|
| 2589 | pale'.
|
---|
| 2590 |
|
---|
| 2591 | <br><font size=-1>Polydore Vergil, from the <i>Anglica Historia</i></font></blockquote>
|
---|
| 2592 |
|
---|
| 2593 |
|
---|
| 2594 |
|
---|
| 2595 | <hr WIDTH="100%">
|
---|
| 2596 |
|
---|
| 2597 | <blockquote>Many historians have long argued that Bosworth Field marked
|
---|
| 2598 |
|
---|
| 2599 | the end of medieval England, and the beginning of more modern government.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2600 |
|
---|
| 2601 | This assumes at least some drastic changes occurred during the 24 years
|
---|
| 2602 |
|
---|
| 2603 | Henry ruled England.&nbsp; However, no such changes occurred.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
| 2604 |
|
---|
| 2605 | maintained the government of his predecessors; he simply had a more efficient
|
---|
| 2606 |
|
---|
| 2607 | administration.
|
---|
| 2608 |
|
---|
| 2609 | <p>This should detract from his formidable accomplishments.&nbsp; Despite
|
---|
| 2610 |
|
---|
| 2611 | his very questionable claim to the throne, Henry proved himself to be an
|
---|
| 2612 |
|
---|
| 2613 | able and enthusiastic king.&nbsp; He devoted himself to the minutiae of
|
---|
| 2614 |
|
---|
| 2615 | government, personally initialing household account books.&nbsp; He was
|
---|
| 2616 |
|
---|
| 2617 | quite miserly, which greatly benefited his spendthrift son Henry VIII,
|
---|
| 2618 |
|
---|
| 2619 | but this was understandable - the first Tudor king knew financial success
|
---|
| 2620 |
|
---|
| 2621 | would be the life or death of his new dynasty.&nbsp; Like all monarchs,
|
---|
| 2622 |
|
---|
| 2623 | he needed money - and often badly.&nbsp; But he needed parliament's permission
|
---|
| 2624 |
|
---|
| 2625 | to raise taxes or create new ones.&nbsp; Yet Henry knew that parliament
|
---|
| 2626 |
|
---|
| 2627 | would be opposed to giving a new - and unpopular king - more sources of
|
---|
| 2628 |
|
---|
| 2629 | revenue, particularly since England's economy was not prosperous.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2630 |
|
---|
| 2631 | And so Henry only called parliament seven times during his reign.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2632 |
|
---|
| 2633 | Instead of creating new methods to raise money, he cannily exploited the
|
---|
| 2634 |
|
---|
| 2635 | existing sources.&nbsp; Every loophole that existed was stretched wide
|
---|
| 2636 |
|
---|
| 2637 | - Henry sought every penny he could from eevery source of revenue.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2638 |
|
---|
| 2639 | And he protected the money fanatically.&nbsp; Few monarchs lived so frugally,
|
---|
| 2640 |
|
---|
| 2641 | and as Francis Bacon noted, 'towards his queen [Elizabeth of York] he was
|
---|
| 2642 |
|
---|
| 2643 | nothing uxorious, nor scarce indulgent....'
|
---|
| 2644 |
|
---|
| 2645 | <br>For Henry VII, money equaled security.&nbsp; And so rights of Wardship,
|
---|
| 2646 |
|
---|
| 2647 | Marriage, Promotions, and Death, forced loans and benvolences, and trade
|
---|
| 2648 |
|
---|
| 2649 | dues were all tools to gain financial security.
|
---|
| 2650 |
|
---|
| 2651 | <p>Upon becoming king, Henry's immediate problem was the same as his Yorkist
|
---|
| 2652 |
|
---|
| 2653 | predecessors - the legitimacy of his claim to the throne.&nbsp; Bosworth
|
---|
| 2654 |
|
---|
| 2655 | Field had not ended the struggle for England's crown, and Henry faced considerable
|
---|
| 2656 |
|
---|
| 2657 | unrest throughout the early years of his reign.&nbsp; The Northerners (who
|
---|
| 2658 |
|
---|
| 2659 | never lost their distrust of the Tudors) had supported Richard III, and
|
---|
| 2660 |
|
---|
| 2661 | did not welcome a Welsh king.&nbsp; And Yorkist support continued in Ireland
|
---|
| 2662 |
|
---|
| 2663 | (where Lambert Simnel was crowned Edward VI 1487), and in Europe (where
|
---|
| 2664 |
|
---|
| 2665 | Edward IV and Richard III's sister Margaret lived on as the influential
|
---|
| 2666 |
|
---|
| 2667 | duchess of Burgundy.)&nbsp; Also, because Henry's claim to the throne was
|
---|
| 2668 |
|
---|
| 2669 | so weak, he inevitably had to work harder to create the impression of royal
|
---|
| 2670 |
|
---|
| 2671 | authority.&nbsp; By all accounts, he lacked the majesty, or charisma, of
|
---|
| 2672 |
|
---|
| 2673 | his son Henry VIII and granddaughter Elizabeth I.&nbsp; But charisma was
|
---|
| 2674 |
|
---|
| 2675 | perhaps a negligible quality during those early years; more important were
|
---|
| 2676 |
|
---|
| 2677 | hard work, dedication, and discipline.&nbsp; And Henry possessed those
|
---|
| 2678 |
|
---|
| 2679 | qualities in abundance.
|
---|
| 2680 |
|
---|
| 2681 | <p>First, Henry benefited directly from the Wars of the Roses - heirs to
|
---|
| 2682 |
|
---|
| 2683 | many of the old noble families were killed during the battles.&nbsp; Henry
|
---|
| 2684 |
|
---|
| 2685 | simply appropriated their lands and revenue.&nbsp; Those that had supported
|
---|
| 2686 |
|
---|
| 2687 | Richard III (those that survived, that is) were attainted and their estates
|
---|
| 2688 |
|
---|
| 2689 | confiscated.&nbsp; He also created a council 'Learned in the Law' in 1495
|
---|
| 2690 |
|
---|
| 2691 | to deal with enforcement of already-existing taxes, particularly those
|
---|
| 2692 |
|
---|
| 2693 | owed by the nobility.&nbsp; Henry also forbid nobles to retain their own
|
---|
| 2694 |
|
---|
| 2695 | armies.&nbsp; A small number of attendants was acceptable, but Henry did
|
---|
| 2696 |
|
---|
| 2697 | not want any lord to have more power than the king.&nbsp; Edward IV had
|
---|
| 2698 |
|
---|
| 2699 | attempted the same maneuver, with less success.&nbsp; Henry was aided by
|
---|
| 2700 |
|
---|
| 2701 | a simple fact - as king, he owned most of the gunpowder in the country.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2702 |
|
---|
| 2703 | Therefore, he simply blew up the castles and keeps of recalcitrant barons.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2704 |
|
---|
| 2705 | It was quite an effective policy, though Henry did not curb the power and
|
---|
| 2706 |
|
---|
| 2707 | influence of all nobles.&nbsp; But it is worth noting that the English
|
---|
| 2708 |
|
---|
| 2709 | nobility, already in decline during the Wars of the Roses, fell from influence
|
---|
| 2710 |
|
---|
| 2711 | rapidly under the Tudors - under Elizabeth I, for instance, England had
|
---|
| 2712 |
|
---|
| 2713 | just one duke (and he was executed for treason.)
|
---|
| 2714 |
|
---|
| 2715 | <p>Henry did continue the Yorkist tradition of promoting government officers
|
---|
| 2716 |
|
---|
| 2717 | from the middle class (primarily clerics and lawyers.)&nbsp; But he did
|
---|
| 2718 |
|
---|
| 2719 | not create the middle class government that many historians propose; nobles
|
---|
| 2720 |
|
---|
| 2721 | still retained the most powerful positions.&nbsp; Henry kept many of Edward
|
---|
| 2722 |
|
---|
| 2723 | IV and Richard III's councilors, and these were either from the aristocracy,
|
---|
| 2724 |
|
---|
| 2725 | or related through marriage.&nbsp; But it should be noted that the middle
|
---|
| 2726 |
|
---|
| 2727 | class was growing in power and influence, and carefully making its way
|
---|
| 2728 |
|
---|
| 2729 | through the corridors of power.
|
---|
| 2730 |
|
---|
| 2731 | <p>Henry also revived the powers of the Justices of the Peace, first introduced
|
---|
| 2732 |
|
---|
| 2733 | by Henry II.&nbsp; They administered the king's justice throughout England,
|
---|
| 2734 |
|
---|
| 2735 | and were supposedly free of local prejudices.&nbsp; His Yorkist predecessors
|
---|
| 2736 |
|
---|
| 2737 | had appointed a Council of the North and thus allowed the great border
|
---|
| 2738 |
|
---|
| 2739 | families of Neville, Dacre, Scrope, and Percy to rule as virtually independent
|
---|
| 2740 |
|
---|
| 2741 | princes with their own armies.&nbsp; This was necessary because the Scottish
|
---|
| 2742 |
|
---|
| 2743 | border was notoriously difficult to maintain; raids from the north were
|
---|
| 2744 |
|
---|
| 2745 | all too common, and the Yorkists had needed the Northern lords to protect
|
---|
| 2746 |
|
---|
| 2747 | English interests.&nbsp; When Edward IV was king, Richard had been 'Lord
|
---|
| 2748 |
|
---|
| 2749 | of the North', having inherited the vast Neville estates through his wife.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2750 |
|
---|
| 2751 | Henry was not so inclined - he did not want the Northern families to be
|
---|
| 2752 |
|
---|
| 2753 | too powerful; after all, they could turn that power against their king.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2754 |
|
---|
| 2755 | But he also knew the North needed a strong leader, a servant of the crown.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2756 |
|
---|
| 2757 | And so he released the last Percy heir, the earl of Northumberland, from
|
---|
| 2758 |
|
---|
| 2759 | the Tower of London and appointed him Lord Warden of the East and Middle
|
---|
| 2760 |
|
---|
| 2761 | Marches.&nbsp; But Henry carefully trimmed Percy's powers, and only allowed
|
---|
| 2762 |
|
---|
| 2763 | the council to meet sporadically.&nbsp; He successfully subdued it into
|
---|
| 2764 |
|
---|
| 2765 | becoming a mere extension of his own London-based authority.
|
---|
| 2766 |
|
---|
| 2767 | <br>&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2768 |
|
---|
| 2769 | <p>Henry also attempted to quell the Scottish problem, and undercut the
|
---|
| 2770 |
|
---|
| 2771 | Auld Alliance (the alliance between France and Scotland), by marrying his
|
---|
| 2772 |
|
---|
| 2773 | eldest daughter Margaret to the king of Scots in 1503.&nbsp; He planned
|
---|
| 2774 |
|
---|
| 2775 | to marry his youngest daughter, Mary, to Charles, the prince of Castile.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2776 |
|
---|
| 2777 | His eldest son and heir apparent, Prince Arthur, was wed to the youngest
|
---|
| 2778 |
|
---|
| 2779 | daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, the powerful 'Catholic Kings' of Spain.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2780 |
|
---|
| 2781 | With these marriage alliances, Henry hoped to protect his domestic interests;
|
---|
| 2782 |
|
---|
| 2783 | he did not want to engage in costly foreign wars since the establishment
|
---|
| 2784 |
|
---|
| 2785 | of his own dynasty was more important, but he needed foreign allies.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2786 |
|
---|
| 2787 | Marriage was less costly than war, and - Henry hoped - more effective.&nbsp;
|
---|
| 2788 |
|
---|
| 2789 | The matches were impressive, particularly the match with Spain since it
|
---|
| 2790 |
|
---|
| 2791 | meant that the most powerful European monarchs recognized his shaky claim
|
---|
| 2792 |
|
---|
| 2793 | to the throne.</blockquote>
|
---|
| 2794 |
|
---|
| 2795 | </blockquote>
|
---|
| 2796 |
|
---|
| 2797 |
|
---|
| 2798 |
|
---|
| 2799 | <center><font size=-1></font>&nbsp;<font size=-1></font>
|
---|
| 2800 |
|
---|
| 2801 | <p><font size=-1><a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs.html">to
|
---|
| 2802 |
|
---|
| 2803 | Tudor Monarchs</a></font></center>
|
---|
| 2804 |
|
---|
| 2805 |
|
---|
| 2806 |
|
---|
| 2807 |
|
---|
| 2808 |
|
---|
| 2809 | <!-- text below generated by server. PLEASE REMOVE --><!-- Counter/Statistics data collection code --><script language="JavaScript" src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fhostingprod.com%2fjs%5fsource%2fgeov2.js"></script><script language="javascript">geovisit();</script><noscript><img src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;el=direct&amp;href=http://visit.webhosting.yahoo.com/visit.gif?us1108082556" alt="setstats" border="0" width="1" height="1"></noscript>
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|
---|
| 2811 | </Content>
|
---|
| 2812 | </Section>
|
---|
| 2813 | </Archive>
|
---|