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14    <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
15    <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
16    <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
17    <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter XII</Metadata>
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46    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;7&quot;&gt;Queen Elizabeth&lt;br&gt;&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/b&gt;
47    &lt;font size=&quot;4&quot;&gt;by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
48    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
49    &lt;img border=&quot;2&quot; src=&quot;_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg&quot; width=&quot;400&quot; height=&quot;478&quot; alt=&quot;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard&quot;&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
50    &lt;i&gt;&lt;font size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
51    Hilliard;&lt;br&gt;from the &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=0&amp;amp;;&gt;Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I&lt;/a&gt; website&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
52    &lt;td width=&quot;25%&quot; height=&quot;610&quot;&gt;&lt;/td&gt;
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56  &lt;blockquote&gt;
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65    &lt;div align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;
66      &lt;b&gt;CHAPTER XII&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br&gt;
67      &lt;b&gt;LAST YEARS AND DEATH: 1601-1603&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
68    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;THE death of Mary Stuart did something to simplify parties
69    in Scotland; and, if her son had possessed the qualities of a ruler, he
70    would have had a better chance of reducing his kingdom to order than any of
71    his predecessors, because a middle class was at length rising into
72    importance. As far as knowledge and discernment went, he was an able
73    politician, and on several occasions he showed not only skill in his
74    combinations, but--what he is not generally credited with by those who study
75    only his career in England -- considerable energy and courage. But he was
76    wanting in perseverance, and a slave to idle pleasures. He had always some
77    favourite upon whom he lavished any money that came into his hands. What was
78    needed in his own interest and that of his country was that he should
79    exercise rigid economy, develop all the forces that made for order, ally
80    himself with the burghs and lower barons, cultivate good relations with the
81    Kirk, industriously attend to all the details of government, and seize every
82    opportunity to humble the great nobles of whatever party or creed. Instead
83    of this, he tried to maintain himself by balancing rival parties, and
84    employing one nobleman to execute his vengeance on another. Instead of
85    honestly and zealously seconding the policy of Elizabeth, and so deserving
86    her confidence and support, which would have been of the utmost value to
87    him, he tried to levy blackmail on her by coquetting with Spain and the
88    Catholics. &lt;/p&gt;
89    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Elizabeth is accused of deliberately encouraging Scottish
90    factions in order to keep the northern kingdom weak. She certainly supported
91    Stewart, Earl of Bothwell, a turbulent and unprincipled man, while he was
92    the antagonist of the Catholic nobles who were inviting the Spaniard. But it
93    is plain that she desired nothing so much as to see James crush all
94    aristocratic disorder, and make himself master of his kingdom. Her
95    exhortations to him on this subject are full of wisdom, and expressed in
96    most stirring language. But they only produced petitions for money.
97    Notwithstanding her own difficulties, she long allowed him £3000 a year,
98    which, in 1600, was increased to £6000. But ten times that amount would have
99    done him no good, because he would immediately have squandered it. &lt;/p&gt;
100    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;As Elizabeth grew old, James naturally became absorbed in
101    the prospect of his succession to the English crown. All Scotchmen shared
102    his eagerness. In England, feeling was almost unanimous in his favour,
103    though some of the Catholics continued to talk of the Infanta or Arabella
104    Stuart the niece of Darnley. By teasing Elizabeth to recognise his title,
105    intriguing with her courtiers, and calling on his own subjects to furnish
106    him with the means of asserting his rights, James irritated the English
107    Queen. But she had always intended that he should succeed her, and she did
108    nothing to prejudice his claim. &lt;/p&gt;
109    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The two leading men at the English court--Cecil and
110    Raleigh--who had been united in their hostility to Essex, were now secretly
111    competing for the favour of James. Each warned the Scottish King against the
112    other, and represented himself as the only trustworthy adviser. Cecil, from
113    his confidential relations with the Queen, had the most difficult game to
114    play, and it was not till her health was evidently failing that he ventured
115    to open private communications with James. Even then he did not dare to
116    correspond with him directly, but it was understood that everything written
117    by Lord Henry Howard (brother of the last Duke of Norfolk) was to be taken
118    as written by Cecil. To make up for his previous backwardness, he lent James
119    £10,000--a pledge of fidelity which it was out of his rival's power to
120    emulate. &lt;/p&gt;
121    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The long career of Elizabeth was now drawing to its close.
122    Her sun might seem to be going down in calm splendour. She had triumphed
123    over all her enemies. She might say with Virgil's heroine-- &lt;/p&gt;
124    &lt;blockquote&gt;
125      &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&amp;quot;&lt;i&gt;Vixi, et quem dederat cursum fortuna, peregi;&lt;br&gt;
126      Et nunc magna mei sub terras ibit imago&lt;/i&gt;.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
127    &lt;/blockquote&gt;
128    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The mighty Philip had gone to his grave five years before
129    her (1598), a beaten man, having failed in Holland, failed in France, failed
130    against England. Of the three great champions who withstood him, Elizabeth,
131    if not the most distinguished by high qualities, had yet, perhaps, the
132    largest share in saving Europe from the retrograde tyranny which menaced it.
133    The glorious resistance of William of Orange covered only sixteen years
134    (1568-84). That of Henry IV can hardly be said to have had any European
135    importance before his accession to the French throne, from which date to the
136    peace of Vervins and the death of Philip is a period of nine years
137    (1589-98). But the whole of Elizabeth's long reign was spent in abating the
138    power of Spain. It was the persistent, never-relaxing pressure from an
139    unassailable enemy which wore out Philip, as it afterwards wore out
140    Bonaparte. Elizabeth had found England weak and distracted: she was leaving
141    it united and powerful. Nor was she of those to whom their due meed of
142    praise is denied during life, and accorded only by the tardy justice of
143    posterity. Her wisdom and courage were the admiration not of her own people
144    alone, but of all Europe. &amp;quot;Her very enemies,&amp;quot; says a French historian,
145    &amp;quot;proclaimed her the most glorious and fortunate of all women who ever wore a
146    crown.&amp;quot; From the point of view of public life, little or nothing was
147    wanting--so Bacon thought--to fill up the full measure of her felicity. &lt;/p&gt;
148    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Yet it seems that the last months of her life were clouded
149    by melancholy, and deformed by a querulous ill-temper. Some have suggested
150    that she suffered from remorse for her severity to Essex; others that she
151    felt herself out of sympathy with the Puritan tendencies of the time. It is
152    not necessary to resort to these unfounded or far-fetched suppositions to
153    account for her gloom. If we turn from her public to her private life, what
154    situation could be more profoundly pitiable? Honour and obedience, indeed,
155    still surrounded her. But that which also should accompany old age, love and
156    troops of friends, she might not look to have. Near relations she had none.
157    Alone she had chosen to live, and alone she must die. As her time
158    approached, she was haunted by the consciousness that, among all those who
159    treated her with so much reverence, there was not one who had any reason to
160    be attached to her or to care that her life should be prolonged. Those who
161    have not loved when they were young must not expect to find love when they
162    are old. While health and strength remained, she had tasted the satisfaction
163    of living her own life and playing the great game of politics, for which she
164    was exceptionally gifted. But to a woman who has passed through life without
165    knowing what it is to love or be loved, who has no memory of even an
166    unrequited affection to feed on, who has never shared a husband's joys and
167    sorrows, never borne the sweet burden of maternity, never suckled babe or
168    rocked cradle, who must finish her journey alone, sitting in the solemn
169    twilight before the last dark hour uncared for and uncaring, without the
170    cheer of children or the varied interests that gather round the family--to
171    such a one, what avails it that she has tasted the excitement of public
172    life, that she has borne a share in politics or business--what even that her
173    aims have been high or that she has done the State some service, if she has
174    renounced the crown of womanhood, and turned from their appointed use those
175    numbered years within which the female heart can find present joy and lay up
176    store of calm satisfaction for declining age? &lt;/p&gt;
177    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;Elizabeth had always enjoyed good health, thanks to her
178    &amp;quot;exact temperance both as to wine and diet, which, she used to say, was the
179    noblest part of physic,&amp;quot; and her active habits. In capacity for resisting
180    bodily fatigue and freedom from nervous ailments, she was like a man. It was
181    not till the beginning of 1602 that those about her noticed any signs of
182    failing strength. She still went on hunting and dancing. In dancing she
183    excelled, and she kept it up for exercise, as many an old man keeps up his
184    skating or tennis without being exposed to ill-natured remarks. In December
185    1602 her godson Harington, an amusing person, whose company she enjoyed,
186    found her &amp;quot;in most pitiable state,&amp;quot; both in body and mind. &amp;quot;She held in her
187    hand a golden cup which she often put to her lips; but in sooth her heart
188    seemeth too full to lack more filling.&amp;quot; He read her some verses he had
189    written, &amp;quot;whereat she smiled once,&amp;quot; but said, &amp;quot;When thou dost feel creeping
190    Time at thy gate, these fooleries will please thee less. I am past my relish
191    for such matters. Thou seest my bodily meat doth not suit me well. I have
192    eaten but one ill-tasted cake since yesternight.&amp;quot; Harington hastened to send
193    a present to the King of Scots, with the inscription, &amp;quot;&lt;i&gt;Domine memento mei
194    cum veneris in regnum&lt;/i&gt;.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
195    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;In the same month Robert Carey, son of her cousin Lord
196    Hunsdon, visited her, and professed to think her looking well. &amp;quot;No, Robin,&amp;quot;
197    she said, &amp;quot;I am not well,&amp;quot; and then &amp;quot;discoursed of her indisposition, and
198    that her heart had been sad and heavy for ten or twelve days, and in her
199    discourse she fetched not so few as forty or fifty great sighs. . . .
200    Hereupon I wrote to the King of Scots.&amp;quot;(1) Her melancholy was not caused by
201    any weakening of her mind. A long letter to James, dated 5 January 1603,
202    though hardly legible, is very vigorous and characteristic. &lt;/p&gt;
203    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;At the beginning of March1603 she became much worse. There
204    was some disease of the throat, attended with swelling and a distressing
205    formation of phlegm, which made speaking difficult. The only relatives about
206    her were Robert Carey and his sister Lady Scrope, watching keenly that they
207    might be the first to inform James of her death. She could not be brought by
208    any of her Council to take food or go to bed. When in bed she had been
209    troubled by a visual illusion; &amp;quot;she saw her body exceedingly lean and
210    fearful in a light of fire.&amp;quot; At last Nottingham, the Admiral, who was
211    mourning the recent death of his wife, was sent for. He was a second cousin
212    of Anne Boleyn, and was the one person to whom the dying Queen seemed to
213    cling with some trust. He induced her to take some broth. &amp;quot;For any of the
214    rest,&amp;quot; says her maid-of-honour, Mistress Southwell, &amp;quot;she would not answer
215    them to any question, but said softly to my Lord Admiral's earnest
216    persuasions that if he knew what she had seen in her bed he would not
217    persuade her as he did. And Secretary Cecil, overhearing her, asked if her
218    Majesty had seen any spirits; to which she said she scorned to answer him so
219    idle a question. Then he told her how, to content the people, her Majesty
220    must go to bed. To which she smiled, wonderfully contemning him, saying that
221    the word must was not to be used to princes; and thereupon said, 'Little
222    man, little man, if your father had lived ye [he?] durst not have said so
223    much: but thou knowest I must die, and that maketh thee so presumptuous.'
224    And presently commanding him and the rest to depart her chamber, willed my
225    Lord Admiral to stay; to whom she shook her head, and with a pitiful voice
226    said, 'My Lord, I am tied with a chain of iron about my neck.' He alleging
227    her wonted courage to her, she replied, 'I am tied, and the case is altered
228    with me.'&amp;quot; At last, &amp;quot;what by fair means,&amp;quot; says Carey, &amp;quot;what by force, he got
229    her to bed.&amp;quot; &lt;/p&gt;
230    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It was perfectly understood that she meant James to be her
231    successor. The Admiral now told his colleagues that she had confided her
232    intention to him just before her illness took a serious turn. Two years
233    before, in conversation with Rosni, the minister of Henry IV., she had
234    spoken of the approaching union of the Scotch and English crowns as a matter
235    of course. But it was not till a few hours before her death that her
236    councillors ventured to question her on the subject. They gave out that she
237    indicated James by a sign; and this is also asserted by Carey, who, however,
238    does not seem to have been present, though probably his sister was. Mistress
239    Southwell seems to write as an eye-witness, but betrays a Catholic bias,
240    which may cast some doubt on her testimony. &amp;quot;The Council sent to her the
241    bishop of Canterbury and other of the prelates, upon sight of whom she was
242    much offended, cholericly rating them, bidding them be packing, saying she
243    was no atheist, but knew full well they were hedgepriests, and took it for
244    an indignity that they should speak to her. Now being given over by all, and
245    at the last gasp, keeping still her sense in everything and giving ever when
246    she spoke apt answers, though she spake very seldom, having then a sore
247    throat, she desired to wash it, that she might answer more freely to what
248    the Council demanded; which was to know whom she would have king; but they,
249    seeing her throat troubled her so much, desired her to hold up her finger
250    when they named whom liked her. Whereupon they named the king of France, the
251    king of Scotland, at which she never stirred. They named my lord Beauchamp,
252    (2) whereto she said, 'I will have no rascal's son in my seat, but one
253    worthy to be a king.' Hereupon instantly she died.&amp;quot; (23 March, afternoon.)
254    &lt;/p&gt;
255    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;It is certain, however, that she lived several hours after
256    this characteristic outburst. Carey says that at six o'clock in the evening
257    he went into her room with the Archbishop; that, though speechless, she
258    showed by signs that she followed his prayers, and twice desired him to
259    remain when he was going away. She died in the early hours of Thursday, 24
260    March. &lt;/p&gt;
261    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;There have been many greater statesmen than Elizabeth. She
262    was far from being an admirable type of womanhood. She does not, in my
263    opinion, stand first even among female sovereigns, for I should put that
264    able ruler and perfect woman, Isabella of Castile, above her. I admit,
265    however, that such comparisons are apt to be unjust. Few rulers have had to
266    contend with such formidable and complicated difficulties as the English
267    Queen. Few have surmounted them so triumphantly. This is the criterion, and
268    the sufficient criterion, which determines the judgment of practical men.
269    Research, if applied with fairness and common sense, may perhaps modify, it
270    can never set aside, the popular verdict. There are writers who have made
271    the discovery that Elizabeth was a very poor ruler, selfish and wayward,
272    shortsighted, easily duped, fainthearted, rash, miserly, wasteful, and
273    swayed by the pettiest impulses of vanity, spite, and personal inclination.
274    They have not explained, and never will, how it was that a woman with all
275    these disqualifications for government should have ruled England with signal
276    success for forty-four years. Statesmen are indebted to good luck
277    occasionally, like other people. But when this explanation is offered again
278    and again with dull regularity, we are compelled to say, with one who had at
279    once the best opportunity and the highest capacity for estimating the
280    greatness of Elizabeth: &amp;quot;It is not to closet penmen that we are to look for
281    guidance in such a case; for men of that order being keen in style, poor in
282    judgment, and partial in feeling, are no faithful witnesses as to the real
283    passages of business. It is for ministers and great officers to judge of
284    these things, and those who have handled the helm of government and been
285    acquainted with the difficulties and mysteries of State business.&amp;quot; (Bacon,
286    &lt;i&gt;In felicem memoriam Elizabethœ.)&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
287    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;The judgment of those who have handled the helm of
288    government is to be found in the words of her contemporary, the great
289    Henry--&amp;quot;She was my other self:&amp;quot; and of a greater still in the next
290    generation-&amp;quot;Queen Elizabeth of famous memory; we need not be ashamed to call
291    her so!&amp;quot; (Carlyle, &lt;i&gt;Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell&lt;/i&gt;, Speech
292    V.)&lt;/p&gt;
293    &lt;/font&gt;
294    &lt;hr&gt;
295    &lt;/font&gt;
296    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot;&gt;
297    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;b&gt;Notes:&lt;/b&gt; 1. Elizabeth made large use of the courage and
298    fidelity of her kinsmen on the Boleyn side, but she did little to advance
299    them either in rank or wealth. Hunsdon had set his heart on regaining the
300    Boleyn Earldom of Wiltshire. When he was dying, Elizabeth brought the patent
301    and robes of in earl, and laid them on his bed; but the choleric old man
302    replied, &amp;quot;Madam, seeing you counted me not worthy of this honour while I was
303    living, I count myself unworthy of it now I am dying.&amp;quot; 2. Son of Catherine
304    Grey by the Earl of Hertford. &amp;quot;Rascal&amp;quot; at that time meant a person of low
305    birth. &lt;/p&gt;
306    &lt;/font&gt;
307    &lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif&quot;&gt;
308    &lt;p align=&quot;left&quot;&gt;&lt;font style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;From &lt;i&gt;
309    Queen Elizabeth&lt;/i&gt; by Edward Spencer Beesly.&amp;nbsp; Published in London by
310    Macmillan and Co., 1892.&lt;/font&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
311    &lt;/font&gt;
312    &lt;font face=&quot;Times New Roman&quot; size=&quot;2&quot;&gt;
313  &lt;/blockquote&gt;
316    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;
317    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;;&gt;to the Queen
318    Elizabeth I website&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp; /&amp;nbsp;
319    &lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;;&gt;to the Mary,
320    queen of Scots website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
321    &lt;p align=&quot;center&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;_httpextlink_&amp;amp;rl=1&amp;amp;;&gt;
322    to Secondary Sources&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
323    &lt;/font&gt;
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