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14 | <Metadata name="Content">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
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15 | <Metadata name="Page_topic">biography of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603) by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</Metadata>
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16 | <Metadata name="Author">Marilee Mongello</Metadata>
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17 | <Metadata name="Title">Secondary Sources: Queen Elizabeth by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892: Chapter IX</Metadata>
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21 | <Metadata name="dc.Subject">Tudor period|Others</Metadata>
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30 | <Content>
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31 |
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32 | <table border="0" cellpadding="3" width="100%" height="667">
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33 | <tr>
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34 | <td width="25%" height="29"></td>
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35 | <td valign="top" width="50%" height="29">&nbsp;</td>
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36 | <td width="25%" height="29"></td>
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37 | </tr>
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38 | <tr>
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39 | <td width="25%" height="3"></td>
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40 | <td width="50%" height="3"><font size="3"></font></td>
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41 | <td width="25%" height="3"></td>
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42 | </tr>
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43 | <tr>
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44 | <td width="25%" height="610"></td>
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45 | <td valign="top" width="50%" height="610">
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46 | <p align="center"><b><font size="7">Queen Elizabeth<br></font></b>
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47 | <font size="4">by Edward Spencer Beesly, 1892</font></p>
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48 | <p align="center">
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49 | <img border="2" src="_httpdocimg_/eliz1-ermine.jpg" width="400" height="478" alt="'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas Hilliard"><p align="center">
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50 | <i><font size="2">'The Ermine Portrait' of Elizabeth I, c1585, by Nicholas
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51 | Hilliard;<br>from the <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fwww.marileecody.com%2feliz1-images.html">Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I</a> website</font></i></td>
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52 | <td width="25%" height="610"></td>
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53 | </tr>
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54 | </table>
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55 | <blockquote>
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56 | <blockquote>
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57 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman"></font>
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58 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman"></font>
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59 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman"></font>
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60 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman"></font>
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61 | <font style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">
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62 | <font style="font-family: Times New Roman">
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63 | <div align="left">
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64 | <b>CHAPTER IX</b><br>
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65 | <b>EXECUTION OF THE QUEEN OF SCOTS: 1584-1587</b></div>
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66 | <p align="left"><font size="3">THROGMORTON'S plot--of which the Queen of
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67 | Scots was undoubtedly cognisant, though it was not pressed against
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68 | her--brought home to every one the danger in which Elizabeth stood (1584).
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69 | To the Catholic conspiracy, the temptation to take her life was enormous. It
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70 | was becoming clear that, while she lived, the much talked of insurrection
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71 | would never come off. The large majority of Catholics would have nothing to
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72 | do with it --still less with foreign invasion. They would obey their lawful
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73 | sovereign. But if once Elizabeth were dead, by whatever means, their lawful
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74 | sovereign would be Mary. The rebels would be the Protestants, if they should
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75 | try to place any one else on the throne. The Protestants had no organisation.
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76 | They had no candidate for the crown ready. It was to be feared that no great
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77 | noble would step forward to lead them. Burghley himself, though longing as
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78 | much as ever for Mary's head, had with a prudent eye to all eventualities,
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79 | contrived some time before to persuade her that he was her well-wisher.
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80 | Houses of Commons, it is true, had shown themselves strongly and
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81 | increasingly Protestant. But with the demise of the crown, Parliament, if in
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82 | being at the time, would be <i>ipso facto</i> dissolved. The Privy Council,
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83 | in like manner, would cease to have any legal existence. Burghley,
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84 | Walsingham, and the other new men of whom it was mostly composed, had no
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85 | power or weight, except as instruments of the sovereign. Her death would
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86 | leave them helpless. The country would take its direction not from them, but
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87 | from the great nobles of large ancestral possessions. Nor could they provide
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88 | for such an emergency by privately selecting a Protestant successor
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89 | beforehand, and privately organising their partisans. It would have been as
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90 | much as their lives were worth if their mistress had caught them doing
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91 | anything of the kind. </font></p>
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92 | <p align="left"><font size="3">In this dilemma an ingenious plan suggested
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93 | itself to them. They drew up a &quot;Bond of Association,&quot; by which the
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94 | subscribers engaged that, if the Queen were murdered, they would never
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95 | accept as successor any one &quot;by whom <i>or for whom</i>&quot; such act should be
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96 | committed, but would &quot;prosecute such person to death.&quot; </font></p>
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97 | <p align="left"><font size="3">This was a hypothetical way of excluding Mary
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98 | and organising a Protestant resistance to which Elizabeth could make no
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99 | objection. But the ministers knew that, as a merely voluntary association
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100 | without Parliamentary sanction, it would add little strength or confidence
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101 | to the Protestant party. It would not even test their numbers; for no Marian
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102 | ventured to refuse the oath. Mary herself desired to be allowed to take it.
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103 | The bond was therefore converted into a Statute by Parliament, though not
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104 | without some important alterations (March 1585). It was enacted that if the
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105 | realm was invaded, or a rebellion instigated, by <i>or for</i> any one
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106 | pretending a title to the succession, or if the Queen's murder was plotted
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107 | by any one, or with the privity of any one that pretended title, such
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108 | pretender, <i>after ezamination and judgment</i> by an extraordinary
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109 | commission to be nominated by the Queen, and consisting of at least
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110 | twenty-four privy councillors and lords of Parliament assisted by the chief
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111 | judges, should be excluded from the succession, and that, on proclamation of
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112 | the sentence and direction by the Queen, all subjects might and should
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113 | pursue the offender to death. If the Queen were murdered, the lords of the
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114 | Council at the time of her death, or the majority of them, should join to
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115 | themselves at least twelve other lords of Parliament not making title to the
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116 | crown, and the chief judges; and if, after examination, they should come to
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117 | the above-mentioned conclusion, they should without delay, by all forcible
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118 | and possible means, prosecute the guilty persons to death, and should have
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119 | power to raise and use such forces as should in that behalf be needful and
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120 | convenient; and no subjects should be liable to punishment for anything done
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121 | according to the tenor of the Statute. </font></p>
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122 | <p align="left"><font size="3">Here, then, was a legal way provided by which
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123 | the Protestant ministers might act against Mary if Elizabeth were murdered.
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124 | They were in fact created a Provisional Government, with power to exclude
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125 | Mary from the throne. Whether they would have the courage or strength to do
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126 | so remained to be seen; but they would at least have formal law on their
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127 | side. </font></p>
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128 | <p align="left"><font size="3">It had never entered into Mary's plans to
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129 | wait for Elizabeth's natural death. She therefore read the new Act as a
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130 | sentence of exclusion. Another blow soon fell on her. In 1584, elated by her
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131 | son's victory over the raiders of Ruthven, and believing that he was willing
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132 | to recognise her joint sovereignty and cooperate with a Guise invasion, she
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133 | had scornfully refused the last overtures that Elizabeth ever made to her.
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134 | She now learnt that he had never intended to accept association with her,
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135 | and that he had urged Elizabeth not to release her. In the following year he
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136 | had accepted an annual pension of £4000 with some grumbling at its amount;
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137 | and a defensive alliance was at length concluded between the two countries,
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138 | Mary's name not being mentioned in the treaty (July 1586). </font></p>
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139 | <p align="left"><font size="3">As the prospects of the Scottish Queen became
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140 | darker both in England and her own country, she grew more desperate and
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141 | reckless. Early in 1586, Walsingham contrived a way of regularly inspecting
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142 | all her most secret correspondence. He soon discovered that she was
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143 | encouraging Babington's plot for assassinating Elizabeth. Some of the
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144 | conspirators, though avowed Catholics, had offices in the royal household;
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145 | such was Elizabeth's easy-going confidence. It was hoped that Parma would at
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146 | the moment of the murder land troops on the east coast. Mendoza, now Spanish
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147 | ambassador in Paris, warmly encouraged the project. </font></p>
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148 | <p align="left"><font size="3">The Scottish Queen was now in the case
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149 | contemplated by the Statute of the previous year. But it required all the
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150 | urgency of the Council to prevail with Elizabeth to have her brought to
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151 | trial. Elizabeth's whole conduct shows that she would even now have
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152 | preferred to deal with her rival as she did in the inquiry into the Darnley
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153 | murder. She would have been content to discredit her, to expose her guilt,
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154 | and, if possible, to bring her to her knees confessing her crimes and
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155 | pleading for mercy. But Mary was not of the temper to confess. Humiliation
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156 | and effacement were to her worse than death. She chose to brazen it out with
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157 | a well-grounded confidence that, as long as she asserted her innocence,
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158 | people would always be found to believe in it, let the evidence be what it
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159 | would. Besides, long impunity had convinced her that Elizabeth did not dare
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160 | to take her life. </font></p>
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161 | <p align="left"><font size="3">There was nothing for it, therefore, but to
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162 | bring her to trial. A Special Commission was nominated under the provisions
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163 | of the Statute of 1585, consisting of forty-five persons--peers, privy
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164 | councillors, and judges--who proceeded to Fotheringay Castle, whither Mary
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165 | had been removed. She at first refused their jurisdiction; but on being
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166 | informed that they would proceed in her absence, she appeared before them
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167 | under protest (14 October 1586). After sitting at Fotheringay for two days,
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168 | the Court adjourned to Westminster, where it pronounced her guilty (25
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169 | October). A declaration was added that her disqualification for the
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170 | succession, which followed by the Statute, did not affect any rights that
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171 | her son might possess. The verdict was immediately known; but its
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172 | proclamation was deferred till Parliament could be consulted. </font></p>
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173 | <p align="left"><font size="3">A general election had been held while the
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174 | trial was going on, and Parliament met four days after its conclusion (29
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175 | October). The whole evidence was gone into afresh. Not a word seems to have
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176 | been said in Mary's favour; and an address was presented to the Queen
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177 | praying for execution. If precedents were wanted for the capital punishment
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178 | of an anointed sovereign, there were the cases of Agag, Jezebel, Athaliah,
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179 | Deiotarus, king of Galatia, put to death by Julius CÊsar, Rhescuporis, king
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180 | of Thrace, by Tiberius, and Conradin by Charles of Anjou. In vain did
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181 | Elizabeth request them to reconsider their vote, and devise some other
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182 | expedient. Usually so deferential to her suggestions, they reiterated their
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183 | declaration that &quot;the Queen's safety could no way be secured as long as the
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184 | Queen of Scots lived.&quot; </font></p>
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185 | <p align="left"><font size="3">Elizabeth's hesitation has been generally set
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186 | down to hypocrisy. It has been taken for granted that she desired Mary's
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187 | death, and was glad to have it pressed upon her by her subjects. I believe
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188 | that her reluctance was most genuine. If not of generous disposition,
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189 | neither was she revengeful or cruel. She had no animosity against her
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190 | enemies. She lacked gall. She was never in any hurry to punish the
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191 | disaffected, or even to weed them out of her service. She rather prided
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192 | herself on employing them even about her person. Since her accession only
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193 | two English peers had been put to death, though several had richly deserved
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194 | it. She could affirm with perfect truth that, for the last fifteen years,
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195 | she, and she alone, had stood between Mary and the scaffold, and this at
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196 | great and increasing risk to her own life. </font></p>
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197 | <p align="left"><font size="3">There had, perhaps, been a time when to
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198 | destroy the prospect of a Catholic succession would have driven the
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199 | Catholics into rebellion. But that time had long gone by, as every one knew.
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200 | Elizabeth had only two dangers now to fear, invasion and assassination, the
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201 | latter being the most threatening. There would be little inducement to
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202 | attempt it if Mary were not alive to profit by it. Yet Elizabeth hesitated.
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203 | The explanation of her reluctance is very simple. She flinched from the
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204 | obloquy, the undeserved obloquy, which she saw was in store for her.
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205 | Careless to an extraordinary degree about her personal danger, she would
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206 | have preferred, as far as she was herself concerned, to let Mary live. It
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207 | was her ministers and the Protestant party who, for their own interest, were
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208 | forcing her to shed her cousin's blood; and it seemed to her unfair that the
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209 | undivided odium should fall, as she foresaw it would fall, on her alone.
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210 | </font></p>
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211 | <p align="left"><font size="3">The suspense continued through December and
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212 | January. In the meantime it became abundantly clear that no foreign court
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213 | would interfere actively to save Mary's life. While she had been growing old
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214 | in captivity, new interests had sprung up, fresh schemes had been formed in
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215 | which she had no place. She stood in the way of half-a-dozen ambitions.
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216 | Everybody was weary of her and her wrongs and her pretensions. The Pope had
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217 | felt less interest of late in a princess whose rights, if established, would
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218 | pass to a Protestant heir. Philip could not intercede for her even if he had
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219 | desired to save her life. He was already at war with England, and, if she
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220 | had known it, not with any intention of supporting her claims. James by his
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221 | recent treaty with England had tacitly treated his mother as an enemy. Her
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222 | scheme for kidnapping and disinheriting him, found among her papers at
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223 | Chartley, had been promptly communicated to him. Decency required that he
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224 | should make a show of remonstrance and menace. But he had every reason to
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225 | desire her death, and his only thought was to use the opportunity for
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226 | extorting from Elizabeth a recognition of his title to the English crown and
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227 | an increase of his pension. He sent the Master of Gray to drive this
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228 | bargain. The very choice of his envoy, the man who had persuaded him to
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229 | break with his mother, showed Elizabeth how the land lay, and she did not
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230 | think it worth her while to bribe him in either way. The Marian nobles
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231 | blustered and called for war. Not one of them wanted to see Mary back in
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232 | Scotland or cared what became of her; but they had got an idea that Philip
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233 | would pay them for a plundering raid into England, and the doubly lucrative
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234 | prospect was irresistible. James, however, though pretending resentment and
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235 | really sulky at his rebuff, knew his own interests too well to quarrel with
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236 | England. What the action of the French King was is less certain. Openly he
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237 | remonstrated with considerable vigour and persistence; not entering into the
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238 | question of Mary's guilt, but protesting against the punishment of a Queen
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239 | and a member of his family. Probably his efforts, so far as they went, were
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240 | sincere, for he instructed his ambassador to bribe the English ministers if
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241 | possible to save her life. But it was evident that, however offended Henry
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242 | III might be by the execution of his sister-in-law, he would not be provoked
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243 | into playing the game of Spain. </font></p>
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244 | <p align="left"><font size="3">A warrant for the execution had been drawn
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245 | soon after the adjournment of Parliament, and all through December and
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246 | January Elizabeth's ministers kept urging her to sign it. At length, when
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247 | the Scotch and French ambassadors were gone, and with them the last excuse
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248 | for delay, she signed it in the presence of Davison (who had lately been
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249 | made co-secretary with Walsingham), and directed him to have it sealed (1
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250 | February). What else passed between them on that occasion must always remain
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251 | uncertain, because Davison's four written statements, and his answers at his
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252 | trial, differ in important particulars not only from the Queen's account but
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253 | from one another. So much, however, will to most persons who examine the
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254 | evidence be very clear. Elizabeth meant the execution to take place. There
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255 | is no reason to doubt Davison's statement that she &quot;forbade him to trouble
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256 | her any further, or let her hear any more thereof till it was done, seeing
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257 | that for her part she had now performed all that either in law or reason
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258 | could be required of her.&quot; But signing the warrant, as both of them knew,
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259 | was not enough. The formal delivery of it to some person, with direction to
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260 | carry it out, was the final step necessary. This, by Davison's own
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261 | admission, the Queen managed to evade. He saw that she wished to thrust the
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262 | responsibility upon him and Walsingham, and he suspected that she meant to
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263 | disavow them. Although, therefore, she had enjoined strict secrecy, he laid
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264 | the matter before Hatton and Burghley. </font></p>
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265 | <p align="left"><font size="3">Burghley assembled in his own room the Earls
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266 | of Derby and Leicester, Lords Howard of Effingham, Hunsdon, and Cobham,
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267 | Knollys, Hatton, Walsingham, and Davison (3 February). (1) These ten were
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268 | probably the only privy councillors then at Greenwich. He laid before them
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269 | Davison's statement of what had passed between the Queen and himself at both
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270 | interviews. He said that she had done as much as could be expected of her;
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271 | that she evidently wished her ministers to take whatever responsibility
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272 | remained upon themselves without informing her; and that they ought to do
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273 | so. His proposal was agreed to. A letter was written to the Earls of Kent
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274 | and Shrewsbury instructing them to carry out the execution. This letter all
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275 | the ten signed, and it was at once despatched along with the warrant. They
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276 | quite understood that Elizabeth would disavow them. They saw that she wished
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277 | to have a pretext for saying that Mary had been put to death without her
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278 | knowledge, and before she had finally made up her mind. They were willing to
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279 | furnish her with this pretext. Of course there would be more or less of a
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280 | storm to keep up the make-believe. But ten privy councillors acting together
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281 | could not well be punished. </font></p>
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282 | <p align="left"><font size="3">On Thursday (9 February) the news of the
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283 | execution arrived. Elizabeth now learnt for the first time that the
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284 | responsibility which she had intended to fix on the two secretaries, one a
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285 | nobody and the other no favourite, had been shared by eight others of the
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286 | Council, including all its most important members. Storm at them the might
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287 | and did, and all the more furiously because they had combined for
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288 | self-protection. But to punish she whole ten was out of the question. Yet if
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289 | no one were punished, with what face could she tender her improbable
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290 | explanation to foreign courts? The unlucky Davison was singled out. He could
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291 | be charged with divulging what he had been ordered to keep secret and
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292 | misleading the others. He was tried before a Special Commission, fined
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293 | 10,000 marks, and imprisoned for some time in the Tower. The fine was
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294 | rigidly exacted, and it reduced him to poverty. Burghley, whose tool he had
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295 | been almost as much as Elizabeth's, took pains to make his disgrace
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296 | permanent, because he wanted the secretaryship for his son, Robert Cecil.
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297 | </font></p>
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298 | <p align="left"><font size="3">The strange thing is, that Elizabeth not only
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299 | expected her transparent falsehoods to be formally accepted as satisfactory,
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300 | but hoped that they would be really believed. Her letter to James was an
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301 | insult to his understanding. &quot;I would you knew (though not felt) the extreme
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302 | dolour that overwhelms my mind, for that miserable accident which (far
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303 | contrary to my meaning) hath befallen. . . . I beseech you that as God and
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304 | many more know how innocent I am in this case, so you will believe me that
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305 | if I had bid [bidden] ought I would have bid [abided] by it. . . . Thus
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306 | assuring yourself of me that as I know this [the execution] was deserved,
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307 | yet if I had meant it I would never lay it on others' shoulders, no more
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308 | will I not damnify myself that thought it not.&quot; </font></p>
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309 | <p align="left"><font size="3">Little as James cared what became of his
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310 | mother, it was impossible that he should not feel humiliated when he was
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311 | expected to swallow such a pill as this --and ungilded too. He had no
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312 | intention of going to war with the country of which he might now at any
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313 | moment become the legitimate King. But to let Elizabeth see that unless he
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314 | was paid he could be disagreeable, he winked at raids across the border and
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315 | coquetted with the faction who were inviting Philip to send a Spanish army
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316 | to Scotland. It was but a passing display of temper. The end of the year
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317 | (1587) saw him again drawing close to Elizabeth, and she was able to give
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318 | her undivided attention to the coming Armada. </font></p>
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319 | <p align="left"><font size="3">It cannot be seriously maintained that
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320 | because Mary was not an English subject she could not be lawfully tried and
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321 | punished for crimes committed in England. Those, if any there now be, who
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322 | adopt her own contention that, being an anointed Queen, she was not amenable
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323 | to any earthly tribunal, but to God alone, are beyond the reach of earthly
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324 | argument. The English government had a right to detain her as a dangerous
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325 | public enemy. She, on the other hand, had a right to resist such restraint
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326 | if she could, and she might have carried conspiracy very far without
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327 | incurring our blame. But for good reasons we draw a line at conspiracy to
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328 | murder. No government ever did or will let it pass unpunished. If Napoleon
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329 | at St. Helena had engaged in conspiracies for seizing the island, no one
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330 | could have blamed him, even though they might have involved bloodshed. But
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331 | if he had been convicted of plotting the assassination of Sir Hudson Lowe,
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332 | he would assuredly have been hanged. </font></p>
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333 | <p align="left"><font size="3">That the execution was a wise and opportune
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334 | stroke of policy can hardly be disputed. It broke up the Catholic party in
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335 | England at the moment when their disaffection was about to be tempted by the
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336 | appearance of the Armada. There had been a time when they had hopes of
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337 | James. But he was now known to be a stiff Protestant. Only the small
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338 | Jesuitical faction was prepared to accept Philip either as an heir of John
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339 | of Gaunt or as Mary's legatee. There was no other Catholic with a shadow of
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340 | a claim. The bulk of the party therefore ceased to look forward to a
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341 | restoration of the old religion, and rallied to the cause of national
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342 | independence. </font></p>
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343 | <div align="center">
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344 | <u><b>NOTE ON PAULET'S ALLEGED REFUSAL TO MURDER MARY</b></u></div>
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345 | <p align="left"><font size="3">I have not alluded in the text to the story,
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346 | generally repeated by historians, that Elizabeth urged Paulet and Drury to
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347 | murder Mary privately. There is no doubt that, after the signature of the
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348 | warrant, Walsingham and Davison, by Elizabeth's direction, urged Paulet and
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349 | Drury to put Mary to death, and that they refused. But was it a private
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350 | murder that was meant or a public execution without delivery of the warrant?
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351 | There is nothing in any of Davison's statements inconsistent with the latter
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352 | and far more probable explanation. The blacker charge is founded solely on
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353 | the two letters which are generally accepted as being those which passed
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354 | between the secretaries and Paulet, but which may be confidently set down as
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355 | impudent forgeries. They were first given to the world in 1722 by Dr. George
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356 | Mackenzie, a violent Marian, who says that <i>a copy</i> of them was sent
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357 | him by Mr. Urry of Christ Church, Oxford, and that they had been found among
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358 | Paulet's papers. Two years later they were printed by Hearne, an Oxford
|
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359 | Jacobite and Nonjuror, who says he got them from <i>a ropy</i> furnished him
|
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360 | by a friend unnamed (Urry?), who told him he had <i>copied</i> them in 1717
|
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361 | from a MS. letter-book of Paulet's. There is also a MS. <i>copy</i> in the
|
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362 | Harleian collection, which contains erasures and emendations--an
|
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363 | extraordinary thing in a copy. It is said to be in the handwriting of the
|
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364 | Earl of Oxford himself. There is nothing to show whence he copied it. </font>
|
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365 | </p>
|
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366 | <p align="left"><font size="3">No one has ever seen the originals of these
|
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367 | letters. Neither has any one, except Hearne's unnamed friend, seen the &quot;letterbook&quot;
|
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368 | into which Paulet it; supposed to have copied them. Where had this
|
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369 | &quot;letter-book&quot; been before 1717? Where was it in 1717? What became of it
|
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370 | after 1717? To none of these questions is there any answer. The most
|
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371 | rational conclusion is that the &quot;letter-book&quot; never existed, and that the
|
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372 | letters were fabricated in the reign of George I. by some Oxford Jacobite,
|
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373 | who thought it easier and more prudent to circulate <i>copies</i> than to
|
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374 | attempt an imitation of Paulet's well-known handwriting, with all the other
|
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375 | difficulties involved in forging a manuscript. </font></p>
|
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376 | <p align="left"><font size="3">But it may be said, Do not the letters fit in
|
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377 | with Davison's narrative? Of course they do. It was for the very purpose of
|
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378 | putting an odious meaning on that narrative that they were fabricated. It
|
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379 | was known that letters about putting Mary to death had passed. The real
|
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380 | letters had never been seen, and had doubtless been destroyed. Here
|
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381 | therefore was a fine opportunity for manufacturing spurious ones.</font></p>
|
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382 | </font>
|
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383 | <hr>
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384 | <p align="left"><font style="font-family: Times New Roman"><b>Notes:</b> 1.
|
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385 | The remaining Privy Councillors were Archbishop Whitgift, Lord Chancellor
|
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386 | Bromley, the Earls of Shrewsbury and Warwick, Lord Buckburst, Sir James
|
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387 | Crofts, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Amyas Pualet, and the
|
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388 | Latin Secretary, Wolley.</font></p>
|
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389 | <p align="left"><font style="font-family: Times New Roman" size="2">From <i>
|
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390 | Queen Elizabeth</i> by Edward Spencer Beesly.&nbsp; Published in London by
|
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391 | Macmillan and Co., 1892.</font></p>
|
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392 | </font>
|
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393 | <font face="Times New Roman" size="2">
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394 | </blockquote>
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395 | </blockquote>
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396 |
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397 | <p align="center">
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398 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fbeeslychapterten.html">to Chapter
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399 | X: War with Spain: 1587-1603</a></p>
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400 | <p align="center">
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401 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fmonarchs%2feliz1.html">to the Queen
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402 | Elizabeth I website</a>&nbsp; /&nbsp;
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403 | <a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2frelative%2fmaryqos.html">to the Mary,
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404 | queen of Scots website</a></p>
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405 | <p align="center"><a href="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=1&amp;href=http:%2f%2fenglishhistory.net%2ftudor%2fsecondary.html">
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406 | to Secondary Sources</a></p>
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407 | </font>
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408 |
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409 |
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410 |
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411 | <!-- text below generated by server. PLEASE REMOVE --><!-- Counter/Statistics data collection code --><script language="JavaScript" src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;href=http:%2f%2fhostingprod.com%2fjs%5fsource%2fgeov2.js"></script><script language="javascript">geovisit();</script><noscript><img src="_httpextlink_&amp;rl=0&amp;el=direct&amp;href=http://visit.webhosting.yahoo.com/visit.gif?us1108082627" alt="setstats" border="0" width="1" height="1"></noscript>
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413 | </Content>
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414 | </Section>
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415 | </Archive>
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